CHAPTER I.

LIFE AND TIMES

OF

HER MAJESTY CAROLINE MATILDA.

LIFE AND TIMES

OF

HER MAJESTY

CAROLINE MATILDA,

QUEEN OF DENMARK AND NORWAY,

AND

SISTER OF H. M. GEORGE III. OF ENGLAND,

FROM FAMILY DOCUMENTS AND PRIVATE STATE ARCHIVES.

BY

SIR C. F. LASCELLES WRAXALL, BART.

IN THREE VOLUMES.

VOL. II.

LONDON:

WM. H. ALLEN & CO., 13, WATERLOO PLACE, S.W.

1864.

[_All Rights reserved._]

LEWIS AND SON, PRINTERS, SWAN BUILDINGS, MOORGATE STREET.

CONTENTS OF VOL. II.

CHAPTER I.

A GATHERING STORM.

PAGE

The Anonymous letter--Incendiary Placards--The Sailors at

Hirschholm--Alarm at Court--The Feast of the Bœuf Roti--The

Conspiracy--Falckenskjold's Advice--Struensee's Alarms--Brandt's

Levity--The Second Letter--Brandt's Resolution 1

CHAPTER II.

THE SINKING SHIP.

Brandt's Letter of Complaint--Struensee's Dignified Answer--A

False Friend--The Proposed Plot--Freedom of the Press--Insulting

Pamphlets--The Queen Dowager--Rumoured Intrigues--Attempted

Reconciliation--Struensee's Self-Conceit--Fresh Changes at Court 27

CHAPTER III.

THE MUTINY OF THE GUARDS.

Restrictions on the Press--The Pamphleteers--The King at

Home--The Fight with Brandt--The Master of the Wardrobe--Court

Amusements--The Town Commandant--Public Disaffection--The Foot

Guards--The Mutiny--Visit to Frederiksberg--Behaviour of the

Citizens--Struensee Gives Way--Colonel Keith 54

CHAPTER IV.

THE CONSPIRACY.

Struensee's Blindness--Dangerous Rumours--We are Seven--Von

Beringskjold--A Conspirator--The Queen Dowager's Assent--Secret

Meetings--The Masked Ball--A Fatality--Rantzau's Vacillation--The

Visit to the King--The Order to Arrest Caroline Matilda 80

CHAPTER V.

SHARING THE SPOIL.

Arrest of Struensee and Brandt--Falckenskjold's Prison--A

Lady's Perils--Caroline Matilda--A Terrible Scene--Osten's

Persuasion--Arrival at Kronborg--The Queen's Despair--The King in

Public--Popular Excesses--Rewards--General von Huth 106

CHAPTER VI.

THE NEW GOVERNMENT.

The Te Deum--A Warning Voice--Hitting a Fallen Man--A good

Hater--Court Festivities--The Alarm at the Theatre--Banishment of

Beringskjold--Retirement of Reverdil--The Two Counts--Struensee's

Despair--Attempted Suicide--The Commission--The Cabinet Council The

Privy Council of State 128

CHAPTER VII.

WHAT THEY SAID IN ENGLAND.

Colonel Keith--Bad News from Copenhagen--Death of the Princess

of Wales--The Public Press--Junius's Letter--Atticus--A Foul

Libel--The Earl of Bute Denounced--Another Appeal for the

Queen--The State of Public Opinion--The approaching Trial 158

CHAPTER VIII.

STRUENSEE IN PRISON.

Struensee's Confession--A Hopeless Defence--Brandt's Firmness--Dr.

Münter--Materialism--Death of Bernstorff--A Pious Letter--A Roman

Mother--The Convert--D'Alembert--Struensee's Apology--The other

Prisoners 178

CHAPTER IX.

THE QUEEN'S TRIAL.

The Queen's Letters--An Extorted Confession--The High Court

of Inquiry--The Indictment--Statement of Witnesses--Revolting

Details--Amateur Detectives--The Maids in Waiting--Fräulein

von Eyben--Sentiments--Presents--The Verdict

Demanded 203

CHAPTER X.

THE QUEEN'S DEFENCE.

Caroline Matilda's Feelings--Advocate Uldall--The Defence--The

Queen's Innocence--A Fair Trial Demanded--Character of the

Evidence--The Law of Adultery--Value of Evidence--Struensee's

Favour--Fräulein von Eyben--Trifles Light as Air--The Queen's

Attendants--A Flaw in the Argument--Reverdil's Appeal--The

Sentence 231

CHAPTER XI.

A JEALOUS ADVOCATE.

The Indictment of Struensee--Historical Introduction--Coarse

Jests--Brandt's Assault on the King--Treatment of the

Prince Royal--The Minister of State--Abolition of the

Council--Disbandment of the Guards--Alleged Forgery--The

Queen's Bouquet--The Sentence Demanded 255

CHAPTER XII.

A LUKEWARM DEFENCE.

Uldall's Speedy Reply--Breach of the Law--Weak

Arguments--Personalities Appealed Against--Explanations--An Appeal

to Mercy--Falckenskjold's Opinion of the Affair--Reverdil

speaks his Mind--Conduct of the Favourites--The Bribe to

Holck--Count Bernstorff--The Fiscal General's Reply--A Savage

Opponent 297

CHAPTER XIII.

STRUENSEE'S APOLOGY.

