Remarks on the Report made by the Seaman

THE

GREAT PROBABILITY

OF A

NORTH WEST PASSAGE.

[Illustration:

_A_

General Map

_OF_

_the DISCOVERIES of_

ADMIRAL DE FONTE,

Exhibiting

_the great Probability of a_

North-west Passage

BY

Thomas Jefferys,

_Geographer to the KING._

]

THE

GREAT PROBABILITY

OF A

NORTH WEST PASSAGE:

DEDUCED FROM

OBSERVATIONS

ON THE

Letter of Admiral DE FONTE,

Who sailed from the _Callao_ of _Lima_ on the Discovery of a

Communication

BETWEEN THE

SOUTH SEA and the ATLANTIC OCEAN;

And to intercept some Navigators from _Boston_ in _New England_,

whom he met with,

Then in Search of a NORTH WEST PASSAGE.

PROVING THE

AUTHENTICITY of the Admiral's LETTER.

With Three Explanatory MAPS.

1st. A Copy of an authentic _Spanish_ Map of _America_, published

in 1608.

2d. The Discoveries made in _Hudson_'s Bay, by Capt. _Smith_, in

1746 and 1747.

3d. A General Map of the Discoveries of Admiral _de Fonte_.

By THOMAS JEFFERYS, Geographer to the King.

WITH

AN APPENDIX.

Containing the Account of a Discovery of Part of the Coast and Inland

Country of LABRADOR, made in 1753.

The Whole intended for

The Advancement of TRADE and COMMERCE.

LONDON:

Printed for THOMAS JEFFERYS, at Charing Cross.

MDCCLXVIII.

TO THE RIGHT HONOURABLE

WILLS EARL OF HILLSBOROUGH,

_&c._ _&c._ _&c._

ONE OF HIS MAJESTY'S PRINCIPAL SECRETARIES OF STATE,

FIRST LORD COMMISSIONER OF TRADE AND PLANTATIONS,

ONE OF HIS MAJESTY'S MOST HONOURABLE

PRIVY COUNCIL, AND F.R.S.

The Discovery of a North-west Passage having deserved the particular

Attention of that great Minister of State Sir _Francis Walsingham_,

with the Approbation of the greatest Princess of that Age, I presumed

to ask the Permission to inscribe the following Sheets, on the same

Subject, to your Lordship, wrote with no View of setting any further

Expeditions on Foot, or with respect to any particular System, but as a

candid and impartial Enquiry, to shew the great Probability there is of

a North-west Passage. The Importance of the Subject, treated with the

greatest Regard to Truth, are the only Pretensions I have to merit your

Patronage.

Your Lordship will appear, to the latest Posterity, in the amiable

Light of being zealous for the Glory of his Majesty, the Honour of

the Nation, for promoting the commercial Interests, the Happiness

of his Majesty's Subjects in general, and of those in _America_

in particular. I therefore have the most grateful Sense of your

Benevolence and Humanity in condescending to grant me this Favour, as

it will be known for Part of that Time that I had the Honour to be

YOUR LORDSHIP'S

MOST HUMBLE AND

OBEDIENT SERVANT,

THE AUTHOR.

THE PREFACE.

The Opinion of there being a North-west Passage between the _Atlantic_

and _Southern Ocean_ hath continued for more than two Centuries;

and though the Attempts made to discover this Passage have not been

attended with the desired Success, yet in Consequence of such Attempts

great Advantages have been received, not by the Merchant only but by

the Men of Science. It must be a Satisfaction to the Adventurer, though

disappointed in his principal Design, that his Labours have contributed

to the Improvement of Science, and the Advancement of Commerce.

There was a Generosity with respect to the Discovery of a North-west

Passage, or a Respect to the great Abilities of those who promoted

the various Undertakings for making such Discovery, to the Crown

which patronized them, and the Estates of the Kingdom who promised a

most munificent Reward to such who should compleat such Discovery,

that those who were of a contrary Opinion treated the Subject with

a becoming Decency. But the Censures that have been of late made by

our Countrymen, and more particularly by Foreigners, our Ancestors

have been treated as so many Fools, or infatuated Persons, busied to

compleat an impracticable and a merely chimerical Project, and are

accused by a foreign Geographer to have proceeded so far as to forge a

fictitious Account under the Title of a Letter of Admiral _de Fonte_.

That the Iniquity of the _English_ Writers is not such (neither was

ever known to be such) nor, was it in their Inclination, could they so

easily deceive the World; and the Falshood of this Assertion could be

no otherway made apparent than by considering such Letter with a just

Criticism, and examining the Circumstances relating thereto. Though the

present Age may not pay much Regard to these Censures, yet if they are

passed unnoticed, might hereafter be considered as Truths unanswerable

at the Time those Censures were made. Therefore to do Justice to the

Character of our Ancestors, to the present Age in which such great

Encouragement hath been given to these Undertakings, and that Posterity

might not be deceived, were Motives (had they been duly considered

without a Regard to the Importance of the Subject) which might incite

an abler Pen to have undertaken to vindicate the Authenticity of _de

Fonte_'s Letter. As for a long Time nothing of this Kind appeared, nor

could I hear that any Thing was undertaken of this Sort, by any Person

to whom I could freely communicate my Sentiments, and the Informations

which I had collected on this Subject, as the Discovery of a North-west

Passage hath been the Object of my Attention for some Years, considered

myself under the disagreeable Necessity of becoming an Author in an

Age of such refined Sentiments, expressed in the greatest Purity of

Language: But if I have succeeded in the greater Matters, I hope to be

excused in the lesser.

I have inserted the Letter of _de Fonte_, as first published in the

_Monthly Miscellany_, or _Memoirs of the Curious_, in _April_ and

_June_ 1708, very scarce or in very few Hands; not only as I thought

it consistent with my Work, but that the Curious would be glad to have

a Copy of such Letter exactly in the same Manner in which it was first

published, to keep in their Collections.

