THE JESUITS PRIVY TO THE PLOT. THE NARRATIVE CONTINUED DOWN TO THE
PERIOD OF THE DISCOVERY OF THE TREASON.
Before the narrative is carried further, it will be desirable to allude
to those clerical individuals who were privy to this conspiracy. The
actors were, as has been seen, laymen; but there were some priests of
the church of Rome, and members of the order of Jesuits, who were no
less implicated in the design than those who actually worked in the
mine. Garnet, Gerard, and Tesmond, were Englishmen by birth; and yet,
for the sake of advancing the interests of the church of Rome, they
hesitated not to enter into the plot. Garnet was evidently a man of
considerable attainments; nor is there any reason to believe that he was
not, in many respects, an amiable man. His principles however, were
such, that he could without scruple enter into a conspiracy against his
sovereign and his country. There is reason to believe that he was privy
to the design from the commencement, if he did not even suggest it to
Catesby. At all events these Jesuits were made acquainted with all the
proceedings of the conspirators, whom they aided and encouraged in their
work, by such counsel as the church of Rome is accustomed to impart to
her deluded votaries.
Even Catesby at one time had his scruples. He was not satisfied that it
was right to sacrifice several Roman Catholic peers, who would be
present at the opening of the session. His scruples were submitted to
Garnet. It is, however, more than probable, that Catesby applied to
Garnet, in order that he might be able to remove the scruples of others,
should any arise. A case, therefore, was proposed, and to the following
effect: “Whether, for the good of the church against heretics, it would
be lawful, amongst many innocents, to destroy some innocents?” Garnet
replied, that, if the advantage to the church would be greater, by
taking away some of the Roman Catholic lords, together with many of
their enemies, it would be lawful to destroy them all. “Indeed,” says
Fuller, “the good husbandman in the Gospel, permitted the _tares_ to
grow for the corne’s sake; whereas here, by the contrary counsel of the
_Jesuit_, the corn (so they reputed it,) was to be rooted up for the
tares’ sake[11].” He gave also an illustration from the case of a
besieged town, which must be subjected to the horrors of war, even
though some friends of the besiegers are dwelling within its walls. It
was this determination of Garnet’s, that quieted the doubts of the whole
party throughout the proceedings. Rookwood was staggered, when the
matter was first proposed to him; but he was satisfied when Catesby
mentioned Garnet’s decision.
[Footnote 11: Book x. 36.]
The Jesuit wished to obtain the formal consent of the pope; but Catesby
argued that it had been already granted, in the two bulls, the object of
which was to prevent James from succeeding to the throne. Keys was
induced to enter into the plot by these arguments; while Bates,
Catesby’s servant, was assured by another Jesuit, not only that he might
lawfully conceal, but actually participate in the treason.
It has been already stated, that Bates confessed to Tesmond. In the
church of Rome, confession precedes the sacrament; and in confession,
Bates revealed all the particulars of the plot; still he was encouraged
in the treason by his ghostly counsellor. In short, the evidence of the
participation of the Jesuits in the plot is of such a description, that
it cannot be disputed by any one who examines it.
The narrative has already been brought down to the autumn of 1605, when
the parliament was prorogued from October to November the 5th. On
Saturday evening, October 26, ten days previous to the day fixed for the
opening of parliament, a letter, addressed to Lord Monteagle, was
delivered, by a person unknown, to his lordship’s footman, in the
street, with a strict injunction to deliver it into his master’s own
hands. This circumstance took place at seven o’clock, just as the
nobleman was about to sit down to supper. The letter was put into his
lordship’s hand by the servant. On opening it, he found it written in a
very illegible hand, and without date or subscription. Monteagle
summoned one of his attendants, to assist him in deciphering the
epistle, which was couched in the following terms:—
“My lord,
“Out of the love I bear to some of your friends, I have a care
of your preservation; therefore, I would advise you, as you
tender your life, to devise some excuse to shift off your
attendance at this parliament; for God and man have concurred to
punish the wickedness of this time. And think not slightly of
this advertisement, but retire yourself into your country, where
you may expect the event in safety. For though there be no
appearance of any stir, _yet I say they shall receive a terrible
blow this parliament, and yet they shall not see who hurts
them_. This council is not to be contemned, because it may do
you good, and can do you no harm; _for the danger is past, as
soon as you have burnt the letter_: and I hope God will give you
the grace to make a good use of it, to whose holy protection I
commend you[12].”
