CHAPTER IV

THE THEORY AND THE PRACTICE OF WAR

"Moltke, the most gifted pupil of Clausewitz," "Moltke, who knew

Clausewitz's book well, and often liked to describe him as the

theoretical instructor." As Chaucer would say, "What needeth wordes

more?"

Clausewitz has treated practically every chief branch of strategy

and tactics (except, of course, the present-day developments of

railways, telegraphs, quick-firing guns, smokeless powder, universal

service armies, etc.). The whole of his bulky work "On War" is full

of interesting and sometimes eloquent and almost poetical passages,

of concentrated, pregnant, and far-reaching thoughts on every

subject. Through all these it is, of course, impossible to follow

him in any introduction. One can really do no more than urge all to

read Clausewitz for themselves, to go to the fountain-head, to the

master-work itself. In the short space to which I have restricted

myself, I propose, therefore, to concentrate on a few of his leading

ideas, reluctantly leaving out many others which are really almost just

as good.

THEORY AND PRACTICE

One of the things for which we are most deeply indebted to Clausewitz

is that he has shown us clearly the proper place of theory in relation

to practice. "It should educate the mind of the future leader in

war, or, rather, guide him in his _self-instruction_, but _not_

accompany him on to the battlefield; just as a sensible tutor forms

and enlightens the opening mind of a youth without therefore keeping

him in leading-strings all his life."[8] Again, "In real action most

men are guided by the tact of judgment, which hits the object more or

less accurately, according as they possess more or less genius. This

is the way in which all great generals have acted, and therein partly

lay their greatness and their genius, in that they always hit upon what

was right by this tact. Thus also it will always be in _action_, and

so far this tact is amply sufficient. But when it is a question not of

acting one's self, but of convincing others _in consultation_, then

all depends upon clear conceptions and demonstrations and the inherent

relations; and so little progress has been made in this respect that

most deliberations are merely a contention of words, resting on no

firm basis, and ending either in every one retaining his own opinion,

or in a compromise from mutual considerations of respect, a middle

course really without any value. Clear ideas on these matters are not,

therefore, wholly useless."[9]

How true this is any one will admit who reflects for a moment upon

the great diversity of opinions on almost every subject held in our

army, just because of this want of a central theory common to all. In

the domain of tactics it is evident that this holds good even as in

strategy, for a common central theory of war will produce a more or

less common way of looking at things, from which results more or less

common action towards the attainment of the common object.

REJECTION OF SET AND GEOMETRICAL THEORIES

"It should educate the mind of the future leader in war" is what

Clausewitz demands from a useful theory; but he most expressly and

unreservedly rejects every attempt at a method "by which definite

plans for wars or campaigns are to be given out all ready made as if

from a machine."[10] He mocks at Bülow's including at first in the

one term "base" all sorts of things, like the supply of the army, its

reinforcements and equipments, the security of its communications with

the home country, and lastly the security of its line of retreat, and

then fixing the extent of the base, and finally fixing an angle for the

extent of that base: "And all this was done merely to obtain a pure

geometrical result utterly useless" (Von Caemmerer).

For the same reason Jomini's principle of the Inner Line does not

satisfy him, owing to its mere geometrical nature, although he right

willingly acknowledges "that it rests on a sound foundation, on

the truth that the combat is the only effectual means in war" (Von

Caemmerer). All such attempts at theory seem to him therefore perfectly

useless, "because they strive to work with fixed quantities, while in

war everything is _uncertain_, and all considerations must reckon with

all kinds of variable quantities; because they only consider _material_

objects, while every action in war is saturated with _moral_ forces and

effects; lastly, because they deal only with the action of _one_ party,

while war is a constant reciprocal effect of _both_ parties" (Von

Caemmerer).

"Pity the warrior," says Clausewitz, "who is contented to crawl about

in this beggardom of rules." "Pity the theory which sets itself in

opposition to the mind"[11] (note, the moral forces).

A THEORY TO BE PRACTICALLY USEFUL

Clausewitz insists that a useful theory cannot be more than a thorough

knowledge of military history and "reflection upon all the situations

in which we can be placed in war." "What genius does must be just the

best of all rules, and theory cannot do better than to show just how

and why it is so." "It is an analytical investigation of the subject

which leads to exact knowledge: and if brought to bear on the results

of experience, which in our case would be military history, to a

_thorough_ familiarity with it. If theory investigates the subjects

which constitute war; if it separates more distinctly that which at

first sight seems amalgamated; if it explains fully the properties of

the means; if it shows their probable effects; if it makes evident the

nature of objects; _if it brings to bear all over the field of war the

light of essentially critical investigation_,--then it has fulfilled

the chief duties of its province. It becomes then a guide to him who

wishes to make himself acquainted with war from books; it lights up the

whole road for him, facilitates his progress, educates his judgment,

and shields him from error."[12]

KNOWLEDGE MUST BE THOROUGH

This Clausewitz considers most important. He says that "Knowledge of

the conduct of war ... _must pass completely into the mind_, and almost

cease to be something objective." For in war "The moral reaction, the

ever-changing form of things makes it necessary for the chief actor

to carry _in himself_ the whole mental apparatus of his knowledge, in

order that anywhere and at every pulse-beat he may be capable of giving

the requisite decision _from himself_. Knowledge must, by this complete

assimilation with his own mind and life, be converted into real power."

* * * * *

So much for Clausewitz, therefore, as the greatest yet the simplest and

least theoretical of theorists on war. Mark well his comforting dictum

that "Theory is nothing but rational reflection upon all the situations

in which we can be placed in war." That is a task which we have all

more or less attempted. Therefore we are all more or less theorists.

The only question is that of comparative "thoroughness" in our

reflections. And it is essentially this "thoroughness" in investigation

and reflection towards which Clausewitz helps us. Like every other

habit, the _habit_ of military reflection gradually grows with use;

till, fortified and strengthened by detailed knowledge, it gradually

becomes Power.

REFLECTIONS

The theory of war is simple, and there is no reason why any man who

chooses to take the trouble to read and reflect carefully on one or

two of the acknowledged best books thereon, should not attain to a

fair knowledge thereof. He may with reasonable trouble attain to such

knowledge of the theory of war as will enable him to follow with

intelligent appreciation the discussions of experienced soldier or

soldiers. Such knowledge as will prevent his misunderstanding the

experienced soldier's argument from pure ignorance, and such knowledge

as will enable him to understand the military reasons put forward and

the military object proposed. To the opinion of such a man all respect

will be due. Thus, and thus only.

It is indeed the plain duty of all who aspire to rule either thus to

qualify themselves to understand, or else to abstain from interference

with, the military interests of the State.

The Reality of War: A Companion to Clausewitz · 第 4 / 12 章