As to the Observations respecting the Circumstances of the Letter of

_de Fonte_, the Manner by which it was attained, its being a Copy

of such Letter which the Editors procured to be translated from the

_Spanish_, and as to such Matters as are to be collected from the Title

of such Letter, and from the Letter in Support of its Authenticity,

I submit those Observations to superior Judgments: If confuted, and

it appears I have misapprehended the Matter, am not tenacious of my

Opinion, but shall receive the Conviction with Pleasure, being entirely

consistent with my Design, which is, That the Truth may be discovered,

whether this Account is authentick or not.

In my Remarks of the Letter I have endeavoured to distinguish what was

genuine, from what hath been since added by other Hands; have made an

exact Calculation of the Courses; have considered the Circumstances of

such Letter, giving the Reasons of the Conduct that was used in the

various Parts of the Voyage, and shewing the Regularity and Consistency

there is through the Whole, and without Anachronisms or Contradictions

as hath been objected, part of which I was the better enabled to do

from some Experience which I have had in Affairs of this Sort. I must

observe, the Calculations were made without any Regard had to the

Situation of _Hudson_'s or _Baffin_'s Bay; but begun at the _Callao_

of _Lima_, and pursued as the Account directs from the Westward: And

it was an agreeable Surprize to find what an Agreement there was as to

the Parts which, by such Courses, it appeared that the Admiral and his

Captain were in, consistent with the Purpose they were sent on, and the

Proximity of where they were to _Hudson_'s and _Baffin_'s Bay.

To state particularly all the Objections which have been made to this

Account, I thought would have greatly increased the Bulk of the Work.

There is no material Objection which I have any where met with, but

is here considered. Also to have added all the Authorities which I

have collected and made Use of, would have made it more prolix; so

have contented myself with only giving such Quotations as appeared

absolutely necessary to insert and then to mention the Authors

particularly. I think I have not perverted the Meaning, or forced the

Sense, of any Author made Use of, to serve my Purpose.

To shew the Probability of a Passage, have traced the Opinions

relating to it from the Time such Opinions were first received; and

also determined where it was always supposed to be or in what Part

such Passage was: Have considered the various Evidence that there is

relating to such Passage; and proposed what appears to be the properest

Method at present for prosecuting the Discovery.

There are three Maps, all of which appeared necessary for the better

understanding this Account. The one contains Part of _Asia_ and the

_Russian_ Discoveries on the Coast of _America_; the Expedition of _de

Fonte_, and clears up that seeming Inconsistency of the _Tartarian_ and

_Southern Ocean_ being contiguous in that Part of _America_, from the

Authority of the _Japanese_ Map of _Kempfer_, which must be of some

Repute, as it is so agreeable to the _Russian_ Discoveries: If true

in that Part, there is no Reason to suppose but it is in like Manner

true as to the other Part which is introduced into this Map. This Map

exhibits the Streight that _de Fuca_ went up, the Communication which

there may be supposed agreeable to the Lights which the Accounts afford

us between the Sea at the Back of _Hudson_'s Bay with that Bay, or with

the _North Sea_ by _Hudson_'s Streights, or through _Cumberland_ Isles.

There is also added a second Map, to shew what Expectations may be had

of a Passage from _Hudson_'s Bay, according to the Discoveries made

in the Year 1747. The third Map is an exact Copy from that published

in the _Monarquia Indiana de Torquemada_, in which the Sea Coast of

_America_ is exhibited in a different Manner from what it usually was

in the Maps of that Time, compleated by the Cosmographers of _Philip_

the Third. The Work itself is in few Hands, and the Map, as far as

appears, hath been only published in that Book, is now again published,

as it illustrates this Work, and may be otherwise agreeable to the

Curious; having a Desire not to omit any Thing which would render the

Work compleat, or that would be acceptable to the Publick.

I have used uncommon Pains to be informed as to what could be any way

serviceable to render this Work more compleat; and must make this

publick Acknowledgement, as to the Gentlemen of the _British Museum_,

who, with great Politeness and Affability, gave me all the Assistances

in their Power to find if the Copy from which the Translation was

made was in their Possession, which after an accurate Search for some

Weeks it did not appear to be, and also their Assistance as to any

other Matters which I Supposed would be of Service. I cannot pass by

Mr. _Jefferys_'s Care and Exactness in executing the Maps, whose Care

and Fidelity to the Publick not to impose any Thing that is spurious,

but what he hath an apparent and real Authority for, is perhaps not

sufficiently known.

The Voyage, an Extract from which is added by Way of Appendix, was

made from _Philadelphia_, in a Schooner of about sixty Tons, and

fifteen Persons aboard, fitted out on a Subscription of the Merchants

of _Maryland_, _Pennsylvania_, _New York_, and _Boston_, on a generous

Plan, agreeable to Proposals made them, with no View of any Monopoly

which they opposed, not to interfere with the _Hudson_'s Bay Trade, or

to carry on a clandestine Trade with the Natives of _Greenland_, but

to discover a North-west Passage, and explore the _Labrador_ Coast, at

that Time supposed to be locked up under a pretended Right, and not

frequented by the Subjects of _England_, but a successful Trade carried

on by the _French_; to open a Trade there, to improve the Fishery and

the Whaling on these Coasts, cultivate a Friendship with the Natives,

and make them serviceable in a political Way: Which Design of theirs of

a publick Nature, open and generous, was in a great Measure defeated by

private Persons interfering, whose Views were more contracted.

They did not succeed the first Year as to their Attempt in discovering

a North-west Passage, as it was a great Year for Ice; that it would

be late in the Year before the Western Part of _Hudson_'s Bay could be

attained to, and then impossible to explore the _Labrador_ that Year,

therefore the first Part of the Design was dropped, and the _Labrador_

was explored. The next Year a second Attempt was made as to a Passage;

but three of the People who went beyond the Place appointed by their

Orders, and inadvertently to look for a Mine, Samples of which had been

carried home the Year before, and this at the Instigation of a private

Person before they set out from home, without the Privity of the

Commander, were killed by the _Eskemaux_, and the Boat taken from them.

After which Accident, with some disagreeable Circumstances consequent

thereon amongst the Schooner's Company, and after an Experiment made

of their Disinclination to proceed on any further Discovery, it was

thought most prudent to return. This short Account is given by the

Person who commanded in this Affair, to prevent any Misrepresentation

hereafter of what was done on these Voyages.

