Third; and the same political Motives induced him to order the Conquest
of _California_ to be undertaken with all possible Expedition; and
one Reason assigned is, 'His Majesty also found among other Papers a
Narrative delivered by some Foreigners to his Father, giving an Account
of many remarkable Particulars which they saw in that Country, when
driven thither by Stress of Weather from the Coast of _Newfoundland_;
adding, they had passed from the _North Sea_ to the _South_, by the
Streight of _Anian_, which lies beyond Cape _Mendocino_; and that they
had arrived at a populous and opulent City, walled and well fortified,
the Inhabitants living under a regular Policy, and were a sensible and
courteous People; with many other Particulars well worth a further
Enquiry.' It must be considered this is given us in the History of
_California_, V. ii. P. 239, from the _Monarchia Indiana_ of _Juan
Torquemada_, a learned _Franciscan_, published at _Madrid_ in 1613,
and republished in 1723, Vol. i. P. 629, That a Paper of this Sort was
found in the Cabinet of _Philip_ the Second, was thought deserving
the Attention of _Philip_ the Third. However the Matter of it is
represented here, for nothing could be published but what was first
perused and altered, so as to make it consistent with the Interest of
Holy Church, the State, or good Manners, before it was licensed, such
Paper must have contained some material Intelligence as to a Passage;
and if is said to have contained _some remarkable Particulars_. Neither
would the Work have been licensed, if what is related as to their
having been such a Paper, had not been true.
_Torquemada_, Vol. i. P. 20, quotes _Francisco Lopez de Gomara_, deemed
a careful Writer, and Author of the History of the _Indies_. Who says
the Snowy Mountains are in forty Degrees, and the furthermost Land that
is laid down in our Maps; but the Coast runs to the Northward until
it comes to form an Island by the _Labrador_, or as separated from
_Greenland_; and this Extremity of the Land is five Hundred and ten
Leagues in Length.
As to what is said as to the Latitude of forty Degrees in this
Quotation from _Gomara_, _Torquemada_ hath prefixed a Map to his Work,
_agreeable_ to that formed by the King's Cosmographers, in which he
hath made the most Western and Northern Part of the Land in almost
forty-seven Degrees, and then the Land trends to the Eastward, and
the _Serras Nevadas_ are represented to extend a great Length along
the Coast, and to Latitude 57 Degrees. Mentions, Vol. i. P. 16, the
Royal Cosmographers do not insert any Thing in their Charts of the
Sea Coasts but what they have upon Oath, or from creditable Persons;
and 'They make a Supputation in the Northern Parts of Islands, which
do not lie near or contiguous to the Lands of _Europe_; as to which
Islands, not long since discovered, the one is called _Iceland_,
the other _Greenland_, which are the Bounds, Limits, or Marks,
that divide the Land of the _Indies_ from any other Part howsoever
situated or disposed;' afterwards observes, which Islands are not
far from the _Labrador_; from which it is plain he calls _America_
an Island. And this is agreeable to what _Acosta_ says, in the
Sense which I understand him, that _Quivira_ and _Anian_ extend to
the Western Extremity of _America_; and that the Extremity of the
Kingdom of _Anian_ to the North extends under the _Polar_ or _Artick_
Circle, and, if the Sea did not prevent it, would be found to join
the Countries of _Tartary_ and _China_; and the Streight of _Anian_
takes its Course through the Northern Region, under the Polar Circle,
towards _Greenland_, _Iceland_, _England_, and to the Northern Parts
of _Spain_. By _Greenland_ I understand the Land to Northward, which
is the North Part of _Hudson_'s Streights, and _Cumberland_ Isles;
and that this Streight should determine here is agreeable to what
_Cortez_ says he would send to search as far as the _Baccallaos_,
(which was a Name given by _Cabot_ in 1496) for the Streight by which
he expected a Passage from the _North_ to the _South Sea_. By _Iceland_
is meant, as is apparent from a View of such Map hereunto annexed,
the Land to Northward of Cape _Farewel_, or the _Proper Greenland_.