[Footnote 12: “A strange letter, from a strange hand, by a
strange messenger: without date to it, name at it, and (I had
almost said) sense in it. A letter which, even when it was
opened, was still sealed, such the affected obscurity
therein.”—FULLER. Book x. 26.]
Dark, indeed, were the words. In the first instance, Monteagle viewed
the matter as a _hoax_, intended to prevent him from attending the
opening of the session. Still he deemed it the safest course not to
conceal its contents. Accordingly he hastened off to Whitehall at that
late hour, when, too, the streets of London were not lighted as they are
in our day, and submitted the letter to the earl of Salisbury, Cecil,
one of the secretaries of state. It does not appear that Cecil laid much
stress upon the letter; at the same time he expressed an opinion, that
it might refer to some design of the papists, respecting which he had
received some information from various quarters. His information,
however, did not relate to any plot; but merely to an attempt, on the
part of the Romanists, at the commencement of the session, to obtain a
toleration for their worship, and the relaxation of some of the penal
laws.
Various attempts have been made to shift the odium of the conspiracy
from the church of Rome, and also from any members of that church. Some
Roman Catholic writers have not scrupled to say, that the whole was a
trick of Cecil’s, and that King James was privy to the design, which was
entered upon by the court, for the purpose of rendering the Romanists
odious, and to pave the way for more stringent laws against recusants.
The assertion that the whole plot was a trick of Cecil’s, intended to
render the Romanists odious to their countrymen, was not advanced till
sixty years after the event. No one at the time questioned the reality
of the conspiracy. The confessions of the parties, and the secret
letters of Sir Everard Digby, preclude the possibility of even
entertaining such an absurd notion. Not one of the conspirators
complained of being deceived into the plot, either at his trial or
execution; nor did any of their apologists deny the fact of the treason.
The assertion was worthy of that church from whom it proceeded. Mr.
Hallam, a most unexceptionable witness, thus argues on this point: “But
to deny that there was such a plot, or, which is the same thing, to
throw the whole on the contrivance and management of Cecil, as has
sometimes been done, argues great effrontery in those who lead, and
great stupidity in those who follow. The letter to Monteagle, the
discovery of the powder, the simultaneous rising in arms in
Warwickshire,—are as indisputable as any facts in history. What, then,
had Cecil to do with the plot, except that he hit upon the clue to the
dark allusions in the letter to Monteagle, of which he was courtier
enough to let the king take the credit? James’s admirers have always
reckoned this, as he did himself, a vast proof of sagacity: yet there
seems no great acuteness in the discovery, even if it had been his own.
He might have recollected the circumstances of his father’s catastrophe,
which would naturally put him on the scent of gunpowder[13].”
[Footnote 13: HALLAM’S _Const. Hist._, i. 555.]
In recent times, however, it has been the policy of Roman Catholic
writers to represent the conspiracy as the act of a few desperate
characters. Desperate, indeed, they were; yet they were not men of
desperate fortunes; nor had they suffered under the execution of the
laws; but the sole principle that influenced them was one of religion.
They were willing to risk all for the sake of promoting the interests of
the church of Rome. It will also be seen hereafter that the pope, and
some papal sovereigns, approved of the deed.
As to the report that the court were aware of the design long before the
search, which was made in consequence of the letter, it is as destitute
of foundation as the other. The court knew that some design was on
foot: nor were they surprised, since such had been the case throughout
the reign of Elizabeth; and the court was still composed of the same
great statesmen. As to any knowledge of this particular plot, the court
were not in possession of it. The king of France had informed the
ministers that some secret plot was going on; but beyond this
information the court had no knowledge on the subject. The secular
priests, also, who were protected by Bancroft, intimated that some dark
plot was concocting; but they were as ignorant of the particulars as the
ministers. All the information, which James and his ministers received
from the Continent, amounted merely to an assurance that a treason was
hatching; but respecting the traitors and their proceedings they could
learn nothing. These intimations undoubtedly rendered Cecil and James
suspicious of the letter to Monteagle; but the letter conveyed the first
certain intelligence that the danger was so near and so imminent.
When Cecil had read the letter, he laid it before the lord chamberlain
and the earls of Worcester and Northampton. Monteagle was anxious that
it should receive every consideration. They immediately connected the
letter with the intelligence respecting the designs of the papists, of
which they had been previously warned. It was determined, therefore, to
submit the letter to the king, and not to take any steps in the business
until they had obtained his majesty’s orders.