CONTENTS.

Page

Letter of Admiral _de Fonte_ as published in _April_ 1708 1

---- ---- ---- ---- ---- ---- ---- ---- _June_ 6

OBSERVATIONS _on the Title affixed_, &c. 11

The Reason of this Work.

The Translation made from a Copy of the Letter. Title and the

Copy of the Letter wrote in the _Spanish_ Language.

Copiest assured there was such an Expedition as this of Admiral

_de Fonte_ 12

An Account of this Expedition not published in _Spain_.

The Consequence of such Expedition not being published 14

The Knowledge or Certainty of this Expedition from Journals only 15

Mons. _de Lisle_ his Account of a Journal.

This Account by Mons. _de Lisle_ defended 17

This Translation of _de Fonte_'s Letter how considered when

first published.

Don _Francisco Seyxas y Lovera_ his Account of a Voyage of

_Thomas Peche_ 18

Observations on that Account 19

The Tradition of there being a Passage between the _Atlantic_

and _Southern Ocean_ credible 20

Accounts received from various Persons relating thereto not to be

discredited.

_Indians_, their Account of the Situation of such Streight

how to be considered 21

The Reasons why we cannot obtain a particular Information as to

the original Letter of _de Fonte_ 22

Evidence relating to this Account of _de Fonte_, which Distance

of Time or other Accidents could not deface, yet remains 24

No authenticated Account of the Equipment of the Fleet to be

expected from _New Spain_ 25

This Account of _de Fonte_ authentick, and no Forgery.

The Editors published this Account as authentick 26

The Reflection that this Account is a Forgery of some

_Englishman_ obviated 27

The Design in publishing this Translation.

The Purpose of _de Fonte_'s writing this Letter not understood

by the Editors 28

The Editors unjustly reproached with a Want of Integrity.

The Censures as to the Inauthenticity of this Account of _de Fonte_

not founded on Facts.

Invalidity of the Objection that no Original hath been produced.

The Suspicion of the Account being a Deceit or Forgery from

whence.

The original Letter was in the _Spanish_ Language 29

Observations as to the Name _Bartholomew de Fonte_ 30

_De Fonte_ was a Man of Family 31

The _Spanish_ Marine not in so low a Condition as they were

under a Necessity to apply to _Portugal_ for Sea Officers to

supply the principal Posts.

What is to be understood of _de Fonte_ being President of

_Chili_ 31

REMARKS _on the Letter of Admiral_ de Fonte.

The Advice of the Attempt from _Boston_, in what Manner transmitted

from _Old Spain_ to the Viceroys.

The Appellation of industrious Navigators conformable to the

Characters of the Persons concerned.

The Court of _Spain_ knew that the Attempt was to be by _Hudson_'s

Bay.

This Attempt particularly commanded the Attention of the Court

of _Spain_ 34

As to the Computation by the Years of the Reign of King _Charles_.

The Times mentioned in the Letter do not refer to the Times the

Voyage was set out on.

There was sufficient Time to equip the four Ships 35

How the Design of this Attempt might come to the Knowledge of

the Court of _Spain_.

Reasons why both Viceroys should be informed 36

_De Fonte_ received his Orders from _Old Spain_.

Wrote his Letter to the Court of _Spain_.

_De Fonte_ and the Viceroys did not receive their Orders from the

same Persons 37

What is the Purpose of the introductory Part of this Letter.

The Names of the Ships agreeable to the _Spanish_ Manner.

_From_ Callao _to_ St. Helena.

Observations as to the Computation of Course and Distance in the

Voyage of _de Fonte_ 38

From whence _de Fonte_ takes his Departure.

As to the Distance between the _Callao_ of _Lima_ and _St. Helena_, no

Fault in the Impression.

An Account of the Latitude and Longitude made Use of, which

agrees with _de Fonte_'s Voyage.

Remarks as to the Expression, anchored in the Port of

_St. Helena_ within the Cape 39

An Interpolation of what is not in the original Letter.

Observations as to the taking the Betumen aboard.

An Error as to Latitude corrected 40

An Error as to the Course corrected.

_From_ St. Helena _to the River_ St. Jago.

Observations as to _de Fonte_ taking fresh Provision aboard at

the River _St. Jago_ 41

A Comment or spurious Interpolation.

The Course _de Fonte_ sailed from the River _St. Jago_.

_From_ St. Jago _to_ Realejo.

A Proof that Glosses and Comments have been added to the original

Text 42

The Latitude not mentioned in the original Letter of _de Fonte_.

The Times that _de Fonte_ is sailing between the respective Ports

from the _Callao_ to _Realejo_ no Objection to the Authenticity

of this Account.

Boats provided for _de Fonte_ before he arrived at _Realejo_ 43

_From_ Realejo _to the Port of_ Salagua.

Observations as to the Islands of _Chiametla_.

---- ---- ---- Port of _Salagua_.

---- ---- ---- Master and Mariners 44

An Interpolation or Comment added.

The Translator not exact as to his Translation.

Remark as to the Information _de Fonte_ received as to the Tide

at the Head of the Bay of _California_ 45

_Pennelossa_ appointed to discover whether _California_ was

an Island.

The Account given of _Pennelossa_, as to his Descent, not in

the original Letter.

_From the Port of_ Salagua _to the_ Archipelagus _of_ St. Lazarus

_and_ Rio Los Reyes.

_De Fonte_ leaves _Pennelossa_ within the Shoals of _Chiametla_ 46

Course corrected.

Remark as to Cape _Abel_.

---- as to the Weather and the Time he was running eight Hundred

and sixty Leagues 47

A Neglect as to inserting a Course.

Computation of Longitude altered 48

The Course _de Fonte_ steered, he accounts as to the Land being

in a Latitude and Longitude agreeable to the late _Russian_

Discoveries. Acts with great Judgment as a Seaman.

The Agreement of the Table of Latitude and Longitude with the

_Russian_ Discoveries. And the _Suesta del Estrech D'Anian_

not laid down on a vague Calculation 49

Former Authorities for it.

So named by the _Spaniards_.