_Gomara_ mentions these Islands had not been long discovered. It is
apparent from the Map, that they had a very imperfect Account of these
Discoveries, which were made by _Frobisher_ and _Davis_, who also were
far from being exact in their Computations of the Longitude.
In this Map prefixed to _Torquemada_'s Work, and here annexed, the
Southern Part of _Newfoundland_ is laid down in Lat. 55, nine Degrees
more to the Northward than it ought to be, for which Reason the
_Labrador_, _Greenland_, and _Iceland_, are placed much further to
Northward than they ought to be placed, and are made to extend beyond
the Polar Circle. It is from this Supposition of _Newfoundland_ being
in so high a Latitude that _Acosta_ says, _the Streight of Anian_ takes
its Course through the Northern Region under the Polar Circle towards
_Greenland_ and _Iceland_. In the same Map the extremest Point of
_California_, answerable to Cape _St. Lucas_, is laid down in Longitude
105 Degrees from the Meridian of _Ferro_, and the Extremity of the
Land to Westward a Cape to Northward of Cape _Fortunes_, but to which
no Name is given, and in Latitude 47, is placed in 135 Degrees from
the Meridian of _Ferro_; the Difference of Longitude is 30 Degrees.
This Map, published by _Torquemada_, was constructed before the Year
1612, therefore prior to a Map published in _Holland_ in 1619, under
the Title of _Nova Totius Orbis Descriptio_, prefixed to the Voyage
of _George Spilbergen_, in which the Errors of _Torquemada_'s Map, as
to the Situation of _Newfoundland_, and the Places to Northward are
corrected; yet great Errors are committed as to the Parts to Westward
of _America_, making eighty-five Degrees of Longitude between Cape
_St. Lucas_ and the Extremity of the Land to Westward and Northward
in Lat. 42; and ninety-five Degrees between Cape _St. Lucas_ and the
Extremity of the Land nearest to _Asia_. The Reason of this Difference
is plain, they both err with respect to those Parts, of which they had
not authenticated Accounts.
[Illustration: Map of the Americas.
_The_ Original _from which this_ Map _is copied was
published in 1608 by the authority of_ Philip IV. King of Spain, _in
the 1^(st) Edition of_ Torquemadas MONARQUIA INDIANA _Vol. 1._]
_Cortez_ wrote to the Emperor that he had sent People on Discovery,
both by Land and Water, it was not designed that their Discoveries
should be communicated, as _Cortez_ intended to turn them to his own
private Advantage. But when _Mendoza_ fitted out two Armaments, one
by Land under the Command of _Coronado_, and the other by Sea under
_Alarcon_; _Alarcon_ was ordered to Latitude 53, to join the Land
Forces, and to make a Survey of the Coast, and see if there was
a Passage or a Communication by Water through those Countries which
_Coronado_ was to discover and subdue, with the _South Sea_. As to
_Coronado_, the _Franciscans_ had been before in those Parts, and
they gave Information and Direction as to his Part of the Expedition;
but as to the Part that _Alarcon_ had, on what Information he was
ordered to go to Latitude 53, and what Probability there was that it
was possible for him to find such Passage, and join the Land Forces,
does not appear. But from his not finding such Passage, not joining
the Land Forces, and proceeding no further than the Lat. 36, though
his Reason for not going further is, that the Land then trended to
the Northward, which he supposed would put him further off from the
Army, whom he knew were in ten Days March of him, and the Excuse of
Sickness and ill Condition of his Vessels, occasioned him to return
before his Time; yet his Conduct threw the whole Disgrace of the ill
Success of that Expedition on _Alarcon_, both with the Emperor and the
Viceroy: And what he wrote to the Emperor was not attended to. He wrote
to the Emperor, 'That it was for him only, and not in Subordination
to the Viceroy, that he had conquered, discovered, and entered on the
_Californias_, and all those Lands on the Coasts of the _South Sea_;
that he had learnt that some of those Lands were not far from the
Coasts of _Grand China_; that there was but a small Navigation to the
_Spice_ Islands, which he knew was wished for at that Time; that it
engaged all his Thoughts, and was his most ardent Desire to undertake
such Navigation.' _Torquem._ Vol. i. P. 609.
