PREDATORY WARFARE OF THE ENEMY—RAVAGES IN THE CHESAPEAKE—HOSTILITIES
ON THE HUDSON—VERPLANCK’S POINT AND STONY POINT TAKEN—CAPTURE OF NEW
HAVEN—FAIRFIELD AND NORWALK DESTROYED—WASHINGTON PLANS A COUNTER
STROKE—STORMING OF STONY POINT—GENEROUS LETTER OF LEE.
The situation of Sir Henry Clinton must have been mortifying in the
extreme to an officer of lofty ambition and generous aims. His force,
between sixteen and seventeen thousand strong, was superior in number,
discipline, and equipment to that of Washington; yet his instructions
confined him to a predatory warfare carried on by attacks and marauds at
distant points, harassing, it is true, yet irritating to the country
intended to be conciliated, and brutalizing to his own soldiery. Such
was the nature of an expedition set on foot against the commerce of the
Chesapeake; by which commerce the armies were supplied and the credit of
the government sustained. On the 9th of May, a squadron under Sir George
Collier, convoying transports and galleys, with twenty-five hundred men,
commanded by General Mathews, entered these waters, took possession of
Portsmouth without opposition, sent out armed parties against Norfolk,
Suffolk, Gosport, Kemp’s Landing, and other neighboring places, where
were immense quantities of provisions, naval and military stores, and
merchandise of all kinds; with numerous vessels, some on the stocks,
others richly laden. Wherever they went, a scene of plunder,
conflagration, and destruction ensued. A few days sufficed to ravage the
whole neighborhood.
While this was going on at the South, Washington received intelligence
of movements at New York and in its vicinity, which made him apprehend
an expedition against the Highlands of the Hudson.
Since the loss of Forts Montgomery and Clinton, the main defences of the
Highlands had been established at the sudden bend of the river where it
winds between West Point and Constitution Island. Two opposite forts
commanded this bend, and an iron chain which was stretched across it.
Washington had projected two works also just below the Highlands, at
Stony Point and Verplanck’s Point, to serve as outworks of the mountain
passes, and to protect King’s Ferry, the most direct and convenient
communication between the Northern and Middle States.
A small but strong fort had been erected on Verplanck’s Point, and was
garrisoned by seventy men under Captain Armstrong. A more important work
was in progress at Stony Point. When completed, these two forts, on
opposite promontories, would form as it were the lower gates of the
Highlands; miniature Pillars of Hercules, of which Stony Point was the
Gibraltar.
To be at hand in case of any real attempt upon the Highlands, Washington
drew up with his forces in that direction; moving by the way of
Morristown.
An expedition up the Hudson was really the object of Sir Henry Clinton’s
movements, and for this he was strengthened by the return of Sir George
Collier with his marauding ships and forces from Virginia. On the 30th
of May, Sir Henry set out on his second grand cruise up the Hudson, with
an armament of about seventy sail, great and small, and one hundred and
fifty flat boats. Admiral Sir George Collier commanded the armament, and
there was a land force of about five thousand men under General Vaughan.
The first aim of Sir Henry was to get possession of Stony and
Verplanck’s Points; his former expedition had acquainted him with the
importance of this pass of the river. On the morning of the 31st, the
forces were landed in two divisions, the largest under General Vaughan,
on the east side of the river, about seven or eight miles below
Verplanck’s Point; the other, commanded by Sir Henry in person, landed
in Haverstraw Bay, about three miles below Stony Point. There were but
about thirty men in the unfinished fort; they abandoned it on the
approach of the enemy, and retreated into the Highlands, having first
set fire to the block-house. The British took quiet possession of the
fort in the evening; dragged up cannon and mortars in the night, and at
daybreak opened a furious fire upon Fort Lafayette. It was cannonaded at
the same time by the armed vessels, and a demonstration was made on it
by the division under General Vaughan. Thus surrounded, the little
garrison of seventy men was forced to surrender, with no other
stipulation than safety to their persons and to the property they had in
the fort. Major André was aide-de-camp to Sir Henry, and signed the
articles of capitulation.
Sir Henry Clinton stationed garrisons in both posts, and set to work
with great activity to complete the fortification of Stony Point. His
troops remained for several days in two divisions on the opposite sides
of the river; the fleet generally fell down a little below King’s Ferry;
some of the square-rigged vessels, however, with others of a smaller
size, and flat-bottomed boats, having troops on board, dropped down
Haverstraw Bay, and finally disappeared behind the promontories which
advance across the upper part of the Tappan Sea.
