the Ministry of the Duke of _Lerma_; but when an Expedition was set
out to recover _St. Salvador_ in the Year 1626, was much improved;
the _Portuguese_ had twenty-six Sail, but the _Spanish_ Fleet were
now numerous. It doth not appear that the Fleets from _Lisbon_, when
_Portugal_ was under the Crown of _Spain_, were sent otherwhere than
to the _East Indies_, _Brazil_, and the Perlieus; and those from _Old
Spain_, that sailed from _Cadiz_, went to _New Spain_, and the Islands
under that Dominion. In the Year 1596, when Sir _Francis Drake_ took
_Cadiz_, he burnt the Fleet that was lying there bound for _Mexico_;
and Mr. _Gage_, in the Year 1625, sailed with a Fleet of sixteen Sail,
all for _Mexico_, and to the _West Indies_ seventeen Sail, besides
eight Galleons for a Convoy, all under two _Spanish_ Admirals.
The Inconsistency that _de Fonte_, a _Portugueze_, should be in such a
Post as _Admiral of New Spain_, a great Objection to the Authenticity
of this Account, is removed by the Observations that have been made
as to the Name _de Fonte_, by which it appears that he was not a
_Portugueze_, and their having Sea Commanders, _Spaniards_ by Birth,
with whom they could supply the principal Posts in the Marine, without
being under the Necessity of applying to _Portugal_ for Persons
qualified to fill those Stations.
As to _de Fonte_ being afterwards President of _Chili_, it is meant of
the _Audience of Chili_, subordinate to the _Viceroy of Peru_.
REMARKS
ON
The LETTER of Admiral DE FONTE.
The Viceroys of _New Spain_ and _Peru_, having Advice from the Court
of _Spain_, and not from _the Court_ and the _Council of Spain_; which
latter is the common Form of Expression used in any Matter which had
been under the Consideration of the _Supreme Council of the Indies_,
implies that such Advice must have proceeded from the Secret Council,
or from the King through his Minister, that the Design of the Equipment
of the four Ships, and the Attempt of the Industrious Navigators from
_Boston_ might remain a Secret.
The Appellation of Industrious Navigators was conformable to the
Characters of _Gibbons_ and _Shapley_. Sir _Thomas Button_, in the
Extract which there is from his Journal, gives _Gibbons_ a great
Eulogium as to his being an able Navigator; and this was the Character
of _Shapley_ amongst his Cotemporaries.
The Court of _Spain_ knew that this Attempt to discover a Passage
between the _Atlantick_ and the _Western Ocean_, was intended by the
Northward and Westward; and though they allude to all the Attempts to
make such Discovery which had been at any Time made, by mentioning the
several Reigns in which any such Attempts were made, yet they hint more
particularly, that they expect this Attempt will be by _Hudson_'s Bay,
as they mention expresly in their Advice the two Voyages of _Hudson_
and _James_. For what is here said, _That the several Attempts_, &c. is
a Recital from the Advice sent by the Court to the Viceroys, or from
the Orders that _de Fonte_ received.
This Expedition from _Boston_ particularly commanded the Attention of
the Court of _Spain_, as Captain _James_ had not absolutely denied
there was a North-west Passage; and _Fox_, though not mentioned here,
had published an Account in 1635, by which he had positively declared
that there was a North-west Passage; and Sir _Thomas Button_, who kept
his Journal a Secret, was very confident of a Passage, and is said to
have satisfied King _James_ the First. The Death of his Patron _Prince
Henry_ prevented his being fitted out again. _Gibbons_, his Intimate,
had made the Voyage with him: Afterwards had made a second Attempt by
himself, but lost his Season by being detained in the Ice. And now,
though a married Man, had a Family, a Person in Trust and Power where
he resided, engages in a third Attempt from _Boston_.
_The second, third, and fourth Year of the Reign of King Charles_
refers solely to the Voyage of Captain _James_; to the Time he was
engaging Friends to fit him out; and the Time when such Voyage was
concluded on. As the _English_ used the _Julian_, and the _Spaniards_
the _Gregorian_ Account, these Transactions which refer to Captain
_James_'s Expedition, could not be made to coalesce as to the Time,
from the Difference there was between these two Computations, in any
other Manner than by putting the Year of the King of _England_'s Reign.