On _Alarcon_'s Return _Juan Rodrique de Cabrillo_ was fitted out, who
went as far as Lat. 44. Sickness, Want of Provisions, and his Ships not
being of sufficient Strength for those Northern Seas, obliged him to
return, though he was designed to go further to Northward. The Ships
returning from the _Philippines_, which was also an Expedition in the
Time of Viceroyship of _Mendoza_, fell in with the Land in Lat. 42, and
found it all to be _Terra Firma_, from a Cape there, which they named
_Mendocino_ to the Port of _La Navidad_. In 1602 _Vizcaino_ went, and
then the Discovery was made by _Martin de Aguilar_; and _Torquemada_
tells us, Vol. i. Lib. 5. P. 725. That if there had not been, only
fourteen healthy Persons when they were at Cape _Blanco_, they were
resolved to pass thro' the Streight, which they named _Anian_, and
which Streight is said to be there; and P. 719, speaking of the
Entrance of _Martin Aguilar_, it is understood to be a River, by which
you may pass to a great City, which the _Hollanders_ discovered coming
through the Streight, which is the Streight of _Anian_, and which City,
he says, was named _Quivira_.
These Voyages, and we have Accounts of no others, could not have
furnished the Cosmographers the principal Materials for composing
their Map, and it must have been agreeable to those Materials, besides
the Accounts of these Voyages sent to _Old Spain_, that they set down
the utmost Limits of the Western Coast to be in the Longitude of 135
Decrees from the Meridian of _Ferro_. Therefore it was their Opinion
at that Time that one Hundred and thirty-five Degrees was near the
Difference of Longitude of the Entrance of the Streight of _Anian_ in
the _South Sea_, accounting the Longitude from the Meridian of _Ferro_.
For which Reason the _Spaniards_ can never be understood to mean by the
Streight of _Anian_ the Streight which separates _Asia_ and _America_,
now named _Beering_'s _Streight_, and by which there is a Communication
between the Sea of _Tartary_, or the _Frozen Ocean_, and the _South
Sea_.
It is something remarkable, and supports what hath been before said
as to Deficiency of the _Spanish_ Records, what Jesuit _Venegas_,
the Author of the History of _California_, says, Vol. ii. P. 228,
'I was extremely desirous of finding Capt. _Sebastian Vizcaino_'s
Narrative, and the Representations of the Council to his Majesty
_Philip_ the Third, especially the Maps, Plans, Charts of his Voyage
and Discoveries, in order to communicate the Whole to the Publick.
Accordingly at my Request Search was made in the Secretary's Office of
the Council of the _Indies_: But in this Intention of being serviceable
to the Publick I have been disappointed.' And he again observes, on the
Governor of _Cinaloa_ being ordered to pass over and take a Survey of
the Coasts, Islands, Bays, Creeks, and the Disposition of the Ground
of _California_, in the Year 1642, Vol. i. P. 188, 'There would have
been little Occasion, says he, for this preparatory Survey, after so
many others which had been continually making for above a Century, had
the Reports, Narratives, Charts, Draughts and Maps, which were made, or
should have been made, by so many Discoveries still continued in being.
But these are the Effects of a Want of a proper Care in preserving
Papers, a Fault to be regretted by Persons in Power, to whom they would
be of Service in the Conduct of Affairs, and by private Persons, on
the Account of their Interest, or as Entertainments of a commendable
Curiosity.'--'But by the Loss of some Papers, either thro' a Change in
the Government, or Irregularity in the Records, the whole Advantage of
an Expedition is lost.'