A superior Entrance to that of _Martin Aguilar_ and of _de Fuca_.

The _Archipelago_ of _St. Lazarus_, properly so named by

_de Fonte_.

A North-east Part of the _South Sea_ that _de Fonte_ passed up 50

His Instructions were to fall in with the Islands which formed

the _Archipelago_, and not the main Land.

_Rio los Reyes_, in what Longitude.

A further Proof that his Course was to the Eastward 51

_Proceedings of Admiral_ de Fonte _after his Arrival at_ Rio

de los Reyes.

The Translation very inaccurate in this Part.

The Date of the 22d of _June_ an Error.

_De Fonte_ dispatches one of his Captains to _Bernarda_ with

Orders.

Jesuits had been in those Parts, from whose Accounts the

Instructions were formed 52

Remarks as to the Orders sent _Bernarda_.

De Fonte _sails up_ Rio de los Reyes.

_De Fonte_ sets out on his Part of the Expedition 53

Was at the Entrance of _Los Reyes_ the 14th of _June_.

Observed the Tides in _Los Reyes_ and _Haro_.

Precaution to be used in going up the River.

An additional Note as to the Jesuits.

Observations as to the Jesuits.

Knew not of a Streight 54

Could not publish their Mission without Leave.

De Fonte _arrives at_ Conosset.

Receives a Letter from _Bernarda_ dated 27th of _June_ 55

The 22d of _June_ was not the Time _Bernarda_ received his Dispatches.

The Letter is an Answer to the Dispatches he received from _de Fonte_.

Remarks on the Letter.

Alters the Course directed by _de Fonte_.

Assures _de Fonte_ he will do what was possible, and is under

no Apprehension as to a Want of Provisions 56

The Name of _Haro_, and of the Lake _Velasco_, a particular

Compliment.

This Letter of _de Fonte_ wrote in _Spanish_.

_Description of_ Rio de los Reyes _and Lake_ Belle.

_De Fonte_ not inactive from the 14th to the 22d of _June_ 57

Very particular in his Account.

Shews how far the Tides came to from Westward.

De Fonte _leaves his Ships before the Town of_ Conosset.

The Time _de Fonte_ had staid at _Conosset_ 58

Was before acquainted with the Practicability of _Bernarda_ sending

a Letter.

How the Letter from _Bernarda_ was sent.

_De Fonte_ waited to receive the Letter before he proceeded.

_Parmentiers_, whom he was.

_Frenchmen_ were admitted into _Peru_.

Reasons for the Jesuits coming into these Parts without passing

the intermediate Country 59

_Parmentiers_ had been before in these Parts.

His Motive for going into those Parts, and surveying the River

_Parmentiers_ 60

The People Captain _Tchinkow_ met with, no Objection to the

Character of the _Indians_ in these Parts.

_Parmentiers_ not a general Interpreter 61

Voyages had been made to these Parts.

An Omission in the Translator.

_A Description of the River_ Parmentiers, _Lake_ de Fonte,

_and the adjacent Country._

The Form of the Letter again observed by the Translator 62

Lake _de Fonte_, so named in Compliment to the Family he was of.

Lake _de Fonte_ a Salt Water Lake.

A Comparison of the Country with other Parts.

Why _de Fonte_ stopped at the Island South of the Lake 63

De Fonte _sails out of the East North-east End of the Lake_

de Fonte, _and passes the Streight of_ Ronquillo.

An additional Comment.

_De Fonte_'s Observation as to the Country altering for the worse.

A purposed Silence as to the Part come into after passing the Streight

of _Ronquillo_.

De Fonte _arrives at the_ Indian _Town, and receives an Account

of the Ship._

A further Instance of _Parmentiers_ having been in these Parts 64

_De Fonte_ had been on the Inquiry.

_The Proceedings of_ de Fonte _after meeting with the Ship._

The Reason of the Ship's Company retiring to the Woods 65

_De Fonte_ had particularly provided himself with some _Englishmen_.

_Shapley_, the Navigator of the Ship, first waits on the Admiral.

Particulars as to _Shapley_.

A Disappointment of the Intelligence the Author hoped to attain 66

A Tradition amongst the antient People of there having been such

a Voyage.

_Major Gibbons_, an Account of him 67

_Seimar Gibbons_, a Mistake of the Translator 68

_Massachusets_, the largest Colony in _New England_ at that Time.

The Ship fitted out from _Boston_.

Remarks on _de Fonte_'s Address to _Major Gibbons_, and Conduct

on this Occasion.

_De Fonte_ only mentions what is immediately necessary for the

Court to know 70

The _Boston_ Ship returned before _de Fonte_ left those Parts.

A remarkable Anecdote from the Ecclesiastical History of _New

England_.

The Circumstances of which Account agree with this Voyage 72

A further Tradition as to _Major Gibbons_.

That the Persons met by _Groseliers_ were not _Major Gibbons_

and his Company.

De Fonte _returns to_ Conosset.

The various Courses, Distances, _&c._ from _Rio de los Reyes_

to the Sea to the Eastward of _Ronquillo_ 73

The prudent Conduct observed in the Absence of the Admiral 74

De Fonte _receives a Letter from_ Bernarda.

The Latitude and Longitude of _Conibasset_, &c. 75

Observations as to the Messenger who carried the first Letter from

_Bernarda_.

Observations as to the Messenger with the second Letter 76

The various Courses, Distances, _&c._ that _Bernarda_ went.

The Probability of sending a Seaman over Land to _Baffin_'s Bay.

Remarks on the Report made by the Seaman 77

_Bernarda_ going up the _Tartarian Sea_ is agreeable to the

_Japanese_ Map.

A Parallel drawn between _Conosset_ and Port _Nelson_.

The physical Obstacles considered 78

_Bernarda_'s Observations as to the Parts he had been in.

Whether the Parts about _Baffin_'s Bay were inhabited 79

An Objection as to the Affability of the Inhabitants further

considered.

As to the Dispatch used by _Indians_ in carrying Expresses.

_Bernarda_ directed by the Jesuits as to the Harbour where he meets

_de Fonte_.

