DIFFICULTIES OF BURGOYNE—PLANS AN EXPEDITION TO BENNINGTON—ST. LEGER
BEFORE FORT STANWIX—GENERAL HERKIMER AT ORISKANY—HIGH WORDS WITH HIS
OFFICERS—A DOGGED MARCH—AN AMBUSCADE—BATTLE OF ORISKANY—JOHNSON’S
GREENS—DEATH OF HERKIMER—SPIRITED SORTIE OF COLONEL WILLETT—SIR JOHN
JOHNSON DRIVEN TO THE RIVER—FLIGHT OF THE INDIANS—SACKING OF SIR
JOHN’S CAMP—COLONEL GANSEVOORT MAINTAINS HIS POST—COLONEL WILLETT
SENT IN QUEST OF AID—ARRIVES AT SCHUYLER’S CAMP.
New difficulties beset Burgoyne at Fort Edward. The horses which had
been contracted for in Canada, for draft, burthen and saddle, arrived
slowly and scantily; having to come a long distance through the
wilderness. Artillery and munitions, too, of all kinds, had to be
brought from Ticonderoga by the way of Lake George. These, with a vast
number of boats for freight, or to form bridges, it was necessary to
transport over the carrying places between the lakes; and by land from
Fort George to Fort Edward. Unfortunately, the army had not the
requisite supply of horses and oxen. So far from being able to bring
forward provisions for a march, it was with difficulty enough could be
furnished to feed the army from day to day.
While thus situated, Burgoyne received intelligence that the part of his
army which he had detached from Canada under Colonel St. Leger, to
proceed by Lake Ontario and Oswego and make a diversion on the Mohawk,
had penetrated to that river, and were actually investing Fort Stanwix,
the stronghold of that part of the country.
To carry out the original plan of his campaign, it now behooved him to
make a rapid move down the Hudson, so as to be at hand to co-operate
with St. Leger on his approach to Albany. But how was he to do this,
deficient as he was in horses and vehicles for transportation? In this
dilemma Colonel (late major) Skene, the royalist of Skenesborough, to
whom, from his knowledge of all this region, he had of late resorted for
counsel, informed him that at Bennington, about twenty-four miles east
of the Hudson, the Americans had a great depot of horses, carriages, and
supplies of all kind, intended for their Northern army. This place, he
added, might easily be surprised, being guarded by only a small militia
force.
An expedition was immediately set on foot; not only to surprise this
place, but to scour the country from Rockingham to Otter Creek, go down
the Connecticut as far as Brattleborough, and return by the great road
to Albany, there to meet Burgoyne. They were to make prisoners of all
officers, civil and military, whom they might meet, acting under
Congress; to tax the towns where they halted with every thing they stood
in need of, and bring off all horses fit for the dragoons, or for
battalion service, with as many saddles and bridles as could be found.
They were every where to give out that this was the vanguard of the
British army, which would soon follow on its way to Boston, and would be
joined by the army from Rhode Island. Before relating the events of this
expedition, we will turn to notice those of the detachment under St.
Leger, with which it was intended to co-operate, and which was investing
Fort Schuyler.
This fort, built in 1756, on the site of an old French fortification,
and formerly called Fort Stanwix, from a British general of that name,
was situated on the right bank of the Mohawk River, at the head of its
navigation, and commanding the carrying-place between it and Wood Creek,
whence the boats passed to the Oneida Lake, the Oswego River, and Lake
Ontario. It was thus a key to the intercourse between Upper Canada and
the valley of the Mohawk. The fort was square, with four bastions, and
was originally a place of strength; having bomb-proof magazines, a deep
moat and drawbridge, a sally port, and covered way. In the long interval
of peace subsequent to the French war, it had fallen to decay. Recently
it had been repaired by order of General Schuyler, and had received his
name. It was garrisoned by seven hundred and fifty Continental troops
from New York and Massachusetts, and was under the command of Colonel
Gansevoort of the New York line, a stout-hearted officer of Dutch
descent, who had served under General Montgomery in Canada.
It was a motley force which appeared before it; British, Hessian,
Royalist, Canadian and Indian, about seventeen hundred in all. Among
them were St. Leger’s rangers and Sir John Johnson’s royalist corps,
called his greens. Many of the latter had followed Sir John into Canada
from the valley of the Mohawk, and were now returned to bring the
horrors of war among their former neighbors. The Indians, their worthy
allies, were led by the famous Brant.
On the 3d of August, St. Leger sent in a flag with a summons to
surrender; accompanied by a proclamation in style and spirit similar to
that recently issued by Burgoyne, and intended to operate on the
garrison. Both his summons and his proclamation were disregarded. He now
set his troops to work to fortify his camp and clear obstructions from
Wood Creek and the roads, for the transportation of artillery and
provisions, and sent out scouting parties of Indians in all directions,
to cut off all communication of the garrison with the surrounding
country. A few shells were thrown into the fort. The chief annoyance of
the garrison was from the Indians firing with their rifles from behind
trees on those busied in repairing the parapets. At night they seemed
completely to surround the fort, filling the woods with their yells and
howlings.