From this Declaration by one who being a Jesuit, and of _Mexico_,
composing a Work entirely for the publick Service, under the Direction
of the Jesuits; by their Influence could attain the Sight of any Papers
which were thought interesting as to the Work he was composing; and his
last Reflection is not confined to the Records of _Old Spain_ only; it
is apparent what Uncertainty there is of attaining any Evidence from
such Records, as to the Discoveries made in the first Century after
the Conquest of _Mexico_, and for a long Time after. The Narrative
of _Vizcaino_'s Voyage, and every Thing thereto relating, as to any
remaining Records might have become disputable, had not _Torquemada_
collected it, and published it amongst other Accounts; yet what
_Torquemada_ hath preserved is but imperfect, as is apparent from a
Journal of that Voyage, preserved in a private Hand at _Manilla_, and a
Sight of large Extracts from which the Author hath been favoured by a
Gentleman in _London_. It is owing to what _Torquemada_ and some others
have collected of the Accounts which the Religious were the Authors of,
that the Publick have the Accounts of those Parts; but such Voyages
and Accounts as have not met with the same Means of being preserved,
the Publick, from such Neglect, know nothing of them. It is plain from
_Gomara_'s Account, also from _Acosta_'s, that great Discoveries had
been made in these Parts, but as to many of such Discoveries, by whom
is not known; and _Venegas_ says, Vol. i. P. 30, the River _Santo
Thome_ was discovered in the Year 1684; 'And tho' I do not find, says
he, in the Narratives of that Expedition (of Admiral _Otondo_) that
_Otondo_ ever went ashore only to visit the Harbours of the Eastern
Coast and the Gulph; yet from the ardent Curiosity of Father _Kino_,
and the great Concern he had in the Affairs of _California_, I cannot
think that he should be mistaken in any Particular relating to the
Discovery: That Father _Kino_, both in his large Manuscript Map, and
likewise in the lesser Impression, places the River of _Santo Thome_
as rising between the 26th and 27th Degrees of N. Latitude, and, after
crossing the whole Peninsula, discharging itself into the _South Sea_,
in the 26th Deg. and forming at its Mouth a large Harbour, which he
calls _Puerto de Anno Nuevo_, being discovered in the Year 1685. On
both Sides the River are Christian Villages, as is evident from their
Names; _Santiago_, _Santo Innocentes_, _&c._ yet, in the Accounts of
that Time, I do not meet with any Intelligence of this Discovery;
to which I must add, that in the subsequent Relations no mention is
made of any such River, Settlements or Harbours, though even little
Brooks, are taken Notice of.' And he observes many other Difficulties
occur about this Coast. This Harbour made by the River _Santo Thome_,
is evidently that which _de Fonte_ and others call _Christabel_.
Some Settlements had been made there, as these Names were given, but
either deserted from the Barrenness of the Country, or had been only
frequented by those who went out private Adventurers, in order to trade
with the Natives. But as to which River, Settlements and Harbour, were
not the Names preserved by Father _Kino_, it would not have been known
that any Persons had been in those interior Parts of _California_, or
that there were such River and Harbour. Father _Kino_ looked upon it
as a Thing so well known, as he had no Occasion to defend himself, by
giving the Reason of his inserting those Names to protect himself from
the Reproach of Posterity. And _Venegas_ before tells us, that as to
the Discoveries which had been made for a Century passed, the Papers
were lost.
Between the Year sixteen Hundred and eighty-five, and the Time of
_Venegas_'s Publication, though in the Year sixteen Hundred and
eighty-five, it was well known that there was such a River as _St.
Thome_, this River is exploded out of the Maps by the Geographers,
on Account of the Uncertainty; not duly considering that there was
as full a Proof as could be required with respect to so unfrequented
a Part. The Account being from a Person whose Business it was to
make Observations there, who had been so laborious and accurate as
to discover, what had been so long desired to be known, whether
_California_ was an Island or not, as to which he was believed; and
the Truth hath been confirmed by later Observations of what he had
reported, That it was not an Island. Therefore there was no Foundation
for any Uncertainty in this Case, the same as with respect to the
Letter of _de Fonte_, owing to the Neglect of a proper Enquiry into
the Circumstances relating to it, by such an Inquiry the Uncertainty
would have been removed.