_De Fonte_ sent a Chart with his Letter 80

_Miguel Venegas_, a _Mexican_ Jesuit, his Observation as to the

Account of _de Fonte_'s Voyage, _&c._

The Design with which his Work was published.

Arguments for putting into immediate Execution what he

recommends 81

_Don Cortez_ informs the King of _Spain_ that there is a Streight

on the Coast of the _Baccaloos_.

Attempts made by _Cortez_ 82

What is comprehended under the Name of _Florida_.

King of _Portugal_ sends _Gasper Corterealis_ on Discovery.

The Name _Labrador_, what it means.

_Promonterum Cortereale_, what Part so named.

_Hudson_'s Streights named the River of _Three Brothers_ or _Anian_.

When the finding a Streight to Northward became a Matter of

particular Attention of the _Spaniards_ 83

Undertaken by the Emperor.

By _Philip_ the Second.

By _Philip_ the Third, and the Reasons 84

The Opinions of _Geographers_ as to the North Part of _America_.

How the Maps were constructed at that Time 85

Unacquainted with what _Cortez_ knew of the Streight 86

Instanced by the Voyage of _Alarcon_ that the Land was thought to

extend farther to Northward than afterwards supposed by the

Voyage of _Juan Roderique de Cabrillo_ 87

_Vizcaino_, his Voyage, and the Discovery of _Aguilar_.

_Spaniards_ never meant by the Streights of _Anian_,

_Beerings_ Streight 88

Remarks on the Deficiency of the _Spanish_ Records.

Uncertainty of attaining any Evidence from such Records.

Father _Kimo_'s Map of _California_ altered by Geographers 90

The Objection of _Venegas_ as to the Authenticity of

_de Fonte_'s Account considered 91

Misrepresents the Title of the Letter 92

Doth not deny but that there was such a Person as _de Fonte_.

The _Jesuits_ and _Parmentiers_ having been before in these

Parts not improbable 93

Master and Mariners mentioned by _de Fonte_, a probable Account.

Whence the Tide came at the Head of the Gulph of _California_ 94

_De Fonte_ retires, Command taken by Admiral _Cassanate_.

_Seyxas y Lovera_, the Authority of his Account defended 95

_Venegas_ omits some Accounts for Want of necessary Authenticity.

Most of the Discoveries are reported to be made by Ships from

the _Moluccas_ 96

What Ships from the _Moluccas_ or _Philippines_ were forced to do

in case of bad Weather.

The Probability of a Discovery made by a Ship from the _Philippines_

or _Moluccas_.

The People of the _Philippine_ Islands those who most talked of a

Passage.

_Salvatierra_, his Account of a North-west Passage discovered 97

This Account gained Credit 98

Was the Foundation of _Frobisher_'s Expedition.

_Thomas Cowles_, his Account defended 99

_Juan de Fuca_, his Account 100

Remarks on that Account 101

Expeditions which the Court of _Spain_ order correspond in Time

with the Attempts for Discovery from _England_ 103

The Discovery of the Coast of _California_ for a Harbour for the

_Aquapulco_ Ship not the Sole Design 104

Reasons that induced _Aguilar_ to think the Opening where he was

was the Streight of _Anian_ 105

Observation on the preceding Accounts.

Have no certain Account of what Expeditions were in those Parts 106

An exact Survey of those Coasts not known to have been made

until the Year 1745.

The Streight of _Anian_ at present acknowledged 107

The first Discoverers gave faithful Accounts.

Reasons for _de Fonte_'s Account being true 108

Accounts of Voyages not being to be obtained no just Objection

to their Authenticity.

As to the Inference in _de Fonte_'s Letter of there being no

North-west Passage 109

The Proximity of the _Western Ocean_ supposed by all

Discoverers 111

Observations on the Northern Parts of _America_ being intermixed

with Waters.

The Objection as to the Distance between the _Ocean_ and the

_Sea_ at the Back of _Hudson_'s Bay 112

Reasons why a Passage hath not been discovered.

A great Channel to Westward by which the Ice and Land Waters

are vented.

Accounts of _de Fonte_, _de Fuca_, and _Chacke_, agree 113

_Indians_ mentioned by _de Fonte_ and those by _de Fuca_ not

the same.

Why _de Fonte_ did not pass up the North-east Part of the

_South Sea_ 114

The Persons who were in those Parts got no Information of a

Streight 115

The Representation of the _Jesuits_ the Foundation of _de Fonte_'s

Instructions.

The Court of _Spain_ not of the same Opinion with _de Fonte_

or the Jesuits on his Return 116

There is a Sea to Westward of _Hudson_'s Bay 117

_Joseph le France_, his Account considered 118

Agrees with the Account of _de Fonte_ and _de Fuca_ 119

Improbability of the _Tete Plat_ inhabiting near the Ocean 120

Which Way the _Boston_ Ship made the Passage, uncertain.

Whether through _Hudson_'s Bay 122

Observations as to _Chesterfield_'s Inlet.

As to _Pistol_ Bay and _Cumberland_ Isles 123

A Quotation from _Seyxas y Lovera_.

Observations thereon 124

Observations as to its having been the constant Opinion that

there was a North-west Passage 125

The great Degree of Credibility there is from the Circumstances

of _de Fonte_'s Voyage.

What Foundation those who argue against a North-west Passage

have for their Argument 126

Where the Passage is supposed, and an Explanation of the Map 127

Remarks as to Expeditions to be made purposely for the Discovery.

The Inconveniencies which attended on former Expeditions.

Prevented for the future by a Discovery of the Coast of _Labrador_.

The advantageous Consequences of that Attempt 128

Method to be pursued in making the Discovery.

APPENDIX.

Fall in with the Coast of _Labrador_ 131

Stand more to Southward.

Tokens of the Land 132

Meet with the _Eskemaux_.

Enter a Harbour 133

The Country described.

People sent to the Head of the Harbour report they had seen a

House 134

A more particular Account.

The Report of Persons sent to survey the Country.

Proceed on a further Discovery 136

Enter up an Inlet.

Prevented proceeding in the Schooner by Falls 137

Proceed in a Boat, meet with Falls.

Description of the Country.