Some of the movements of the enemy perplexed Washington exceedingly. He
presumed, however, that the main object of Sir Henry was to get
possession of West Point, the guardian fortress of the river, and that
the capture of Stony and Verplanck’s Points were preparatory steps. He
would fain have dislodged him from these posts, which cut off all
communication by the way of King’s Ferry, but they were too strong; he
had not the force nor military apparatus necessary. Deferring any
attempt on them for the present, he took measures for the protection of
West Point. Leaving General Putnam and the main body of the army at
Smith’s Clove, a mountain pass in the rear of Haverstraw, he removed his
head-quarters to New Windsor, to be near West Point in case of need, and
to press the completion of its works. General McDougall was transferred
to the command of the Point. Three brigades were stationed at different
places on the opposite side of the river, under General Heath, from
which fatigue parties crossed daily to work on the fortifications.
This strong disposition of the American forces checked Sir Henry’s
designs against the Highlands. Contenting himself, therefore, for the
present, with the acquisition of Stony and Verplanck’s Points, he
returned to New York; where he soon set on foot a desolating expedition
along the seaboard of Connecticut. That State, while it furnished the
American armies with provisions and recruits, and infested the sea with
privateers, had hitherto experienced nothing of the horrors of war
within its borders. Sir Henry, in compliance with his instructions from
government, was now about to give it a scourging lesson; and he
entertained the hope that, in so doing, he might draw down Washington
from his mountain fastnesses, and lay open the Hudson to a successful
incursion.
General (late Governor) Tryon, was the officer selected by Sir Henry for
this inglorious, but apparently congenial service. About the beginning
of July he embarked with two thousand six hundred men, in a fleet of
transports and tenders, and was convoyed up the Sound by Sir George
Collier with two ships of war.
On the 5th of July, the troops landed near New Haven, in two divisions,
one led by Tryon, the other by Brigadier-general Garth, his lieutenant.
They came upon the neighborhood by surprise; yet the militia assembled
in haste, and made a resolute though ineffectual opposition. The British
captured the town, dismantled the fort, and took or destroyed all the
vessels in the harbor; with all the artillery, ammunition, and public
stores. Several private houses were plundered; but this, it was said,
was done by the soldiery contrary to orders. The enemy, in fact, claimed
great credit for lenity in refraining from universal sackage,
considering the opposition they had experienced while on the march, and
that some of the inhabitants of the town had fired upon them from the
windows.
They next proceeded to Fairfield; where, meeting with greater
resistance, they thought the moment arrived for a wholesome example of
severity. Accordingly, they not merely ravaged and destroyed the public
stores and the vessels in the harbor, but laid the town itself in ashes.
The exact return of this salutary lesson gives the destruction of
ninety-seven dwelling-houses, sixty-seven barns and stables, forty-eight
storehouses, three places of worship, a court house, a jail, and two
school-houses.
The sight of their homes laid desolate, and their dwellings wrapped in
flames, only served to exasperate the inhabitants, and produce a more
determined opposition to the progress of the destroyers; whereupon the
ruthless ravage of the latter increased as they advanced.
At Norwalk, where they landed on the 11th of July, they burnt one
hundred and thirty dwelling-houses, eighty-seven barns, twenty-two
storehouses, seventeen shops, four mills, two places of worship, and
five vessels which were in the harbor. All this was private property,
and the loss fell on individuals engaged in the ordinary occupations of
life. These acts of devastation were accompanied by atrocities,
inevitable where the brutal passions of the soldiery are aroused. They
were unprovoked, too, by any unusual acts of hostility, the militia
having no time to assemble, excepting in small parties for the defence
of their homes and firesides. The loss of the British throughout the
whole expedition amounted, according to their own accounts, to twenty
killed, ninety-six wounded, and thirty-two missing.
It was intended to crown this grand ravage by a descent on New London, a
noted rendezvous of privateers; but as greater opposition was expected
there than at either of the other places the squadron returned to
Huntington Bay, on Long Island, to await reinforcements; and Commodore
Collier proceeded to Throg’s Neck, to confer with Sir Henry Clinton
about further operations.
In this conference Sir Henry was assured that the recent expedition was
producing the most salutary effects; that the principal inhabitants were
incensed at the apathy of Washington in remaining encamped near the
Hudson, while their country was ravaged and their homes laid in ashes;
that they complained equally of Congress, and talked of withdrawing from
it their allegiance, and making terms with the British commanders for
themselves; finally, it was urged that the proposed expedition against
New London would carry these salutary effects still further, and confirm
the inhabitants in the sentiments they were beginning to express.
Such were the delusive representations continually made to the British
commanders in the course of this war; or rather, such were the delusions
in which they themselves indulged, and which led them to the commission
of acts calculated to rend still further asunder the kindred countries.