As King _Charles_ began his Reign the 27th of _March_ 1625, two Days
after the Commencement of the Year, according to the _Julian_ Account,
and the second Year of his Reign would not begin until the 27th of
_March_ 1626, two Days also after that Year commenced, but according to
the _Gregorian_ Account, the Year 1626 began in _January_; from the 1st
of _January_ to the 27th of _March_, the Year 1626, according to the
_Gregorian_ Account, would correspond with the first Year of the Reign
of King _Charles_. As to this Expedition from _Boston_, it is mentioned
to be in the Year 1639, and in the fourteenth Year of the Reign of King
_Charles_; but the Year 1639, according to the _Julian_ Account, is the
fifteenth Year of that King's Reign; but according to the _Gregorian_
Account, the Year 1639 corresponds from _January_ to _March_ with the
fourteenth Year of that King's Reign.
The Times mentioned in this Letter do not refer to the Times when the
Voyages were actually set out on, but when undertaken or resolved on,
as it is expressed in the Letter, _undertaken_ by some industrious
Navigators from _Boston_. Captain _James_ did not sail until the
Year one Thousand six Hundred and Thirty-one, not getting the King's
Protection early enough in one Thousand six Hundred and Thirty, to
proceed that Year, or in the fourth Year of the King's Reign. That is,
he did not get it early enough in Spring to be ready by the latter End
of _March_, as he must have been to proceed that Year; so the fourth
Year of the King well agrees with this Proceeding. And _de Fonte_
did not sail until one Thousand six Hundred and Forty, which was a
Year after the Court of _Spain_ had received Intelligence of such
Undertaking from _Boston_. Which they would use the first Opportunity
to transmit to _New Spain_; _de Fonte_ therefore had at least six
Months for the Equipment of the four Ships to go on this Expedition;
a Time sufficient, in so fine a Climate, and every Thing that was
necessary to be done was enforced by Orders of the Crown. Had this
Equipment been executed in a much smaller Space of Time, there would
have been nothing so admirable in it: Therefore the Objection, as to
the Impossibility that Ships should be fitted between the Time the
Court received this Information, and their sailing, drops to the Ground.
It is not any way strange that this Design, as it appears to have been,
was made known to the Court of _Spain_ the Year before that it was
set out on; as that Court entertained a continual Jealousy of these
Undertakings, as is apparent from their sending Vessels to intercept
_Davis_; their having Informations as to Captain _James_'s Voyage also,
and the Consequences of it, as may be collected from this Letter.
Major General _Gibbons_, if he had not the King's Protection, yet he
had Friends at the Court of _England_ who made Application for him to
be Captain of the Fort at _Boston_, and one of the Council, the latter
End of the Year one Thousand six Hundred and Thirty-eight, or in the
Beginning of the Year one Thousand six Hundred and Thirty-nine. That
the most secret Affairs of the Court were at that Time betrayed, I
believe will be admitted, and the Secret of his designed Attempt might
be known, by his applying for Leave of Absence from his Post during the
Time that he should be engaged in this Undertaking. Or the Persons with
whom he corresponded in _England_ might be apprized of his intended
Voyage, as he could not, at that Time of Day, be supplied with every
Thing that was necessary thereto in _America_; and as he intended to
trade, he would be for procuring his Goods from _England_. By some
of these Means probably his Design perspired, and was secretly and
unexpectedly, transmitted to the Court of _Spain_.
There are several Reasons to be assigned why both Viceroys should
be informed, not only the Viceroy of _Peru_, in whose District the
Ships were to be fitted, but the Viceroy of _New Spain_ also. That if
a Passage was made by any other Way than where the Ships were to be
stationed to intercept the _Boston_ Men, or they accidentally passed
such Ships, the Viceroys might order a Look-out also to be kept. And
such a Provision being made, it would be scarce possible, if a Passage
was obtained, that the _Boston_ People should get clear out of those
Seas, and not fall into the Hands of the _Spaniards_. Another Reason
is, that such Particulars as _de Fonte_ was to put in for on the Coast
of _Mexico_ might be ready, that _de Fonte_ might not meet with the
least Delay, as such Delay might occasion the Disappointment of his
Design.
The Letter proceeds, 'Upon which, I Admiral _de Fonte_, received Orders
from _Spain_ and the Viceroys to equip four Ships of Force.' These
Words, _upon which_, I understand not to allude to the Advice given the
Viceroys, but refer to the Attempt intended from _Boston_, and as to
which he had received his Orders from _Spain_. But from the Viceroys he
received Orders only as to the Equipment of the four Ships, as Orders
of that Nature would regularly proceed from them. If it was otherwise,
and he had also received his Orders from them, containing Instructions
as to the Conduct of his Voyage, he would have made his Report to the
Viceroys as to the Manner in which he had conducted his Voyage, and
they would have reported it to the Court.