On Thursday, October 31st, the king returned from Royston; and the next
day Cecil submitted the letter to his inspection. It appears that Cecil
offered no opinion concerning the letter; he merely placed it in his
majesty’s hands. After a little pause, the king expressed an opinion
that it ought not to be despised. Cecil, perceiving that the king viewed
the matter more seriously than he had anticipated, referred him to one
sentence, _“for the danger is past as soon as you have burnt the
letter,”_ which he conceived must have been written by a fool or a
madman, since if the danger was past as soon as the letter was
destroyed, as if burning the letter could ward off the danger, the
warning was of small consequence. The king connected the expression with
the former sentence, _“That they should receive a terrible blow at this
parliament, and yet should not see who hurt them.”_ Taking the two
sentences together, the king immediately fancied that there was an
allusion to some attempt by gunpowder. An insurrection, or any other
attempt, during the sitting of parliament, could not be unseen; could
not be momentarily executed. The king interpreted the clause thus, that
the danger would be sudden and as quickly over as the burning of the
paper in the fire, taking the words _as soon_ in the sense of _as
quickly_. He suggested, therefore, that the letter must refer to an
explosion of gunpowder, and that the spot chosen for it must be under or
near the House of Lords.
It is remarkable that Cecil himself had intimated to some of his
colleagues, before the king’s return from Royston, that the letter must
refer to an explosion of gunpowder: the very same suspicion also crossed
the mind of the earl of Suffolk, the lord chamberlain. This suspicion,
however, was concealed from the king by the two statesmen. His majesty
instantly took the same view of the letter, though he was totally
unacquainted with the opinions of his two councillors. Popish authors
have laboured to prove, that the treason was either planned by, or at
least known to, the court, because the king so readily referred the
letter to an explosion by gunpowder. Cecil and Suffolk had conceived the
same opinion, though it does not appear that they thought of gunpowder
secreted under the House of Lords. But what proof does this circumstance
furnish of any previous knowledge even, on the part of the court, much
less of contrivance? Was it strange that they should thus interpret such
a mysterious letter? Cecil and Suffolk were fully aware of the plots
which had been devised against Elizabeth; they knew that on more than
one occasion, the traitors had contemplated the death of the queen by
means of gunpowder. With these facts fresh in their recollection, it was
perfectly natural to interpret the letter to signify some attempt of the
same kind. In short, no other interpretation could have reasonably been
put upon it. That the king himself should have suspected some attempt by
means of gunpowder was also to be expected. He was well aware of the
practices of the church of Rome; and it is probable that, on this
occasion, he recollected the fate of his father, King Henry, whose death
was accomplished by an explosion of gunpowder. To King James, therefore,
really belongs the honour of discovering the gunpowder treason; for,
though Cecil and Suffolk had conceived the same idea, yet they do not
appear to have entertained the notion of a mine under the House of
Lords. Besides, the two lords did not communicate their suspicions to
the king. The remarkable part of the business, therefore, is the fact,
that the three individuals should have so readily struck upon the same
idea. It must, however, be stated that the interpretation put by the
king upon the clause relative to the burning of the letter was not the
true one: for it is pretty clear, that the writer wished Monteagle to
absent himself from the parliament, and to burn the letter to avoid
suspicion of being privy to the plot. But, though we may admit, that the
king’s interpretation of the clause was not that, which the writer
intended, yet we must acknowledge, that his majesty’s suggestion was
most providential, and sufficient to justify the strong language used in
the Act of Parliament for the observance of the Fifth of November. Let
it be remembered that timidity was one of James’s infirmities; and fear
is usually very quick-sighted.
At this first interview with the king, no plan was adopted for their
further course. The king suggested a search; but Cecil did not give his
sanction. It appears to have been his aim to delay the search a little
longer; and, therefore, he quitted the royal presence with a jest. What
his motives were for not complying with the king’s suggestion, cannot be
ascertained. In all probability he was anxious to consult his
colleagues, or he may have thought that the king’s apprehensions
relative to the concealment of gunpowder under the House of Lords were
groundless. He did not, however, think lightly of the matter, though he
jested with his majesty; for he immediately laid the whole case before
the lords, with whom he had previously consulted, telling them what the
king had said and suggested. It was agreed that Cecil should wait on the
king the next day. The next day, accordingly, being Saturday, he
introduced the subject again to the notice of his majesty. At this
interview the lord chancellor was also present. It was now determined,
that the lord chamberlain, by virtue of his office, should examine all
the parts contiguous to the House of Lords, and especially the lower
offices, in order that he might judge, from the appearances, which might
present themselves, whether there was a probability of any such danger.
