MONTCALM AND THE FALL OF NEW FRANCE.
“The history of French America is far more picturesque than the
history of British America in the period of 1608-1754. But the
English were doing work more solid, valuable and permanent than
their northern neighbours. The French took to the lakes, rivers
and forests; they cultivated the Indians; their explorers were
intent on discovery, their traders on furs, their missionaries
on souls. The English did not either take to the woods or
cultivate the Indians, they loved agriculture and trade, state
and church, and so clung to the fields, shops, politics and
churches. As a result while Canada languished, the English
states grew up on the Atlantic plain modelled on the Saxon
pattern, and became populous, rich and strong. At the beginning
of the war there were 80,000 white inhabitants in New France,
1,160,000 in the British colonies.”
—PROFESSOR B. A. HINSDALE.
MONTCALM AND THE FALL OF NEW FRANCE.
What the gold mines of Mexico and Peru were to the Spaniards the fur
trade of New France was to the French, and until the furs arrived in
Montreal or Quebec, they could not be considered safe, for in the Ohio
country and especially at the Niagara portage, and even on the way to
Frontenac, they were liable to attack from the English and their Indian
allies.
To protect this trade the French built a strong fort at the mouth of the
Niagara River, part of which may be seen to-day in what is known as Fort
Niagara on the American side of the river. At the head of the portage,
above the Falls, there was a smaller fort called Fort Little Niagara.
This was the great trading centre, not only for the district immediately
tributary to it, such as Toronto (at the mouth of what is now called
the Humber River, and which in summer was very busy) but for all the
north-west country which with the development of Detroit had increased in
wealth and inhabitants. Toronto was really an outpost of Niagara and was
established with the great French forward movement in 1749. It had been
officially named Fort Rouillé after the Colonial Minister of the day, who
was also a man of letters, and the head of the Royal Library. However,
this name was too artificial to survive and the old name for the bay and
river, Toronto, maintained its hold upon the people.
In 1749 the French determined upon a great expedition to show their power
and assert their sovereignty over the Ohio country and to warn off all
strangers from trading on French territory. So in June of that year with
23 canoes and 250 men they left Lachine, passed through Niagara in July,
and made their triumphal way through the Ohio country to Detroit, and
thence back to Montreal in November.
The headquarters of the English on the Lakes was at Oswego. This was
the great rival of Niagara as a trading centre. When the war had raised
the prices in France the French traders at Niagara raised their prices
correspondingly—and even more. The Indians grumbled and went on to
Oswego, where they could trade with the English to better advantage. The
French, feeling that their trade with the Indians was being endangered
urged an expedition against Oswego, and in 1756 Montcalm took the place
by storm in the greatest battle which up to that time had been fought
between the French and the English for control of the Lakes.
This disaster followed closely upon the defeat of Braddock at Duquesne,
made especially famous because of the presence of George Washington,
the colonial, as junior officer, who, accustomed to the Indian manner
of fighting, warned General Braddock, but whose advice the haughty
English general thought beneath notice; and still more was heaped upon
the unfortunate English when Montcalm defeated them at Ticonderoga. It
certainly looked as if there must needs be a vigorous policy on the part
of the English if they were to have any of the trade on the great inland
waters.
Pitt, the Premier of England, saw this and made plans for an aggressive
campaign. In 1758 Colonel Bradstreet, with American provincials, captured
Fort Frontenac, burned and sank seven vessels of war, captured sixty
cannon and destroyed the Fort and incidentally the shipyard, which was
the first upon the Great Lakes. This success greatly heartened the
English and made them think how simple might be the conquest of other
places if they had ships of war. It was the awakening of the English to
the importance of “sea power” on the Lakes.
Now Niagara was the centre of French power and influence, situated on the
great portage which practically controlled the great trade from the West.
The fort had been greatly strengthened during 1756-7, and the English
carefully gathered a strong force. It was a real siege, in which the
assailing force used trench warfare to make steady and safe advances.
After nineteen days the garrison surrendered to Sir William Johnson, who
was ranking commander on account of the deaths of the superior officers
during the siege. Sir William had joined the investing force with 900
Indians, the largest number ever led into battle by a white man. When he
entered the fort one of the most interesting of his companions was Joseph
Brant, a Mohawk lad of 17, destined to become one of the most renowned
men of his day. And now the English for the first time had access to the
great fur trade.
While speaking of this fort it will be of interest to note that in the
common English speech of that day the pronunciation of the name of the
fort was Niagàra. Our present pronunciation would have been impossible to
the Iroquois tongue, which requires that each syllable should end in a
vowel.
While these disasters were overtaking the French on the Lakes, the
English under Wolfe had sailed up the St. Lawrence after clearing the
coasts below, and were preparing to attack Quebec. Indeed the news of
the capture of Niagara, which came at a very opportune moment, greatly
heartened the English and correspondingly depressed the French.
