of the Thirty-second Massachusetts Regiment. Governor Andrew was present,
and seeing the son of an old friend sitting in a corner and looking much
neglected while his brother was dancing and having a fine time, the
Governor went to him, took him by the arm and marched several times
around the hall with him. He then went to Mrs. Hawthorne, inquired what
her husband was writing, and explained the battle of Gettysburg to her,
drawing a diagram of it on a letter which he took from his coat pocket.
Years afterwards Mrs. Hawthorne spoke of this as one of the pleasantest
interviews of her life.
He would come in late to dinner at the Bird Club, looking so full of
force that he seemed as much like a steam-engine as a man. They usually
applauded him, but he paid no attention to it. "Waiter, bring me some
minced fish with carrots and beets," he would say. His fish-dinner became
proverbial, but he complained that they could not serve it at fine hotels
in the way our grandmothers made it. He said it did not taste the same.
His private secretary states that Governor Andrew's favorite _sans
souci_ was to take a drive into the country with some friend, and
after he had passed the thickly settled suburbs to talk, laugh and jest
as young men do on a yachting excursion,--but his talk was always
refined. There was no recreation that Professor Francis J. Child liked
better than this.
Andrew's valedictory address on January 5, 1865, which was chiefly
concerned with the reconstruction of the Southern States, was little
understood at the time even by his friends; and in truth he did not make
out his scheme as clearly as he might have done. He considered negro
suffrage the first essential of reconstruction, but he did not believe in
enfranchising the colored people and disfranchising the whites. He
foresaw that this could only end in disaster; and he advised that the
rebellious States should remain under military government until the white
people of the South should rescind their acts of secession and adopt
negro suffrage of their own accord. There would have been certain
advantages in this over the plan that was afterwards adopted--that is,
Sumner's plan--but it included the danger that the Southern States might
have adopted universal suffrage and negro citizenship for the sake of
Congressional representation, and afterwards have converted it into a
dead letter, as it is at present. Andrew considered Lincoln's attempts at
reconstruction as premature, and therefore injudicious.
For nearly twenty-five years John A. Andrew was a parishioner of Rev.
James Freeman Clarke, who preached in Indiana Place Chapel. In 1848 Rev.
Mr. Clarke desired to exchange with Theodore Parker, but older members of
his parish strenuously opposed it. Andrew, then only twenty-seven years
old, came forward in support of his pastor, and argued the case
vigorously, not because he agreed with Parker's theological opinions, but
because he considered the opposition illiberal. After this both Andrew
and Clarke would seem to have become gradually more conservative, for
when the latter delivered a sermon or lecture in 1866 in opposition to
Emerson's philosophy, the ex-Governor printed a public letter requesting
him to repeat it. It is easy to trace the influence of James Freeman
Clarke in Governor Andrew's religious opinions and Andrew's influence on
Rev. Mr. Clarke's politics. Each was a firm believer in the other.
The movement to supersede Sumner with Andrew as United States Senator, in
1869, originated in what is called the Back Bay district. It was not
because they loved Andrew there, but because they hated Sumner, who
represented to their minds the loss of political power which they had
enjoyed from the foundation of the Republic until his election in 1850,
and have never recovered it since. Andrew's political record and his
democratic manners could hardly have been to their liking.
The Boston aristocracy counted for success on the support of the Grand
Army veterans, who were full of enthusiasm for Andrew; but it is not
probable that the ex-Governor would have been willing to lead a movement
which his best friends disapproved of, and which originated with the same
class of men who tried so hard to defeat him in 1862. Moreover, they
would have found a very sturdy opponent in Senator Wilson. It was Wilson
who had made Sumner a Senator, and for fifteen years they had fought side
by side without the shadow of a misunderstanding between them. Under such
conditions men cannot help feeling a strong affection for one another.
Besides this, Wilson would have been influenced by interested motives.
Sumner cared nothing for the minor Government offices--the classified
service--except so far as to assist occasionally some unfortunate person
who had been crowded out of the regular lines; and this afforded Wilson a
fine opportunity of extending his influence. If Andrew were chosen
Senator in the way that was anticipated Wilson knew well enough that this
patronage would have to be divided between them.