_De Fonte_ mentioning the Viceroys so simply and plainly, without any
respectful or distinguishing Additions, is an Instance that this Letter
was wrote to the Court of _Spain_, it not being proper, in a Letter so
addressed, to mention the Viceroys in any other Manner; and as it is
also evident from the Expression, _I Admiral de Fonte_, that he did
not write this Letter in his private Capacity, but as an Admiral,
therefore this Letter could not be otherwhere addressed than to such
Court, to transmit an Account how he had executed these Orders, which
he had received immediately from _Spain_.
_De Fonte_ mentioning that the Advice which the Viceroys received
was from the Court of _Spain_, and that the Orders he received were
from _Spain_, carries a Distinction with it as though the Advice and
the Orders were not transmitted from the same Persons. Those who
transmitted the Advice to the Viceroys were not seemingly in the
Secret, as to the particular Orders or Instructions which were sent to
_de Fonte_, as to the Manner in which he was to conduct his Voyage. It
was the Province of the Admiral of _Castile_, who was stiled Captain
General of the Sea, who was subject to no Controul but the King's,
to issue all Orders relative to maritime Affairs, and therefore _de
Fonte_'s Orders might come from him. Or otherwise these Orders were
immediately transmitted by the _Conde de Olivarez_, who was on ill
Terms with the Admiral, and regarded no Forms, under the Sanction of
the Favour he had with the King, whom he influenced to authorize all
his Measures. It is also consistent with the Conduct of _Don Olivarez_
that this Affair should be managed in this Manner, who was always
mysterious, confided in his own Judgment, singular in his Manners, and
therefore was called a Lover of Projects, and supposed a meer Visionary
in some of them. He did not want for Persons of the greatest Abilities
to assist him, and the Accuracy with which the Orders are composed that
were sent to _de Fonte_, (as may be collected from the Manner in which
the Voyage is conducted, and in which it cannot be supposed _de Fonte_
was left to his Discretion) is an Instance there had been no Want
of the Assistance of able, sagacious and experienced Persons in the
composing of such Orders and Instructions.
The Design of this introductory Part is to shew the Proceedings in this
Affair previous to his Voyage; that the Advice was received, and the
Orders subsequent were obeyed; and it is drawn with peculiar Care and
a Conciseness which would be censured in a Voyage Writer, but is used
with the greatest Propriety on this Occasion.
The Names of the Ships are agreeable to the Manner that the _Spaniards_
name theirs; and by Ships of Force is not meant either their Caracks or
Galeons, but Country Ships, which the Equipment seems to imply, made
defensible against any Attacks of the Natives, and to have nothing to
fear from the _Boston_ Men, and these Ends could be obtained in Vessels
which had no great Draught of Water, as the Rivers they were to pass
up and the Lakes required, and of a Tonnage suitable to those Northern
Seas, therefore _de Fonte_ only expresses their Names, and their
Commanders, says nothing of their Rates.
_De Fonte_, in his Course from the _Callao_ of _Lima_, and in all his
subsequent Courses through the Voyage, computes his Distance after the
Marine Manner, from that Land from where he takes his Departure to the
Land made when he enters a Harbour, or the Termination of the Land
which makes such Harbour to Seaward; and here takes his Departure from
the extreme Part of the _Callao_ of _Lima_, which is in the Latitude
11° 5´ S. Longitude 80° 39´ W. and from which to _St. Helena_, being
North of the Bay of _Guiaguil_, in Lat. 2° 5´ S. Long. 84° 6´ W. is
two hundred Leagues; and there is no Fault in the Impression, as hath
been supposed. Though these Words, _on the North Side of the Bay_ of
_Guiaguil_ seem to be an Interpolation.
The Distance said to be run between the _Callao_ of _Lima_ and _St.