To prevent the circulation of idle rumours, as well as to allow the
conspirators to carry their plans as near to completion as possible, the
examination was deferred until the following Monday, November 4th, being
the day preceding that fixed for the opening of the session.
It has never been satisfactorily ascertained who was the writer of the
letter; but it is remarkable that the circumstance was made known to the
conspirators within a very brief space after its delivery to Lord
Monteagle. That one of the party penned it there can be no doubt; for
they had proceeded with so much secresy, that no other person had any
idea of such a design. By the interposition of Providence one, who was
anxious to save an individual nobleman from death, brought destruction
not only upon himself, but also upon all his associates. Neither the
writer nor the bearer of the letter was ever known. It is probable that
the writer himself was the bearer, as it is unlikely that the man who
could pen it, and who felt so much anxiety about the life of Lord
Monteagle, would commit it to the custody of another.
On Sunday evening, October 27th, the day after the delivery of the
letter, a person called on Thomas Winter, and related the circumstance.
This person was the servant of Monteagle, who had been called in to
assist in deciphering the letter. Winter communicated the intelligence
to Catesby, and recommended instant flight; but the latter was
determined to ascertain the exact amount of information which had been
communicated to Monteagle, which he hoped to discover by watching the
movements of the government agents near the Parliament House. Winter,
therefore, remained at White Webbs with Catesby, while Fawkes was sent
to London to watch the proceedings of the court. Fawkes left them on
Wednesday morning, October 30th, and returned in the evening, with the
gratifying intelligence, that he found every thing in the cellar just as
he had left it. They now hoped that the letter was disregarded, and that
the danger of discovery was over. On the Thursday, Winter returned to
London; and on Friday, he met Catesby and Tresham at Barnet. Tresham,
who was related to Monteagle’s wife, was suspected of being the writer
of the letter, and was questioned on the subject by Catesby. He denied,
however, that he had any knowledge of the matter; and it appears from
Winter’s confession that his denial was believed by the other
conspirators. On Saturday, November 2nd, in the evening, Tresham and
Winter met again in Lincoln’s Inn Fields. On this occasion, Tresham
related several particulars of the interviews between the king and
Cecil. How he became acquainted with these particulars does not appear.
Both Catesby and Winter deemed it necessary now to think of flight; but
the former would not take that step without seeing Percy, who was not
yet come up from the country. On Percy’s arrival on the Sunday, he
recommended that they should remain, and await the issue.
All the conspirators were now in great perplexity. On Monday, Nov. 4,
Catesby went into the country, and Percy to the seat of the earl of
Northumberland. Fawkes remained to fire the train, as had been
previously arranged. At this time, therefore, they were uncertain
whether they were discovered, or whether the treason was still unknown.
On Monday afternoon, agreeably to the previous arrangement, the lord
chamberlain, accompanied by Lord Monteagle, and Whinyard, keeper of the
wardrobe, proceeded to examine the rooms under the House of Lords. They
came at last, to the vault or cellar, which had been taken by Percy.
Here they saw the coals and wood which had been deposited there by the
conspirators, to conceal the barrels of gunpowder. The cellar was at the
disposal of Whinyard: and it appears to have been his privilege to let
it for his own profit. On being questioned by the lord chamberlain,
Whinyard replied, that he had let the cellar to Thomas Percy, with the
adjoining house, and that the wood and coals were the property of that
gentleman. At this stage of the examination, the lord chamberlain saw a
man standing in a corner of the cellar, who stated that he was Percy’s
servant, and that he was left by his master in charge of the house and
cellar. This individual was Guy Fawkes, who was appointed to fire the
train. The lord chamberlain carelessly remarked to Fawkes, that his
master was well provided, by his large stock of fuel, against the blasts
of winter. On leaving the cellar, Lord Monteagle intimated his suspicion
that Percy was the writer of the letter. This suspicion entered his mind
as soon as Percy’s name was mentioned, recollecting the friendship that
had subsisted between them[14].
[Footnote 14: I quote the following passage from _The
Continuation of the History of England from Sir James
Mackintosh_, in _Lardner’s Cabinet Cyclopædia_, for the purpose
of showing how unqualified the continuator is for the task which
he has undertaken: “Search was accordingly made, and the powder
was found concealed under billets of wood, and fagots: but all
was left in the same state as before, to lull the conspirators
into security.” Such is the way in which this gentleman writes
history. It will be seen from the narrative, that at the search
to which this writer refers, the gunpowder was not discovered.