Andrew could not have replaced Sumner in the Senate. He lacked the
physical strength as well as the experience, and that extensive range of
legal and historical knowledge which so often disconcerted Sumner's
opponents. He had a genius for the executive, and the right position for
him would have been in President Grant's cabinet. That he would have been
offered such a place can hardly be doubted.
But Governor Andrew's span of life was over. He might have lived longer
if he had taken more physical exercise; but the great Civil War proved
more fatal to the statesmen who were engaged in it than to the generals
in the field. None of the great leaders of the Republican party lasted
very long after this.
Andrew's friends always felt that the man was greater than his position,
and that he really missed the opportunity to develop his ability to its
full extent. His position was not so difficult as that of Governor
Morgan, of New York, or Governor Morton, of Indiana; for he was supported
by one of the wealthiest and most patriotic of the States. It was his
clear insight into the political problems of his time and the
fearlessness with which he attacked them that gave him such influence
among his contemporaries, and made him felt as a moral force to the
utmost limits of the Union. No public man has ever left a more stainless
reputation, and we only regret that he was not as considerate of himself
as he was of others.
THE COLORED REGIMENTS
The first colored regiment in the Civil War was organized by General
Hunter at Beaufort, S. C., in May, 1862, without permission from the
Government; and some said, perhaps unjustly, that he was removed from his
command on that account. It was reorganized by General Saxton the
following August, and accepted by the Secretary of War a short time
afterwards. Rev. T. W. Higginson, who had led the attack on Boston Court
House in the attempt to rescue Anthony Burns, was commissioned as its
Colonel.
In August also George L. Stearns, being aware that Senator Sumner was
preparing a speech to be delivered at the Republican State convention,
went to his house on Hancock Street and urged that he should advocate in
it the general enlistment of colored troops; but Sumner said decisively,
"No, I do not consider it advisable to agitate that question until the
Proclamation of Emancipation has become a fact. Then we will take another
step in advance." At a town meeting held in Medford, in December, Mr.
Stearns made a speech on the same subject, and was hissed for his pains
by the same men who were afterwards saved from the conscription of 1863
by the negroes whom he recruited.
[Illustration: MAJOR GEORGE L. STEARNS]
Lewis Hayden, the colored janitor of the State House, always claimed the
credit of having suggested to Governor Andrew to organize a colored
regiment of Massachusetts Volunteers. William S. Robinson, who was then
Clerk of the State Senate, supported Hayden in this; but he also remarked
that Representative Durfee, of New Bedford, proposed a bill in May, 1861,
for the organization of a colored regiment, and that it was only defeated
by six votes.
As soon as the Proclamation of Emancipation had been issued the Governor
went to Washington for a personal interview with the Secretary of War,
and returned with the desired permission. Mr. Stearns went with him and
obtained a commission for James Montgomery, who had defended the Kansas
border during Buchanan's administration, to be Colonel of another colored
regiment in South Carolina. Colonel Montgomery arrived at Beaufort about
the first of February.
Governor Andrew formed the skeleton of a regiment with Robert G. Shaw as
Colonel, but was able to obtain few recruits. There were plenty of sturdy
negroes about Boston, but they were earning higher wages than ever
before, and were equally afraid of what might happen to them if they were
captured by the Confederate forces. Colonel Hallowell says: "The Governor
counselled with certain leading colored men of Boston. He put the
question, Will your people enlist in my regiments? 'They will not,' was
the reply of all but Hayden. 'We have no objection to white officers, but
our self-respect demands that competent colored men shall be at least
eligible to promotion.'" By the last of February less than two companies
had been recruited, and the prospects of the Fifty-fourth Massachusetts
did not look hopeful.
When Governor Andrew was in doubt he usually sent for Frank W. Bird and
George L. Stearns, but this time Mr. Stearns was before him. To the
Governor's question, "What is to done?" he replied, "If you will obtain
funds from the Legislature for their transportation, I will recruit you a
regiment among the black men of Ohio and Canada West. There are a great
many runaways in Canada, and those are the ones who will go back and
fight." "Very good," said the Governor; "go as soon as you can, and our
friend Bird will take care of the appropriation bill." A handsome
recruiting fund for incidental expenses had already been raised, to which
Mr. Stearns was, as usual, one of the largest subscribers.