Helena_ is not reconcileable with the Accounts published by _Dampier_,
_Wood Rogers_, or the Accounts in general, excepting with a Copy of a
_Spanish_ Manuscript, of the Latitudes and Longitudes of the most noted
Places in the _South Seas_, corrected from the latest Observations, by
_Manuel Monz. Prieto_, Professor of Arts in _Peru_, whose Computation
of Longitude is from the Meridian of _Paris_; but he fixes _Lima_ at
full eighty Degrees. I use _Prieto_'s Tables in this, and principally
in all my subsequent Computations, though _de Fonte_ no where mentions
the Longitude in this Letter, as he only regards the Difference of
the Meridian of _Lima_. And it by no Means invalidates but favours
the Authenticity of this Account, that _de Fonte_ differs in his
Computation from the _English_ and _French_ Accounts at, and after
those Times, which also differ from each other, as they only ranged
along the Coasts of those Seas, judged of their Distances according
to their Journals, and must have made many vague Observations, as to
the Latitude of Places, by Inspection of the Land from Sea, and which
Land they might not certainly know. Their best Directions they got from
Manuscript Journals, or Sea Waggoners, composed for their own Use by
Coasters. But the navigating of the King's Ships were better provided
for in this respect; and we may well suppose that _de Fonte_ was not,
on this Occasion, deficient in Artists well versed in the Theory as
well as the Practice of Navigation, and under this Character of an
Artist we may consider _Parmentiers_. The Truth, as to the Latitude,
once fixed is not variable by Time; and in this respect _de Fonte_
and _Prieto_ must agree, though a Century between the Time of their
Computations.
The Expression, 'anchored in the Port of _St. Helena_ (in _Spanish_,
_Santa Elena_) _within the Cape_,' hath something more particular in
it than appears on a transient View. The Point of _St. Helena_ is thus
described in the sailing Directions in the _Atlas Maritimus_, published
in 1728. 'The Point itself is high, but as you come nearer in there
is a lower Point runs out sharpening towards the Sea. And there are
two distinct Anchorages within this Port, one within the lower Point,
here Vessels ride without Shelter, and amongst Banks and Shoals. Under
the high Land, there is the other Anchorage, deep Water, and secure
riding.' Under this high Land, being called the Port within the Cape,
is a Distinction which I do not find made by the Voyage Writers, or in
any other of the sailing Directions for these Parts that I have seen;
and _de Fonte_ particularly mentions, as it may be supposed, being in
Conformity with his Instructions.
_De Fonte_ taking in the _Betumen_ must have been in pursuance of his
Instructions, and there provided for him by Order of the Viceroy.
That which follows, called vulgarly Tar, _&c._ seems to be an
Interpolation, or additional Comment, though not distinguished as such;
and it may be observed here is a different Mode of Expression, and a
Want of that Conciseness which apparently precedes. If with these Words
took _a Quantity of Betumen_, we connect _on the 10th we passed the
Equinoctial_, then that Conciseness and Simplicity of the Narration is
preserved. It is inconsistent that _de Fonte_ should inform the Court,
that it was not for Want of Tar that he put into this Port, and that
he did not procure this _Betumen_ to use instead of Tar, but to make
Use of it as Medicine. The taking the _Betumen_ aboard sufficiently
intimated his Compliance with his Instructions. The Expression, _we
took it in for Medicine_, hath something particular in it, seems to
be a Note or Memorandum added by some Person who made the Voyage, to
instruct a Friend for whom he made, or to whom he gave, a Copy of this
Letter.
The one Degree seven Minutes of Latitude is misplaced, Cape _St.
Francisco_ being by no Geographers or Voyage Writers placed in that
Latitude; the one Degree seven Minutes is the Latitude of the River
_St. Jago_, and which _Prieto_ lays down in one Degree eight Minutes.
As to the Courses and Distances eighty Leagues N. N. W. and twenty-five
Leagues E. and by S. which were placed in the Margin in the first
Edition, but are since crept into the Text. N. N. W. is a Course
entirely contrary, and instead of one there is two Courses, North and
North East, and which two Courses are consistent with the E. and by S.
Course twenty-five Leagues, as that Course will then terminate in the
Latitude and Longitude of the River _Jago_. This Error of North West
for North East may be accounted for by remarking, that in the _Spanish_
Compass North East and North West are rendered _Nord Este_ and _Nord
Oeste_: The Omission of the _O_ in _este_ is a Fault which may be
committed even by a careful Transcriber, or may be a Mistake in the
Translator, for Want of due Attention to the Compass.
In the Passage from _St. Helena_ he would keep the Coast aboard, for
the Benefit of a fair and fresh Wind, and which he would have without
any Interruption from the Land Breezes, and by standing N. W. to clear
the Islands of _Solango_ and _Paita_, and then stand North Easterly
would form a North Course of one Hundred and Thirty-two Miles, or
forty-four Leagues, and then be off Cape _Passao_, in N. Lat. 8´. Long.
83° 59´ W. and well in with such Cape, as it is evident he was from the
Expression in the Letter by the Cape _del Passao_ with a North East
Course, thirty-six Leagues, they would be in Lat. 1° 23´ North, Long.
82° 50´, and so have passed Cape _Francisco_, N. Lat. 50´, Long. 82°
55´, and with an East and by South Course twenty-five Leagues, would
be in the Lat. 1° 8´, Long. 81° 36´, the Latitude and Longitude of the
River _St. Jago_.