Sail out of the Inlet and go to Northward 139

See Smokes and go in Pursuit of the Natives 140

Proceed up a third Inlet.

See Smokes again.

Enter a fourth Inlet.

Meet with a _Snow_ from _England_ 143

The Captain of the _Snow_, his Account and other Particulars.

Observations as to the _Eskemaux_ 145

_Snow_ had joined Company with a _Sloop_ from _Rhode Island_.

An Account of where the _Eskemaux_ trade 147

_Eskemaux_ come along-side 147

_Schooner_ leaves the _Snow_.

_Eskemaux_ come aboard the Schooner 148

Mate of _Snow_ comes aboard the _Schooner_, and his Account 150

Why mentioned 151

The Trade in these Parts could only be established by the

Regulations of the _Government_.

_Eskemaux_ coming to trade with the Schooner intercepted.

The Inlet searched 152

Pass into three other Inlets.

An Account of them and the Country.

Reasons for leaving off the Discovery 153

_Fishing Bank_ sought for and discovered.

An Island of Ice of a surprising Magnitude and Depth.

MEMOIRS for the CURIOUS. [Sidenote: April 1708.]

_A Letter from Admiral_ Bartholomew de Fonte, _then Admiral of_ New

Spain _and_ Peru, _and now Prince of_ Chili; _giving an Account of the

most material Transactions in a Journal of his from the Calo of_ Lima

_in_ Peru, _on his Discoveries, to find out if there was any North

West Passage from the_ Atlantick _Ocean into the South and Tartarian

Sea._

The Viceroys of _New Spain_ and _Peru_, having advice from the Court

of _Spain_, that the several Attempts of the _English_, both in the

Reigns of Queen _Elizabeth_, King _James_, and of Capt. _Hudson_ and

Capt. _James_, in the 2d, 3d and 4th Years of King _Charles_, was in

the 14th Year of the said King _Charles_, A. D. 1639, undertaken from

some Industrious Navigators from _Boston_ in _New England_, upon which

I Admiral _de Fonte_ received Orders from _Spain_ and the Viceroys to

Equip four Ships of Force, and being ready we put to Sea the 3d of

_April_ 1640, from the Calo of _Lima_, I Admiral _Bartholomew de Fonte_

in the Ship _St Spiritus_, the Vice-Admiral _Don Diego Pennelossa_,

in the Ship _St Lucia_, _Pedro de Bonardæ_, in the Ship _Rosaria_,

_Philip de Ronquillo_ in the _King Philip_. The 7th of _April_ at 5 in

the Afternoon, we had the length of _St Helen_, two hundred Leagues on

the _North_ side of the Bay of _Guajaquil_, in 2 Degrees of _South_

Lat. and anchored in the Port _St Helena_, within the Cape, where

each Ship's Company took in a quantity of _Betumen_, called vulgarly

_Tar_, of a dark colour with a cast of Green, an excellent Remedy

against the Scurvy and Dropsie, and is used as Tar for Shipping, but

we took it in for Medicine; it Boils out of the Earth, and is there

plenty. The _10th_ we pass'd the Equinoctial by Cape _del Passao_,

the _11th_ Cape _St Francisco_, in one Degree and seven Minutes of

Latitude North from the Equator, and anchor'd in the Mouth of the

[1]River _St Jago_, where with a Sea-Net we catch'd abundance of good

Fish; and several of each Ship's Company went ashoar, and kill'd

some Goats and Swine, which are there wild and in plenty; and others

bought of some Natives, 20 dozen of _Turkey_ Cocks and Hens, Ducks,

and much excellent Fruit, at a Village two _Spanish_ Leagues, six Mile

and a half, up the River _St Jago_, on the Larboard side or the Left

hand. The River is Navigable for small Vessels from the Sea, about 14

_Spanish_ Leagues _South East_, about half way to the fair City of

_Quita_, in 22 Minutes of _South_ Latitude, a City that is very Rich.

The _16th_ of _April_ we sailed from the River _St Jago_ to the Port

and Town _Raleo_, 320 Leagues W. N. W. a little Westerly, in about

11 Degrees 14 Min. of N. Latitude, leaving Mount _St Miguel_ on the

Larboard side, and Point _Cazamina_ on the Starboard side. The Port

of _Raleo_ is a safe Port, is covered from the Sea by the Islands

_Ampallo_ and _Mangreza_, both well inhabited with Native _Indians_,

and 3 other small Islands. [2]_Raleo_ is but 4 Miles over Land from

the head of the Lake _Nigaragua_, that falls into the North Sea in 12

Degrees of North Latitude, near the Corn or Pearl Islands. Here at the

Town of _Raleo_, where is abundance of excellent close grain'd Timber,

a reddish Cedar, and all Materials for building Shipping; we bought

4 long well sail'd Shallops, built express for sailing and riding at

Anchor and rowing, about 12 Tuns each, of 32 foot Keel. The _26th_, we

sailed from _Raleo_ for the Port of _Saragua_, or rather of _Salagua_,

within the Islands and Shoals of _Chamily_, and the Port is often

call'd by the _Spaniards_ after that Name; in 17 Degrees 31 Minutes of

North Latitude, 480 Leagues North West and by West, a little Westerly

from _Raleo_. From the Town of _Saragua_, a little East of _Chamily_ at

_Saragua_, and from _Compostilo_ in the Neighbourhood of this Port, we

took in a Master and six Mariners accustomed to Trade with the Natives

on the East side of _California_ for Pearl; the Natives catch'd on a

Bank in 19 Degrees of Latitude North from the _Baxos St Juan_, in 24

Degrees of North Latitude 20 Leagues N. N. E. from Cape St _Lucas_,

the South East point of _California_. The Master Admiral _de Fonte_

had hir'd, with his Vessel and Mariners, who had informed the Admiral,

that 200 Leagues North from Cape St _Lucas_, a Flood from the North,

met the South Flood, and that he was sure it must be an Island, and

_Don Diego Pennelossa_ (Sisters Son of [3]_Don Lewis de Haro_) a young

Nobleman of great Knowledge and Address in Cosmography and Navigation,

and undertook to discover whether _California_ was an Island or not;

for before it was not known whether it was an Island or a _Peninsula_;

with his Ship and the 4 Shallops they brought at _Raleo_, and the

Master and Mariners they hir'd at _Salagua_, but Admiral _de Fonte_

with the other 3 Ships sailed from them within the Islands _Chamily_

the _10th_ of _May_ 1640. and having the length of Cape _Abel_, on the

W. S. W. side of _California_ in 26 Degrees of N. Latitude, 160 Leagues

N. W. and W. from the Isles _Chamily_; the Wind sprung up at S. S. E.

a steady Gale, that from the _26th_ of _May_ to the _14th_ of _June_,

he had sail'd to the River _los Reyes_ in 53 Degrees of N. Latitude,

not having occasion to lower a Topsail, in sailing 866 Leagues N. N.