The parties returned to the council, and having made their
report, it was debated whether the search should be carried
further. What dependance can be placed on the statements of a
writer who confounds two circumstances with each other, or
rather is not aware, of more than one search, or attempt at a
search having been made!]
The lord chamberlain returned immediately to the king, to whom, with the
council, he related all that he had seen, mentioning also the suspicion
of Lord Monteagle respecting Percy. He expressed his surprise that so
large a quantity of fuel should be deposited in the cellar, when it was
well known, that the house was seldom occupied by Percy. It appears,
too, that he did not consider that the appearance of Fawkes was much
like that of a servant.
The king still insisted, that it was necessary to make a rigid search,
and that the wood and coals must be removed. It occurred to him, that
they were placed there to conceal the gunpowder, for it was his
majesty’s firm conviction, that some such attempt was alluded to by the
writer of the letter. The members of the council who were then present,
concurred also in the same opinion. Still, they were in doubt as to the
mode in which the search should be conducted. They were, on the one
hand, anxious for the safety of the king’s person, and on the other,
fearful lest, if nothing of the kind should be discovered, they might be
exposed to ridicule for entertaining groundless fears, unbecoming in
statesmen and the ministers of the crown. It was suggested, also, that
if the search proved fruitless, the earl of Northumberland might feel
himself aggrieved, in consequence of his relationship to Percy, the
owner of the house. All the members of the council agreed in the
necessity of instituting a search: but their opinions respecting the
manner in which it should be effected, widely differed. James insisted,
that they must necessarily adopt one of two courses; either search the
cellar narrowly, or leave the matter altogether, and go to the House the
next day, just as if no suspicion had ever existed.
It was therefore determined at length, that a search should be made; but
to prevent any sinister report, supposing nothing was discovered, it was
ordered that Whinyard, the keeper of the wardrobe, should search the
cellar, under the pretence of having lost some of the hangings, which
had been placed in his custody. The king also suggested that the search
should be conducted under the direction of a magistrate. Accordingly,
Sir Thomas Knivett, a magistrate for Westminster, proceeded with a small
and chosen band, to the parliament house, at midnight; while the king
and his councillors remained at Whitehall. At the entrance to the
cellar, they discovered Fawkes standing with his cloak and boots on, as
if about to take a journey. He had just made all his arrangements
within, when the magistrate and his party approached. Knivett
apprehended him immediately, and then the party proceeded to remove some
of the wood and coals. They soon came to a barrel of gunpowder: and in
a short space, the whole number, amounting to thirty-six, were
discovered. The next step was to search the prisoner Fawkes. They found
on his person matches, and all other things necessary for his purpose. A
dark lanthorn was discovered in a corner of the cellar. Fawkes made
great resistance, when the party attempted to search his person; but as
soon as he was secured, he expressed his sorrow, that he had not been
able to fire the train, which he asserted he would have done, if he had
been within the cellar at the moment when he was taken, instead of being
at the door.
Besides the lanthorn and the matches, there was found on the person of
Fawkes, a _pocket watch_! At that time, such a thing was very uncommon.
He had procured this watch in order that he might ascertain the exact
hour for firing the train. Such little incidental notices serve to show
the state of the arts and sciences at particular periods, with their
subsequent progress, better than the most laboured treatises on the
subject. At this time, we learn, that small watches for the pocket were
very uncommon; for the fact, that such a watch was found on the person
of Fawkes, is mentioned as a rare circumstance. What a contrast between
that period and the present day! And yet, in many of the fine arts, the
age of James I. and Charles I. vastly excelled our own. In the
mechanical arts, however, it was greatly inferior.