What hath been said is to shew that the Argument on which so great a
Stress is laid, that there is no Account of this Voyage amongst the
_Spanish_ Records, is an Argument of no Weight against the Authenticity
of this Account; and that as a Publication of this Voyage was not
permitted, an Account of such Voyage could not be perpetuated by the
Religious, the only probable Means at that Time of preferring it from
Oblivion. As it was intended what was the Effect of this Expedition
should be kept a Secret, it is not consistent there should be many
written Accounts of it; the Officers concerned would be cautious
of letting Transcripts be made from their Journals; and it may be
attributed to an extraordinary Accident, rather than to what could be
expected, that a Copy of the Letter of _de Fonte_ should ever come into
the Possession of the _English_.
These Observations being previously made, we are better enabled to
consider, what we have before inserted, the Objection of _Venegas_ for
not inserting this Account of _de Fonte_, as being of little Credit;
but he seems rather to wish that we would be of his Opinion, than to
imagine that he could convince us by any Arguments; therefore excuses
himself as to the Length of the Dispute he might be engaged in. His
Manner of expressing himself with respect to this Disappointment in the
Secretary's Office, shews he hath a Manner of Address that his Words
will admit of a further constructive Meaning than what is set down. The
principal Object of his Writing is to incite the Court of _Spain_ to
prepare in Time against the ill Consequences of the _English_ making a
Discovery of a Passage; and he is to be understood, that it is not only
his Opinion that the finding of such a Passage is practicable, but he
apprehends it is of the Opinion of the Court also. Declares, that such
Opinion hath prevailed from the first settling of _Mexico_, and that
there really is a Passage in such a Manner as a Person who published an
Account of this Sort would be permitted to express himself, to have it
pass the Approbation of the Licenser; and does not desire to suppress
the Account of _de Fonte_, as it is an absolute Contradiction to what
he would infer, there being a Passage, and in such Letter it is
declared there is no North-west Passage. For he must have had further
and better Authorities for his Assertions of there being a Passage
than such, as that single Assertion would prevail against. But desired
to suppress this Account, as it was an Account which he knew it was
more consistent with the Designs of the Court, it should be continued
in Oblivion than revived. Mentions it therefore as the _Contents of
a_ Paper published in _London_, which contained a Narrative of little
Credit; and to give the better Authority to what he says, as he could
not trust to the Opinion that might be had of such Account on a fair
Representation of the Title; to support the Character he gave of it,
therefore uses Art, misrepresenting such Title; says it was _by Order
of the Viceroy of_ Peru, _in the Year_ 1640, and _giving an Account of
the most material Transactions and Adventures in this Voyage_. Was the
Letter so entituled, the _Transactions_ and _Adventures_ of a Commander
in Chief of the Navy, in _New Spain_, he would not be singular in his
Opinion, but it would be understood by every one as a Romance, and not
deserving of Credit.
This Misrepresentation is intentionally done; for if he never saw the
Letter, or had not a right Account of it, on what Authority could he
assert it was of little Credit; and that it would engage him in a long
Dispute, a Dispute which his Sagacity would point out to him how to
determine in a very few Lines, by proving that there was no such Person
as _de Fonte_, Admiral of _New Spain_; which it was in his Power to
do had it been the Case. But what he mentions is so far from a Denial
of there being such a Person Admiral of _New Spain_, that he gives us
the Name, and sets forth the Character _de Fonte_ was in, in a more
proper Manner than we have it expressed in the Title of the Letter.
_Bartholomew de Fuentes, Commander in Chief of the Navy in New Spain
and Peru, and President of Chili_; and he is to be understood not to
mean that there was no such Person, but that the Narrative is not
credible as to any such Voyage having been made by Admiral _de Fonte_.