W. 410 Leagues from Port _Abel_ to Cape Blanco, 456 Leagues to _Rio

los Reyes_, all the time most pleasant Weather, and sailed about 260

Leagues in crooked Channels, amongst Islands named the [4]_Archipelagus

de St Lazarus_; where his Ships Boats sail'd a mile a head, sounding

to see what Water, Rocks and Sands there was. The 22d of _June_,

Admiral _Fonte_ dispatched one of his Captains to _Pedro de Barnarda_,

to sail up a fair River, a gentle Stream and deep Water, went first

N. and N. E. N. and N. W. into a large Lake full of Islands, and one

very large _Peninsula_ full of Inhabitants, a Friendly honest People

in this Lake; he named Lake _Valasco_, where Captain _Barnarda_ left

his Ship; nor all up the River was less than 4, 5, 6, 7 and 8 Fathom

Water, both the Rivers and Lakes abounding with Salmon Trouts, and very

large white Pearch, some of two foot long; and with 3 large _Indian_

Boats, by them called _Periagos_, made of two large Trees 50 and 60

foot long. Capt. _Barnarda_ first sailed from his Ships in the Lake

_Valasco_, one hundred and forty Leagues West, and then 436 E. N. E.

to 77 Degrees of Latitude. Admiral _de Fonte_, after he had dispatch'd

Captain _Barnarda_ on the Discovery of the North and East part of the

_Tartarian_ Sea, the Admiral sail'd up a very Navigable River, which

he named _Rio los Reyes_, that run nearest North East, but on several

Points of the Compass 60 Leagues at low Water, in a fair Navigable

Channel, not less than 4 or 5 Fathom Water. It flow'd in both Rivers

near the same Water, in the River _los Reyes_, 24 foot Full and Change

of the Moon; a S. S. E. Moon made high Water. It flow'd in the River

_de Haro_ 22 foot and a half Full and Change. They had two [5]Jesuits

with them that had been on their Mission to the 66 Degrees of North

Latitude, and had made curious Observations. The Admiral _de Fonte_

received a Letter from Captain _Barnarda_, dated the 27th of _June_,

1640. that he had left his Ship in the Lake _Valasco_, betwixt the

Island _Barnarda_ and the Peninsula _Conibasset_, a very safe Port; it

went down a River from the Lake, 3 falls, 80 Leagues, and fell into the

_Tartarian_ Sea in 61 Degrees, with the Pater Jesuits and 36 Natives

in three of their Boats, and 20 of his _Spanish_ Seamen; that the Land

trended away North East; that they should want no Provisions, the

Country abounding with Venison of 3 sorts, and the Sea and Rivers with

excellent Fish (Bread, Salt, Oyl and Brandy they carry'd with them)

that he should do what was possible. The Admiral, when he received

the Letter from Captain _Barnarda_, was arrived at an _Indian_ Town

called _Conosset_, on the South-side the Lake _Belle_, where the two

Pater Jesuits on their Mission had been two Years; a pleasant Place.

The Admiral with his two Ships, enter'd the Lake the 22d of _June_,

an Hour before high Water, and there was no Fall or Catract, and 4 or

5 Fathom Water, and 6 and 7 generally in the Lake _Belle_, there is a

little fall of Water till half Flood, and an Hour and quarter before

high Water the Flood begins to set gently into the Lake _Belle_; the

River is fresh at 20 Leagues distance from the Mouth, or Entrance

of the River _los Reyes_. The River and Lake abounds with Salmon,

Salmon-Trouts, Pikes, Perch and Mullets, and two other sorts of Fish

peculiar to that River, admirable good, and Lake _Belle_; also abounds

with all those sorts of Fish large and delicate: And Admiral _de Fonte_

says, the Mullets catch'd in _Rios Reyes_ and Lake _Belle_, are much

delicater than are to be found, he believes, in any part of the World.

The rest shall be incerted in our next.

[1] _Eighty Leagues N. N. W. and 25 Leagues E. and by S._

[2] _The great Ships that are built in_ New Spain _are built in_ Raleo.

[3] Don Lewis de Haro _was great Minister of_ Spain.

[4] _So named by_ de Fonte, _he being the first that made that

Discovery._

[5] _One of those that went with Capt._ Barnarda _on his Discovery._

MEMOIRS for the CURIOUS. [Sidenote: June 1708.]

_The Remainder of Admiral_ Bartholomew de Fonte'_s Letter; giving an

Account of the most material Transactions in a Journal of his from

the Calo of_ Lima _in_ Peru, _on his Discoveries to find out if there

was any North West Passage from the_ Atlantick _Ocean into the South

and Tartarian Sea; which for want of Room we could not possibly avoid

postponing._

[Sidenote: _See the Memoirs for April 1708, and you'll find the

beginning of this Curious Discovery._]

We concluded with giving an Account of a Letter from Capt. _Barnarda_,

dated the 27th of _June_, 1640. on his Discovery in the Lake _Valasco_.

The first of _July_ 1640, Admiral _de Fonte_ sailed from the rest

of his Ships in the Lake _Belle_, in a good Port cover'd by a fine

Island, before the Town _Conosset_ from thence to a River I named

_Parmentiers_, in honour of my Industrious Judicious Comrade, Mr

_Parmentiers_, who had most exactly mark'd every thing in and about

that River; we pass'd 8 Falls, in all 32 foot, perpendicular from

its Sourse out of _Belle_; it falls into the large Lake I named Lake

_de Fonte_, at which place we arrived the 6th of _July_. This Lake

is 160 Leagues long and 60 broad, the length is E. N. E. and W. S.