Sir Thomas Knivett, having secured Fawkes, returned to Whitehall, about
four o’clock on the morning of Tuesday, the Fifth of November, so that
the discovery took place exactly twelve hours before the time, when the
train would have been fired, if the parliament had assembled. The
magistrate communicated everything to the lord chamberlain, who rushed
without ceremony, into the king’s chamber, exclaiming that all was
discovered, that all was safe, and that the traitor was secured. All
the members of the council, who were in London, were now summoned to
attend. Within a short space, Fawkes was placed before them, in order
that he might be examined respecting this unheard-of treason. The
prisoner appeared before them undaunted. Neither the awful situation in
which he stood, nor the numberless questions which were put to him by
those who stood by, moved him in the least. He not only avowed his
participation in the treason, but regretted that he had not been able to
execute it. Alluding to the discovery, he remarked, that the devil, not
God, was the author of that discovery. During the whole day, the council
could extract nothing from him by their examinations. He took all the
blame upon himself, refusing to name any of his accomplices, but
acknowledging that he was induced to enter upon the treason, from
religious motives alone. He denied that the king was his lawful
sovereign, inasmuch as he was a heretic. At this time, he refused to
disclose his true name, calling himself _John Johnson_, servant to
_Thomas Percy_. In a few days, however, being in a prison, he made a
full confession of his guilt. Thus was discovered, one of the darkest
treasons with which our annals are stained. Divine Providence
interposed, just at the moment when the conspirators believed that their
expectations were about to be realized. The merit of the discovery must
certainly be attributed to the king. For though it is clear that the
letter evidently pointed to something of the sort; yet before the
treason was discovered, most of those to whom it was submitted, were in
much doubt as to its meaning. The king alone suggested, that the vaults
under the House should be searched: and in such a case, who can deny,
that the thought in the king’s mind was suggested by a higher power?
“Let King James,” says Fuller, “by reading the letter, have the credit
of discovering this plot to the world, and God the glory, for
discovering it unto King James.” Wilson’s words are much to the same
effect; “being discovered by a light from heaven, and a letter from one
of the conspirators, when the fire was already in their hands, as well
as raged in their hearts, to put to the train.”
Half an hour before the time, when it was expected that the king would
enter the house, Fawkes was to place a match in such a position, that
after burning during that space, should fire the train. He was to set
sail for Flanders, for the purpose of obtaining succours from foreign
princes; and the rest of the conspirators were to manage matters at
home. It is said that those Jesuits who were privy to the design, but
who could not publicly appear, were appointed to meet on a certain spot,
on Hampstead Hill, that they might behold the conflagration caused by
the explosion. This spot is still designated _Traitors’ Hill_.
There is, indeed, a story, which would lead to the belief, that Fawkes
was to have been sacrificed by his brethren in crime. I give the story,
as it is recorded in the histories of the period, without pledging
myself to its truth. At Tickmarsh, in Northamptonshire, resided a Mr.
Pickering, who had a horse remarkable for its speed; Keys, one of the
conspirators, is said to have borrowed this horse, shortly before the
period fixed for the opening of the session. Fawkes, after having fired
the train, was to proceed to St. George’s Fields, where he would find
the horse in question, on which he was to make his escape. This was the
impression on Fawkes’s own mind. It was further arranged, that Mr.
Pickering, who was a well known puritan, should that morning be murdered
in his bed, and secretly conveyed away; and that Fawkes also should be
murdered in St. George’s Fields, and so mangled, as not to be recognized
by any one. A report was then to be circulated, that the puritans had
perpetrated the atrocious deed; and to give some colour to this report,
the conspirators were to appeal to the fact, that Mr. Pickering, with
his swift horse, was there ready to escape; but that some persons who
saw him, in detestation of so horrible a deed, had killed him on the
spot, and hewed his body to pieces. Thus the mangled body of Fawkes was
to be taken for that of Mr. Pickering, it being supposed that no one
would doubt the fact, from the circumstance of the horse being found
near the spot. It is added, that Fawkes, when he was convinced that it
was the intention of his companions to put him to death, confessed the
whole plot, which he would not have done, but for this treachery on the
part of his fellow-conspirators. Such is the story, but I cannot vouch
for its truth[15].
[Footnote 15: In a work published shortly after the discovery, I
find it positively stated, that Tresham was the writer of the
letter to Monteagle. This merely shows what was the general
belief at the time. See _The Picture of a Papist_. 4to. p. 124.
1606.]
The fact, that the vaults and cellars under the House of Lords were then
let out to hire for such purposes, furnishes a singular view of the
manners of the age when contrasted with those of our own times. It
appears that the inferior officers of the House made the most of their
privileges. At this stage of the discovery, the king and his ministers
were ignorant of the mine, which had been carried along from Percy’s
residence, under the walls of the House of Lords. This was not known
until some of the conspirators had made a discovery of all their
proceedings. Great was the joy of the nation when it became known that
such a treason had been brought to light, and great was their gratitude
to that omniscient Being, by whose gracious interposition, the dark
designs of the conspirators were frustrated.