Washington, however, was not culpable of the apathy ascribed to him. On
hearing of the departure of the expedition to the eastward, and before
he was acquainted with its definite object, he detached General Heath,
with two brigades of Connecticut militia, to counteract the movements of
the enemy. This was all that he could spare from the force stationed for
the protection of the Highlands. Any weakening of his posts there might
bring the enemy suddenly upon him, such was their facility in moving
from one place to another by means of their shipping. Indeed, he had
divined that a scheme of the kind was at the bottom of the hostile
movement to the eastward.
As a kind of counter-check to Sir Henry, he had for some days been
planning the recapture of Stony Point and Fort Lafayette. He had
reconnoitred them in person; spies had been thrown into them, and
information collected from deserters. Stony Point having been recently
strengthened by the British was now the most important. It was a rocky
promontory advancing far into the Hudson, which washed three sides of
it. A deep morass, covered at high water, separated it from the main
land, but at low tide might be traversed by a narrow causeway and
bridge. The promontory was crowned by strong works, furnished with heavy
ordnance, commanding the morass and causeway. Lower down were two rows
of abatis, and the shore at the foot of the hill could be swept by
vessels of war anchored in the river. The garrison was about six hundred
strong, commanded by Lieutenant-colonel Johnson.
To attempt the surprisal of this isolated post, thus strongly fortified,
was a perilous enterprise. General Wayne, Mad Anthony as he was called
from his daring valor, was the officer to whom Washington proposed it,
and he engaged in it with avidity.[148] According to Washington’s plan,
it was to be attempted by light-infantry only, at night, and with the
utmost secrecy, securing every person they met to prevent discovery.
Between one and two hundred chosen men and officers were to make the
surprise; preceded by a vanguard of prudent, determined men, well
commanded, to remove obstructions, secure sentries, and drive in the
guards. The whole were to advance with fixed bayonets and unloaded
muskets; all was to be done with the bayonet. These parties were to be
followed by the main body, at a small distance, to support and reinforce
them, or to bring them off in case of failure. All were to wear white
cockades or feathers, and to have a watchword, so as to be distinguished
from the enemy. “The usual time for exploits of this kind,” observes
Washington, “is a little before day, for which reason a vigilant officer
is then more on the watch. I therefore recommend a midnight hour.”
On getting possession of Stony Point, Wayne was to turn its guns upon
Fort Lafayette and the shipping. A detachment was to march down from
West Point by Peekskill, to the vicinity of Fort Lafayette, and hold
itself ready to join in the attack upon it, as soon as the cannonade
began from Stony Point.
On the 15th of July, about mid-day, Wayne set out with his
light-infantry from Sandy Beach, fourteen miles distant from Stony
Point. The roads were rugged, across mountains, morasses, and narrow
defiles, in the skirts of the Dunderberg, where frequently it was
necessary to proceed in single file. About eight in the evening, they
arrived within a mile and a half of the forts, without being discovered.
Not a dog barked to give the alarm—all the dogs in the neighborhood had
been privately destroyed beforehand. Bringing the men to a halt, Wayne
and his principal officers went nearer, and carefully reconnoitred the
works and their environs, so as to proceed understandingly and without
confusion. Having made their observations they returned to the troops.
Midnight, it will be recollected, was the time recommended by Washington
for the attack. About half-past eleven, the whole moved forward, guided
by a negro of the neighborhood who had frequently carried in fruit to
the garrison, and served the Americans as a spy. He led the way,
accompanied by two stout men disguised as farmers. The countersign was
given to the first sentinel, posted on high ground west of the morass.
While the negro talked with him, the men seized and gagged him. The
sentinel posted at the head of the causeway was served in the same
manner; so that hitherto no alarm was given. The causeway, however, was
overflowed, and it was some time after twelve o’clock before the troops
could cross; leaving three hundred men under General Muhlenberg, on the
western side of the morass, as a reserve.
At the foot of the promontory, the troops were divided into two columns,
for simultaneous attacks on opposite sides of the works. One hundred and
fifty volunteers, led by Lieutenant-colonel Fleury, seconded by Major
Posey, formed the vanguard of the right column. One hundred volunteers
under Major Stewart, the vanguard of the left. In advance of each was a
forlorn hope of twenty men, one led by Lieutenant Gibbon, the other by
Lieutenant Knox; it was their desperate duty to remove the abatis. So
well had the whole affair been conducted, that the Americans were close
upon the outworks before they were discovered. There was then severe
skirmishing at the pickets. The Americans used the bayonet; the others
discharged their muskets. The reports roused the garrison. Stony Point
was instantly in an uproar. The drums beat to arms; every one hurried to
his alarm post; the works were hastily manned, and a tremendous fire of
grape shot and musketry opened upon the assailants.