W. to 20 or 30, in some places 60 Fathom deep; the Lake abounds with

excellent Cod and Ling, very large and well fed, there are several

very large Islands and 10 small ones; they are covered with shrubby

Woods, the Moss grows 6 or 7 foot long, with which the Moose, a very

large sort of Deer, are fat with in the Winter, and other lesser Deer,

as Fallow, _&c._ There are abundance of wild Cherries, Strawberries,

Hurtleberries, and wild Currants, and also of wild Fowl Heath Cocks and

Hens, likewise Partridges and Turkeys, and Sea Fowl in great plenty on

the South side: The Lake is a very large fruitful Island, had a great

many Inhabitants, and very excellent Timber, as Oaks, Ashes, Elm and

Fur-Trees, very large and tall.

The 14th of _July_ we sailed out of the E. N. E. end of the Lake _de

Fonte_, and pass'd a Lake I named _Estricho de Ronquillo_, 34 Leagues

long, 2 or 3 Leagues broad, 20, 26, and 28 Fathom of Water; we pass'd

this strait in 10 hours, having a stout Gale of Wind and whole Ebb. As

we sailed more Easterly, the Country grew very sensibly worse, as it

is in the North and South parts of _America_, from 36 to the extream

Parts North or South, the West differs not only in Fertility but in

Temperature of Air, at least 10 Degrees, and it is warmer on the West

side than on the East, as the best _Spanish_ Discoverers found it,

whose business it was in the time of the Emperor _Charles_ the V. to

_Philip_ the III. as is noted by _Aloares_ and a _Costa_ and _Mariana_,

&c.

The 17th we came to an _Indian_ Town, and the _Indians_ told our

Interpreter Mr _Parmentiers_, that a little way from us lay a great

Ship where there had never been one before; we sailed to them, and

found only one Man advanced in years, and a Youth; the Man was the

greatest Man in the Mechanical Parts of the Mathematicks I had ever

met with; my second Mate was an _English_ Man, an excellent Seaman,

as was my Gunner, who had been taken Prisoners at _Campechy_, as well

as the Master's Son; they told me the Ship was of _New England_, from

a Town called _Boston_. The Owner and the whole Ships Company came on

board the 30th, and the Navigator of the Ship, Capt. _Shapley_, told

me, his Owner was a fine Gentleman, and Major General of the largest

Colony in _New England_, called the _Maltechusets_; so I received him

like a Gentleman, and told him, my Commission was to make Prize of

any People seeking a North West or West Passage into the South Sea

but I would look upon them as Merchants trading with the Natives for

Bevers, Otters, and other Furs and Skins, and so for a small Present

of Provisions I had no need on, I gave him my Diamond Ring, which

cost me 1200 Pieces of Eight, (which the modest Gentleman received

with difficulty) and having given the brave Navigator, Capt. _Shapley_

for his fine Charts and Journals, 1000 Pieces of Eight, and the Owner

of the Ship, _Seimor Gibbons_ a quarter Cask of good _Peruan_ Wine,

and the 10 Seamen each 20 Pieces of Eight, the 6th of _August_, with

as much Wind as we could fly before, and a Currant, we arrived at

the first Fall of the River _Parmentiers_, the 11th of _August_, 86

Leagues, and was on the South side of the Lake _Belle_ on board our

Ships the 16th of _August_, before the fine Town _Conosset_, where

we found all things well; and the honest Natives of _Conosset_ had

in our absence treated our People with great humanity, and Capt. _de

Ronquillo_ answer'd their Civility and Justice.

The 20th of _August_ an _Indian_ brought me a Letter to _Conosset_ on

the Lake _Belle_, from Capt. _Barnarda_, dated the 11th of _August_,

where he sent me word he was returned from his Cold Expedition, and

did assure me there was no Communication out of the _Spanish_ or

_Atlantick_ Sea, by _Davis_ Strait; for the Natives had conducted one

of his Seamen to the head of _Davis_ Strait, which terminated in a

fresh Lake of about 30 Mile in circumference, in the 80th Degree of

North Latitude; and that there was prodigious Mountains North of it,

besides the North West from that Lake, the Ice was so fix'd, that from

the Shore to 100 Fathom Water, for ought he knew from the Creation;

for Mankind knew little of the wonderful Works of God, especially near

the North and South Poles; he writ further, that he had sailed from

_Basset_ Island North East, and East North East, and North East and by

East, to the 79th Degree of Latitude, and then the Land trended North,

and the Ice rested on the Land. I received afterwards a second Letter

from Capt. _Barnarda_, dated from _Minhanset_, informing me, that he

made the Port of _Arena_, 20 Leagues up the River _los Reyes_ on the

29th of _August_, where he waited my Commands. I having store of good

Salt Provisions, of Venison and Fish, that Capt. _de Ronquillo_ had

salted (by my order) in my absence, and 100 Hogsheads of _Indian_

Wheat or Mais, sailed the 2d of _September_ 1640. accompanied with many

of the honest Natives of _Conosset_, and the 5th of _September_ in the

Morning about 8, was at an Anchor betwixt _Arena_ and _Mynhanset_, in

the River _los Reyes_, sailing down that River to the North East part

of the South Sea; after that returned home, having found that there was

no Passage into the South Sea by that they call the North West Passage.

The Chart will make this much more demonstrable.

_Tho the Style of the foregoing Piece is not altogether so Polite,

(being writ like a Man, whose livelihood depended on another way) but

with abundance of Experience and a Traveller, yet there are so many

Curious, and hitherto unknown Discoveries, that it was thought worthy

a place in these_ Memoirs; _and 'tis humbly presum'd it will not be

unacceptable to those who have either been in those Parts, or will give

themselves the trouble of reviewing the Chart._

OBSERVATIONS

ON

_The Title affixed, and on other Circumstances relating to the Letter

of Admiral_ de Fonte, _shewing the Authenticity of that Letter, and of

the Account therein contained._

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