There was not such a Provision Country, it appears from later Accounts,
on any Part of the Coast between this and _Lima_; nor could the Ships
be any where brought up with greater Safety: _St. Helena_ is described
as a poor and barren Part of the Country.
The Health of his People, liable to scorbutick Disorders in the
northern Climates whither he was going, was an Object that must be
attended to, in order that the Voyage should meet with the desired
Success. Therefore after the _Betumen_, he recruits what he had
consumed of his fresh Provision in his run from _Lima_, and lays in
a great additional Store, as is apparent if we consider that their
Consumption in this respect is not proportionable to ours, from their
Mode of dressing it. And we may judge from having so great a Quantity
of Fowl ready, with Goats and Hogs, the People had received Orders to
be thus provided against the Ships Arrival; the Sailors would be a
great Assistance in curing the Provisions, the Flesh as well as the
Fish, and would do it in the most suitable Manner for the Sea Service;
a Number of Hands, gave an Expedition so as the Provisions would not be
spoiled by the Heat of the Sun; and his Victualling detained _de Fonte_
four Days.
_Six Miles and a half, or the Left Hand the River is navigable for
small Vessels_, and all that follows seems by Way of Comment, and to be
a spurious Interpolation, as also, _which are there wild and in plenty_.
'The 16th of _April_ we sailed from the River of _St. Jago_ to the Port
and Town _Raleo_, 320 Leagues W. N. W. a little westerly, in about 11
Degrees 14 Min. of N. Latitude, leaving Mount _St. Miguel_, &c.'
The Point of _Yeaxos_, or the _Sandy Strand_, in Lat. 11° 58´, Long.
93° 31´, which covers the Port of _Raleo_ (or _Realejo_) is three
Hundred and twenty Leagues from the River _St. Jago_; but the Course
N. 47° 30´ W. or N. W. almost a Quarter West, and by the Expression
_a little_ Westerly, the W. N. W. seems to mean, he steered first
West from the River _St. Jago_, until he made the high Land, and then
North-west, a little Westerly.
Between Mount _Miguel_ and Point _Cazarnina_ (rightly _Caravina_) is
the Entrance in the Bay of _Amapalla_, which is to the Northward of
the Port of _Realejo_; therefore the leaving Mount _St. Miguel_ on the
Larboard, _&c._ being an absolute Contradiction to _de Fonte_ entering
the Port of _Realejo_, is an Interpolation and not inserted by the
Person who wrote the Letter, but a Comment very injudiciously added by
Way of Explanation. From this Circumstance the Truth of my Assertion
appears, as to there being Glosses and Comments added to the original
Text, and that I had good Reason to believe several Places in the
preceding Part of this Account to be Interpolations added by Way of
Comment.
The great Ships that are built in _New Spain_ are built in _Raleo_ is
disposed in the Margin in the first Edition; but in all the subsequent
Editions hath crept into the Text. We may suppose the W. N. W. Course
hath crept into the Text in the first Edition to make room for this
Comment, as may be judged from the Course between _St. Helena_ and
_St. Jago_ being placed in the Margin: And there is an apparent Reason
for the Course and Distances being so placed, for when inserted in the
Text, they interrupt the Attention; and as the Courses and Distances
were all that was necessary to be mentioned, the Latitudes have been
since added by some injudicious Person.--The Latitude of _Passao_, of
Cape _St. Francisco_, is not mentioned, and the Latitude of _Raleo_ is
wrong, which the Course and Distance shews, and its Latitude is in most
Maps agreeable to the Course and Distance here given. The Run, allowing
_de Fonte_ eight Days, would be but one hundred Miles in twenty-four
Hours, which is very moderate going. Nor can there be any Objection, as
to the Truth of this Account, from the Time that _de Fonte_ is sailing
between the _Callao_ of _Lima_ to _St. Helena_, from _St. Helena_ to
_St. Jago_.
All that belongs to the original Letter I take to be this, The 16th
of _April_ we sailed from the River _St. Jago_ to the Port and Town
of _Raleo_; here we bought (which probably might as well be rendered
procured) four long well-sailed Shallops, built express for sailing,
riding at Anchor, _&c._ The 320 Leagues W. N. W. a little Westerly, I
suppose to have been placed in the Margin.
It cannot be supposed that Boats so fitted, and four of them, could be
procured in so small a Time as _de Fonte_ staid here, it implies they
were previously provided before that he arrived, to be ready at the
Arrival of the Ships.