The two columns forced their way with the bayonet, at opposite points,
surmounting every obstacle. Colonel Fleury was the first to enter the
fort and strike the British flag. Major Posey sprang to the ramparts and
shouted, “The fort is our own.” Wayne, who led the right column,
received at the inner abatis a contusion on the head from a musket ball,
and would have fallen to the ground, but his two aides-de-camp supported
him. Thinking it was a death wound, “Carry me into the fort,” said he,
“and let me die at the head of my column.” He was borne in between his
aides, and soon recovered his self-possession. The two columns arrived
nearly at the same time, and met in the centre of the works. The
garrison surrendered at discretion.
At daybreak, as Washington directed, the guns of the fort were turned on
Fort Lafayette and the shipping. The latter cut their cables and dropped
down the river. Through a series of blunders, the detachment from West
Point, which was to have co-operated, did not arrive in time, and came
unprovided with suitable ammunition for their battering artillery. This
part of the enterprise, therefore, failed; Fort Lafayette held out.
The storming of Stony Point stands out in high relief, as one of the
most brilliant achievements of the war. The Americans had effected it
without firing a musket. On their part, it was the silent, deadly work
of the bayonet; the fierce resistance they met at the outset may be
judged by the havoc made in their forlorn hope; out of twenty-two men,
seventeen were either killed or wounded. The whole loss of the Americans
was fifteen killed and eighty-three wounded. Of the garrison,
sixty-three were slain, including two officers; five hundred and
fifty-three were taken prisoners, among whom were a lieutenant-colonel,
four captains, and twenty-three subaltern officers.
Wayne, in his despatches, writes: “The humanity of our brave soldiery,
who scorned to take the lives of a vanquished foe when calling for
mercy, reflects the highest honor on them, and accounts for the few of
the enemy killed on the occasion.” His words reflect honor on himself.
A British historian confirms his eulogy. “The conduct of the Americans
upon this occasion was highly meritorious,” writes he; “for they would
have been fully justified in putting the garrison to the sword; not one
man of which was put to death but in fair combat.”[149]
We are happy to record an instance of generous feeling on the part of
General Charles Lee, in connection with Stony Point. When he heard of
Wayne’s achievement, he wrote to him as follows: “What I am going to
say, you will not, I hope, consider as paying my court in this hour of
your glory; for, as it is at least my present intention to leave this
continent, I can have no interest in paying my court to any individual.
What I shall say therefore, is dictated by the genuine feelings of my
heart. I do most sincerely declare, that your assault of Stony Point is
not only the most brilliant, in my opinion, throughout the whole course
of the war on either side, but that it is the most brilliant I am
acquainted with in history; the assault of Schweidnitz by Marshal
Laudon, I think inferior to it. I wish you, therefore, most sincerely,
joy of the laurels you have deservedly acquired, and that you may long
live to wear them.”
This is the more magnanimous on the part of Lee, as Wayne had been the
chief witness against him in the court-martial after the affair of
Monmouth, greatly to his annoyance. While Stony Point, therefore, stands
a lasting monument of the daring courage of “Mad Anthony,” let it call
up the remembrance of this freak of generosity on the part of the
eccentric Lee.
Tidings of the capture of Stony Point, and the imminent danger of Fort
Lafayette, reached Sir Henry Clinton just after his conference with Sir
George Collier at Throg’s Neck. The expedition against New London was
instantly given up; the transports and troops were recalled; a forced
march was made to Dobbs’ Ferry on the Hudson; a detachment was sent up
the river in transports to relieve Fort Lafayette, and Sir Henry
followed with a greater force, hoping Washington might quit his
fastnesses, and risk a battle for the possession of Stony Point.
Again the Fabian policy of the American commander-in-chief disappointed
the British general. Having well examined the post in company with an
engineer and several general officers, he found that at least fifteen
hundred men would be required to maintain it, a number not to be spared
from the army at present.
The works, too, were only calculated for defence on the land side, and
were open towards the river, where the enemy depended upon protection
from their ships. It would be necessary to construct them anew, with
great labor. The army, also, would have to be in the vicinity, too
distant from West Point to aid in completing or defending its
fortifications, and exposed to the risk of a general action on
unfavorable terms.
For these considerations, in which all his officers concurred,
Washington evacuated the post on the 18th, removing the cannon and
stores, and destroying the works; after which he drew his forces
together in the Highlands, and established his quarters at West Point,
not knowing but that Sir Henry might attempt a retaliatory stroke on
that most important fortress. The latter retook possession of Stony
Point, and fortified and garrisoned it more strongly than ever, but was
too wary to risk an attempt upon the strongholds of the Highlands.
Finding Washington was not to be tempted out of them, he ordered the
transports to fall once more down the river, and returned to his former
encampment at Philipsburg.