He arrived at Buffalo, New York, the next day at noon, and went to a
colored barber to have his hair cut. He disclosed the object of his
mission, and the barber promised to bring some of his friends together to
discuss the matter that evening. The following evening Mr. Steams called
a meeting of the colored residents of Buffalo, and made an address to
them, urging the importance of the occasion, and the advantage it would
be to their brethren in slavery and to the future of the negro race, if
they were to become well-drilled and practiced soldiers. "When you have
rifles in your hands," he said, "your freedom will be secure." To the
objection that only white officers were being commissioned for the
colored regiments he replied: "See how public opinion changes; how
rapidly we move forward! Only three months ago I was hissed in a town
meeting for proposing the enlistment of colored troops; and now here we
are! I have no doubt that before six months a number of colored officers
will be commissioned." His speech was received with applause; but when he
asked, "Now who will volunteer?" there was a prolonged silence. At length
a sturdy-looking fellow arose and said: "I would enlist if I felt sure
that my wife and children would not suffer for it." "I will look after
your family," said Mr. Stearns, "and see that they want for nothing; but
it is a favor I cannot promise again." After this ten or twelve more
enrolled themselves, and having provided for their maintenance until they
could be transported to the camp at Readville, he went over to Niagara,
on the Canada side, to see what might be effected in that vicinity.
In less than a week he was again in Buffalo arranging a recruiting
bureau, with agencies in Canada and the Western States as far as St.
Louis--where there were a large number of refugees who had lately been
liberated by Grant's campaign at Vicksburg. Mr. Lucian B. Eaton, an old
lawyer and prominent politician of the city, accepted the agency there as
a work of patriotic devotion. Among Mr. Stearns's most successful agents
were the Langston brothers, colored scions of a noble Virginia family,--
both excellent men and influential among their people. All his agents
were required to write a letter to him every evening, giving an account
of their day's work, and every week to send him an account of their
expenses. Thus Mr. Stearns sat at his desk and directed their movements
by telegraph as easily as pieces on a chess-board. The appropriation for
transportation had already passed the Massachusetts Legislature, but
where this did not suffice to meet an emergency he drew freely on his own
resources.
By the last of April recruits were coming in at the rate of thirty or
forty a day, and Mr. Stearns telegraphed to the Governor: "I can fill up
another regiment for you in less than six weeks,"--a hint which resulted
in the Massachusetts Fifty-fifth, with Norwood P. Hallowell, a gallant
officer who had been wounded at Antietam, for its commander.
The Governor, however, appears to have suddenly changed his mind, for on
May 7th Mr. Stearns wrote to his wife:
"Yesterday at noon I learned from Governor Andrew by telegram that he did
not intend to raise another regiment. I was thunderstruck. My work for
three weeks would nearly, or quite, fall to the ground. I telegraphed in
reply: 'You told me to take all the men I could get without regard to
regiments. Have two hundred men on the way; what shall I do with them?'
The reply came simultaneously with your letter: 'Considering your
telegraph and Wild's advice, another regiment may proceed, expecting it
full in four weeks. Present want of troops will probably prevent my being
opposed.' I replied: 'I thank God for your telegram received this
morning. You shall have the men in four weeks.' Now all is right."
The Surgeon-General had detailed one Dr. Browne for duty at Buffalo to
examine Mr. Stearns's recruits, and if found fit for service by him there
was presumably no need of a second examination. This, however, did not
suit the medical examiner at Readville, who either from ill will or from
some unknown motive, insisted on rejecting every sixth man sent there
from the West. Thus there was entailed on Mr. Stearns an immense expense
which he had no funds to meet, and he was obliged to make a private loan
of ten thousand dollars without knowing in the least how or where he was
to be reimbursed.