The situation was perilous. Fort Frontenac was destroyed, Fort Niagara in
the hands of the English, Amherst was advancing, as part of Pitt’s plan,
through New York State by way of Oswego, against Montreal, and a strong
English force under Wolfe, selected specially for this work by Pitt, was
before the capital city of Quebec.
The internal affairs of the country were not promising. Montcalm, the
general of the French forces, an able military man of good experience,
was not supreme, but had to take his orders from Vaudreuil, the governor,
a weak and jealous man, fatal failings in a position of authority. And
with almost the powers of the governor, was the Intendant, a man called
Bigot, to whose looseness in matters of morals and money may be partially
ascribed the loss of New France. The defects of the rulers were to be
seen in the officials under them, and it was a difficult task that
confronted Montcalm.
The advance against Quebec was made by water, and up to the battle
itself the movements were those of a fleet. The commander of the army
was General Wolfe, selected by Pitt, the Prime Minister of England, and
to him was given what was then the extraordinary privilege of selecting
most of his staff and thus providing for unity of aim and community of
interest. Saunders was Admiral of the fleet.
At first they lay below the city and tried sundry attacks by land, but
without success. Then they made a skilful movement up the river and in a
better position to make a direct attack.
Quebec is a natural stronghold, and had to depend largely upon this
for protection. Large sums of money had been assigned for the greater
development and strengthening of the fortifications, but in those days of
corruption and thoughtlessness the money had doubtless been squandered.
Its great cliffs might have presented a hopeless appearance to the enemy
if properly guarded, but Wolfe knew through his capable Intelligence
Department, that there was but little ammunition and little food in the
garrison. Above all, there was a lack of intelligence and co-operation
among the rulers of the French, an evidence of which was the fact that
a great fleet could make its way up the dangerous St. Lawrence with
practically no opposition.
Wolfe studied out the situation and, emboldened by the good news from
the Lakes, planned an assault by night. Carefully selecting the place,
he told no one but the admiral and the captain who was to lead the great
procession of boats to the assault. Shortly after midnight on September
12th, 1759, the boats in line dropped down the river with Wolfe and his
staff in the leading boat. They passed successfully a French sentry who
thought they were a French convoy, and about four o’clock on that autumn
morning Wolfe leaped ashore at a cove about a mile and a half above the
city, and led his men up the steep path which he had already carefully
investigated. Again they successfully answered the challenge of a sentry
and by six o’clock the whole landing force was on the heights.
It was a surprise to the French, but even then the chance for recovery
would have been greater if Montcalm had not been hampered by having to
consult the governor on all details. This was a national crisis. Half a
continent was at stake and yet the man whose training had been for this
purpose, whose business it was to know what to do at such a crisis, had
to lay his plans before a political appointee, who in turn used his power
for the humiliation of the expert military leader.
But Montcalm was a patriot, and he made the best of the situation. By
nine o’clock the French marched out in battle array against Wolfe’s army,
which by this time had reached the level known as the Plains of Abraham.
The armies were almost equal in numbers, approximately 5,000 each, and
as the French advanced to the attack, which was their best policy, Wolfe,
advancing his men so that the action would be close, gave the order that
no shot was to be fired until the enemy was within forty paces. It was
a difficult matter to remain steady and resist the temptation to fire,
but they did, and when at forty paces a volley was let loose, followed
immediately by a second, the French line wavered and Wolfe gave the order
to charge.
The French could not withstand the shock and the battle was won. Wolfe,
already wounded, received a death wound in the first moment of the
charge. While being carried to the rear he heard some one say, “They run,
they run!” Wolfe roused himself and asked, “Who run?” “The French, sir!
Egad! they give way everywhere!” “Then I die content.” And so passed
away the young intrepid general, who had recognized fully the great
issues involved in this encounter and on the previous evening had made a
disposition of all his belongings.
And Montcalm, while trying to rally the fugitives, was stricken down, and
when told that he could not live, replied calmly, “So much the better. I
am happy not to live to see the surrender of Quebec.”
The battle lasted until mid-day, and the result was a triumph for Wolfe’s
tactics, for it was a carefully planned attack, and nothing was left
to chance. Quebec surrendered, the French troops marched out with the
honours of war, and the reign of France was virtually over in the New
World.
Montcalm was buried in the Ursuline chapel at Quebec, while Wolfe’s body
was carried on the Royal William to Portsmouth in charge of Sergeant
Donald MacLeod, of the Black Watch, all his years a soldier and with
twelve sons in the army and navy.
Years afterwards, to these two great generals, noble and self-sacrificing
men, each doing his duty to his country even to the sacrifice of his
life, a monument was erected in the city for whose possession they had
fought. On one side is the word Montcalm; on the other Wolfe; and on the
pedestal between these words:
MORTEM VIRTUS COMMUNEM
FAMAM HISTORIA
MONUMENTUM POSTERITAS
DEDIT.