On the 6th of August, three men made their way into the fort through a
swamp, which the enemy had deemed impassable. They brought the cheering
intelligence that General Herkimer, the veteran commander of the militia
of Tryon County, was at Oriskany, about eight miles distant, with
upwards of eight hundred men. The people of that country were many of
them of German origin; some of them Germans by birth. Herkimer was among
the former; a large and powerful man, about sixty-five years of age. He
requested Colonel Gansevoort, through his two messengers, to fire three
signal-guns on receiving word of his vicinage; upon hearing which, he
would endeavor to force his way to the fort, depending upon the
co-operation of the garrison.
The messengers had been despatched by Herkimer on the evening of the
5th, and he had calculated that they would reach the fort at a very
early hour in the morning. Through some delay, they did not reach it
until between ten and eleven o’clock. Gansevoort instantly complied with
the message. Three signal-guns were fired, and Colonel Willett, of the
New York Continentals, with two hundred and fifty men and an iron
three-pounder was detached to make a diversion, by attacking that part
of the enemy’s camp occupied by Johnson and his royalists.
The delay of the messengers in the night, however, disconcerted the plan
of Herkimer. He marshalled his troops by daybreak and waited for the
signal-guns. Hour after hour elapsed, but no gun was heard. His officers
became impatient of delay, and urged an immediate march. Herkimer
represented that they were too weak to force their way to the fort
without reinforcements, or without being sure of co-operation from the
garrison, and was still for awaiting the preconcerted signals. High
words ensued between him and two of his officers. He had a brother and
other relatives among the enemy, and hence there were some doubts of his
fidelity; though they subsequently proved to be unmerited. Colonels Cox
and Paris were particularly urgent for an advance, and suspicious of the
motives for holding back. Paris was a prominent man in Tryon County, and
member of the committee of safety, and in compliance with the wishes of
that committee, accompanied Herkimer as his volunteer aide. Losing his
temper in the dispute, he accused the latter of being either a tory or a
coward. “No,” replied the brave old man, “I feel toward you all as a
father, and will not lead you into a scrape from which I cannot
extricate you.” His discretion, however, was overpowered by repeated
taunts, and he at length, about nine o’clock, gave the word to march;
intimating, however, that those who were the most eager to advance,
would be the first to run away.
The march was rather dogged and irregular. There was ill-humor between
the general and his officers. Colonels Paris and Cox advised him to
throw out a reconnoitring party in the advance, but he disregarded their
advice, and perhaps in very opposition to it, neglected so necessary a
precaution. About ten o’clock they came to a place where the road was
carried on a causeway of logs across a deep marshy ravine, between high
level banks. The main division descended into the ravine, followed by
the baggage waggons. They had scarcely crossed it, when enemies suddenly
sprang up in front and on each side, with deadly volleys of musketry,
and deafening yells and war-whoops. In fact, St. Leger, apprised by his
scouts of their intended approach, had sent a force to waylay them. This
was composed of a division of Johnson’s greens, led by his
brother-in-law, Major Watts; a company of rangers under Colonel Butler,
a refugee from this neighborhood, and a strong body of Indians under
Brant. The troops were stationed in front just beyond the ravine; the
Indians along each side of the road. The plan of the ambuscade was to
let the van of the Americans pass the ravine and advance between the
concealed parties, when the attack was to be commenced by the troops in
front, after which, the Indians were to fall on the Americans in rear
and cut off all retreat.
The savages, however, could not restrain their natural ferocity and hold
back as ordered, but discharged their rifles simultaneously with the
troops, and instantly rushed forward with spears and tomahawks, yelling
like demons, and commencing a dreadful butchery. The rear-guard, which
had not entered the ravine, retreated. The main body, though thrown into
confusion, defended themselves bravely. One of those severe conflicts
ensued, common in Indian warfare, where the combatants take post with
their rifles, behind rock and tree, or come to deadly struggle with
knife and tomahawk.
The veteran Herkimer was wounded early in the action. A musket ball
shattered his leg just below the knee, killing his horse at the same
time. He made his men place him on his saddle at the foot of a large
beach tree, against the trunk of which he leaned, continuing to give his
orders.
The regulars attempted to charge with the bayonet; but the Americans
formed themselves in circles back to back, and repelled them. A heavy
storm of thunder and rain caused a temporary lull to the fight, during
which the patriots changed their ground. Some of them stationed
themselves in pairs behind trees; so that when one had fired the other
could cover him until he had reloaded; for the savages were apt to rush
up with knife and tomahawk the moment a man had discharged his piece.
Johnson’s greens came up to sustain the Indians, who were giving way,
and now was the fiercest part of the fight. Old neighbors met in deadly
feud; former intimacy gave bitterness to present hate, and war was
literally carried to the knife; for the bodies of combatants were
afterwards found on the field of battle, grappled in death, with the
hand still grasping the knife plunged in a neighbor’s heart. The very
savages seemed inspired with unusual ferocity by the confusion and death
struggle around them, and the sight of their prime warriors and favorite
chiefs shot down. In their blind fury they attacked the white men
indiscriminately, friend or foe, so that in this chance-medley fight
many of Sir John’s greens were slain by his own Indian allies.