Finally, on May 8, Mr. Stearns made a remonstrance against this abuse to
Governor Andrew in a letter in which he also gave this account of
himself:
"I have worked every day, Sunday included, for more than two months
and from fourteen to sixteen hours a day; I have filled the West with
my agents; I have compelled the railroads to accept lower terms of
transportation than the Government rates; I have filled a letter-book
of five hundred pages, most of it closely written."
This letter is now in the archives of the State
House at Boston, and on the back of it Governor
Andrew has written:
"This letter is respy. referred to Surgeon-General Dole with the
request that he would confer with Surgeon Stone and Lieutenant-Colonel
Hallowell. It is surprising, and not fair nor fit, that a man trying
as Mr. Stearns is, to serve the country at a risk, should suffer thus
by such disagreement of opinion.
"JOHN A. ANDREW."
Shortly after this Mr. Stearns returned to Boston for a brief visit, and
was met in the street by a philanthropic lady, Mrs. E. D. Cheney, who
asked: "Where have you been all this time, Mr. Stearns? I supposed you
were going to help us organize the colored regiment? You will be glad to
know that it is doing well. We have nearly a thousand men." Mr. Stearns
made no reply, but bowed and passed on. This is the more surprising, as
Mrs. Cheney was president of a society of ladies who had presented the
Fifty-fourth Regiment with a flag; but the fault would seem to have been
more that of others than her own. At the celebration which took place on
the departure of the regiment for South Carolina, however, Wendell
Phillips said: "We owe it chiefly to a private citizen, to George L.
Stearns, of Medford, that these heroic men are mustered into the
service,"--a statement which astonished a good many. [Footnote: The
statement made by Governor Andrew's private secretary concerning the
colored regiments in his memoir of the Governor would seem to have been
intentionally misleading.]
The Governors of the Western States had never considered their colored
population as of any importance, but now, when it was being drained off
to fill up the quota of Massachusetts troops they began to think
differently. The Governor of Ohio advised Governor Andrew that no more
recruiting could be permitted in his State unless the recruits were
assigned to the Ohio quota. Andrew replied that the Governor of Ohio was
at liberty to recruit colored regiments of his own; but the Massachusetts
Fifty-fifth, having now a complement, it was decided not to continue the
business any further, and Mr. Stearns's labors at Buffalo were thus
brought to an end about the middle of June. He had recruited fully one-
half of the Fifty-fourth, and nearly the whole of the Fifty-fifth
regiments.
He now conceived the idea of making his recruiting bureau serviceable by
placing it in the hands of the Government. He therefore went to
Washington and meeting his friend, Mr. Fred Law Olmstead, at Willard's
Hotel, the latter offered to go with him to the War Department and
introduce him to Secretary Stanton. They found Stanton fully alive to the
occasion, and in reply to Mr. Stearns's offer he said:
"I have heard of your recruiting bureau, and I think you would be the
best man to run the machine you have constructed. I will make you an
Assistant Adjutant-General with the rank of Major, and I will give you
authority to recruit colored regiments all over the country."
Stearns thanked him, and replied that there was nothing which he had so
much at heart as enlisting the black men on a large scale; for no people
could be said to be secure in their freedom unless they were also
soldiers; but his wife was unwell, and had suffered much from his absence
already, and he did not feel that he ought to accept the offer without
her consent. In answer to the question how funds for recruiting were to
be obtained without any appropriation by Congress, Mr. Stanton said they
could be supplied from the Secret Service fund.
When Mr. Stearns and Mr. Olmstead were alone on the street again, the
latter said: "Mr. Stearns, go to your room and sleep if you can."
Having returned to Boston, to arrange his affairs for a prolonged
absence, and having obtained his wife's consent, Mr. Stearns ordered his
recruiting bureau to report at Philadelphia, where he soon after followed
it.
The battle of Gettysburg had stirred Philadelphia to its foundations, and
its citizens were prepared to welcome anything that promised a vigorous
prosecution of the war. Major Stearns was at once enrolled among the
members of the Union League Club, the parent of all the union leagues in
the country, and was invited to the meetings of various other clubs and
fashionable entertainments. A recruiting committee was formed from among
the most prominent men in the city. Camp William Penn, while the colored
regiment was being drilled, became a fashionable resort, and fine
equipages filled the road thither every after-noon. By the middle of July
the first regiment was nearly full.
Fine weather does not often last more than a few weeks at a time, and in
the midst of these festivities suddenly came Secretary Stanton's order
reducing the pay of colored soldiers from thirteen to eight dollars a
month. This was a breach of contract and the men had a right to their
discharge if they wished it; but that, of course, was not permitted them.
Such an action could only be excused on the ground of extreme necessity.
The Massachusetts Legislature promptly voted to pay the deficiency to the
Fifty-fourth and Fifty-fifth regiments; but the one at Philadelphia was
in organization, and Mr. Stearns found himself in the position of a man
who has made promises which he is unable to fulfil.
Hon. William D. Kelley and two other gentlemen of the committee went with
Major Stearns to Washington to see Stanton, and endeavored to persuade
him to revoke the order. Kelley was one of the most persistent debaters
who ever sat in Congress, and he argued the question with the Secretary
of War for more than an hour,--to the great disgust of the latter,--but
Stanton was as firm as Napoleon ever was. Major Stearns never had another
pleasant interview with him.
The Secretary's argument was that some white regiments had complained of
being placed on an equality with negroes, and that it interfered with
recruiting white soldiers. There was doubtless some reason in this; but
the same result might have been obtained by a smaller reduction.
The next morning some one remarked to Major Stearns that it was
exceedingly hot weather, even for Washington, and his reply was: "Yes,
but the fever within is worse than the heat without." He talked of
resigning; but finally said, decisively, "I will go and consult with
Olmstead."
He found Mr. Olmstead friendly and sympathetic. He spoke of Secretary
Stanton in no complimentary terms, but he advised Mr. Stearns to continue
with his work, and endure all that he could for the good of the cause,--
not to be worried by evils for which he was in no way responsible. Mr.
Stearns returned to Willard's with a more cheerful countenance.
In the afternoon Judge Kelley came in with the news of the repulse of the
Fifty-fourth Massachusetts regiment at Fort Wagner and the death of
Colonel Shaw.
There was a colored regiment in process of formation at Baltimore, and
another was supposed to be organizing at Fortress Monroe.
Both were nominally under Mr. Stearns's supervision, and he inspected the
former on his return trip to Philadelphia, and sent his son to
investigate and report on the latter. Not the trace of a colored regiment
could be discovered at Fortress Monroe, but there were scores of Union
officers lounging and smoking on the piazza of the Hygeia Hotel. Mr.
Stearns thought that business economy had better begin by reducing the
number of officers rather than the pay of the soldiers. On July 28 Major
Stearns wrote from Baltimore:
"I am still perplexed as to the mode in which I can best carry out the
work intrusted to me. It is so difficult to adjust my mode of rapid
working to the slow routine of the Department that I sometimes almost
despair of the task and want to abandon it."
No private business could succeed if carried on after the manner of the
National Government at that time, and this was not the fault of Lincoln's
administration at all, but of the whole course of Jackson democracy from
1829 to 1861. The clerks in the various departments did not hold their
positions from the heads of those departments, but from outside
politicians who had no connection with the Government business, and as a
consequence they were saucy and insubordinate. They found it to their
interest to delay and obstruct the procedure of business in order to give
the impression that they were overworked, and in that way make their
positions more secure and if possible of greater importance.
Major Stearns had found himself continually embarrassed in his Government
service from lack of sufficient funds, and the continual delay in having
his accounts audited. The auditors of the War Department repeatedly took
exception to expenditures that were absolutely necessary, and he was
obliged to advance large sums from his own capital in order to provide
the current expenses of his agents. In this emergency he returned to
Boston and held a conference with Mr. John M. Forbes and other friends;
and they all agreed that he ought to be better supported in the work of
recruiting than he had been. A subscription was immediately set on foot,
and in a few days a recruiting fund of about thirty thousand dollars was
raised and placed in charge of Mr. R. P. Hallowell.