A confusion reigns over the accounts of this fight; in which every one
saw little but what occurred in his immediate vicinity. The Indians, at
length, having lost many of their bravest warriors, gave the retreating
cry, Oonah! Oonah! and fled to the woods. The greens and rangers,
hearing a firing in the direction of the fort, feared an attack upon
their camp, and hastened to its defence, carrying off with them many
prisoners. The Americans did not pursue them, but placing their wounded
on litters made of branches of trees, returned to Oriskany. Both parties
have claimed the victory; but it does not appear that either was
entitled to it. The dead of both parties lay for days unburied on the
field of action, and a wounded officer of the enemy (Major Watts)
remained there two days unrelieved, until found by an Indian scout. It
would seem as if each party gladly abandoned this scene of one of the
most savage conflicts of the Revolution. The Americans had two hundred
killed, and a number wounded. Several of these were officers. The loss
of the enemy is thought to have been equally great as to numbers; but
then the difference in value between regulars and militia! the former
often the refuse of mankind, mere hirelings, whereas among the privates
of the militia, called out from their homes to defend their
neighborhood, were many of the worthiest and most valuable of the
yeomanry. The premature haste of the Indians in attacking, had saved the
Americans from being completely surrounded. The rear-guard, not having
entered the defile, turned and made a rapid retreat, but were pursued by
the Indians, and suffered greatly in a running fight. We may add that
those who had been most urgent with General Herkimer for this movement,
were among the first to suffer from it. Colonel Cox was shot down at the
first fire, so was a son of Colonel Paris; the colonel himself was taken
prisoner, and fell beneath the tomahawk of the famous Red Jacket.
As to General Herkimer, he was conveyed to his residence on the Mohawk
River, and died nine days after the battle, not so much from his wound
as from bad surgery; sinking gradually through loss of blood from an
unskilful amputation. He died like a philosopher and a Christian,
smoking his pipe and reading his Bible to the last. His name has been
given to a county in that part of the State.[53]
The sortie of Colonel Willett had been spirited and successful. He
attacked the encampments of Sir John Johnson and the Indians, which were
contiguous, and strong detachments of which were absent on the
ambuscade. Sir John and his men were driven to the river; the Indians
fled to the woods. Willett sacked their camps; loaded waggons with camp
equipage, clothing, blankets, and stores of all kinds, seized the
baggage and papers of Sir John and of several of his officers, and
retreated safely to the fort, just as St. Leger was coming up with a
powerful reinforcement. Five colors, which he had brought away with him
as trophies, were displayed under the flag of the fort, while his men
gave three cheers from the ramparts.
St. Leger now endeavored to operate on the fears of the garrison. His
prisoners, it is said, were compelled to write a letter, giving dismal
accounts of the affair of Oriskany, and of the impossibility of getting
any succor to the garrison; of the probability that Burgoyne and his
army were then before Albany, and advising surrender to prevent
inevitable destruction. It is probable they were persuaded, rather than
compelled, to write the letter, which took its tone from their own
depressed feelings and the misrepresentations of those around them. St.
Leger accompanied the letter with warnings that, should the garrison
persist in resistance, he would not be able to restrain the fury of the
savages; who, though held in check for the present, threatened, if
further provoked, to revenge the deaths of their warriors and chiefs by
slaughtering the garrison, and laying waste the whole valley of the
Mohawk.
All this failing to shake the resolution of Gansevoort, St. Leger next
issued an appeal to the inhabitants of Tryon County, signed by their old
neighbors, Sir John Johnson, Colonel Claus and Colonel Butler, promising
pardon and protection to all who should submit to royal authority, and
urging them to send a deputation of their principal men to overcome the
mulish obstinacy of the garrison, and save the whole surrounding country
from Indian ravage and massacre. The people of the county, however, were
as little to be moved as the garrison.
St. Leger now began to lose heart. The fort proved more capable of
defence than he had anticipated. His artillery was too light, and the
ramparts, being of sod, were not easily battered. He was obliged
reluctantly to resort to the slow process of sapping and mining, and
began to make regular approaches.
Gansevoort, seeing the siege was likely to be protracted, resolved to
send to General Schuyler for succor. Colonel Willett volunteered to
undertake the perilous errand. He was accompanied by Lieutenant
Stockwell, an excellent woodsman, who served as a guide. They left the
fort on the 10th, after dark, by a sally port, passed by the British
sentinels and close by the Indian camp, without being discovered, and
made their way through bog and morass and pathless forests, and all
kinds of risks and hardships, until they reached the German Flats on the
Mohawk. Here Willett procured a couple of horses, and by dint of hoof
arrived at the camp of General Schuyler at Stillwater. A change had come
over the position of that commander four days previous to the arrival of
Colonel Willett, as we shall relate in the ensuing chapter.