The Travelling Doctor--Count Holck--The Foreign Tour--Struensee

at Court--The Queen's Confidence--The Mutual Friend--The

Holstein Progress--Holck Dismissed--The Ministry--The

King's Advisers--Count von Rantzau--The Russian

Alliance--The New Cabinet--Struensee's Advice--The Cabinet

Minister--Education of the Prince Royal 328

LIFE AND TIMES

OF

CAROLINE MATILDA.

CHAPTER I.

A GATHERING STORM.

THE ANONYMOUS LETTER--INCENDIARY PLACARDS--THE SAILORS AT

HIRSCHHOLM--ALARM AT COURT--THE FEAST OF THE BŒUF ROTI--THE

CONSPIRACY--FALCKENSKJOLD'S ADVICE--STRUENSEE'S ALARMS--BRANDT'S

LEVITY--THE SECOND LETTER--BRANDT'S RESOLUTION.

When Brandt had got rid so cleverly of his oppressive duties in

constantly attending on the king, it might have been supposed that he

would have nothing to trouble his mind henceforth, but would take the

goods the gods provided him in a happy frame of mind. But Brandt had

one of those private skeletons which are said to be in every house, and

his took the shape of an anonymous letter in French, which was sent to

him early in July. Although the writer had disguised his hand, he had

taken no great trouble to remain unknown, as the seal bore the initial

letters of his name, and in the letter itself there were plenty of

allusions to enable Brandt to guess the writer. This was Conferenz-rath

Braëm, deputy of the College of the Generalty.

SIR[1],

Perhaps you may wonder to receive a letter without a name on a matter

of so great importance, from a friend who formerly used to tell you

the truth before your face: but the times we live in now will not

justify a man in exposing himself to danger, without seeing any good

arising from it.

The two last court days I sought for an opportunity at Hirschholm to

speak a few words to you in private, but I found it was impossible.

You might have observed that if you had been at all attentive: but

I found you so much engaged with another object that I could not

approach near enough to you to make you understand what I wanted, and

I thought it inadvisable to go to Hirschholm on purpose to pay you a

visit.

Once, sir, you showed that you had the honour of your master at

heart.[2] It was then asserted that neither zeal nor attachment was

the mainspring of your actions, but ambition and interest, because

you hoped that if you could bring Count Holck into disgrace, you

might succeed him in the favour and honour he enjoyed. However,

the bulk of the people thought your intentions noble and without

self-interest. Perhaps the immediate consequences of this transaction

have made so great an impression on you, that you think you dare not

venture on such another. And yet the final issue of the affair has

shown, that even your ill-success in it has been more advantageous

than detrimental to you. Therefore, sir, do not think that this

was the mere effect of accident, but rather that a higher hand has

guided this matter. I do not know what your notions of God may be, or

whether you believe in a God at all, or in a mere stoical fate. It

would be very superfluous to discuss a matter of so great importance

here. The time will come, when experience will teach you that there

is a God, who sees and knows everything, who either early or late

rewards virtue and punishes vice.

My intention is not at present to make you a Christian. It is only to

remind you of your duty--that duty by which even an honest heathen

thought himself bound toward his king, his country, himself, and his

family. The heathen even demanded this of every subject and of every

man who laid any claim to honour.

You see, sir, in what manner your king and benefactor is used.

You see the indecent things that are done before his eyes, and in

which you, yourself, are so much concerned. You see that in the

whole kingdom everything is turned upside down. Consider, sir, and

recover your senses, and you will not be at a loss how to act. If

it be true (and it is but too true) that the life of the king is in

danger, or at least that preparations are being made to take away

his liberty, you certainly must know it. The sense of the nation on

this head cannot be unknown to you, and that one time or another you

will have to account for the life and liberty of your sovereign.

You, sir, since you are constantly with him, and since you see and

know everybody, be assured that your head will be answerable for it

either sooner or later. Think of your own safety, I conjure you by

the friendship I entertain for you. It is in your power to do it. You

see plainly from the king's desire to avoid the place and company in

which he is ill-used, and from his aversion to return to it, that

he is sensible of the ill-treatment. Some day the king will deliver

himself from you, or good fortune will rid him of you, and what

will then be your fate? Would it not be best for you to save your

head and do your duty at the same time? To build your happiness on

a solid and noble foundation, which you will then owe to your zeal,

your faithfulness and attachment to your king, who will reward you

with riches and honour; and the nation will not think even this an

equivalent for your services. You and your present welfare depend on

the caprice of a wretch who will abandon you as soon as he is above

your assistance. At present he makes the same use of you as the

monkey did of the cat, and I fancy you have found this out more than

once, if you will not impose on yourself.

If the king should come to town, I advise you to act in the

following manner: Prevail on him to go to the palace, and persuade

him to call for one or two of his faithful servants, in order to

consult on the best way of proceeding. It is unfortunate enough that

the number of these faithful servants is so small, and reduced,

perhaps, to one or two persons; for the best and cleverest men have

been carefully removed. You will easily guess who these persons are,

without my naming them. Perseverance, honesty, and experience, are

characteristics by which you can know them. I could name them, but

would avoid the least suspicion of self-interest. However, I must

tell you that it must be neither Rantzau nor Gähler, for both are

detested by the nation in an equal degree. You will forfeit your head

if you do not follow this advice, which I give you as a friend, and

a faithful servant of the king. If you do not heed it, but neglect

your duty toward your king and benefactor, you may be sure it will

cost you your life, your honour, and everything that is dearest to

an honest man; and, moreover, no one will pity you. If, on the other

hand, you do what your duty requires, and save your king from those

wicked hands into which he has fallen, you may be sure that there is

no honour or prosperity to which you will not be entitled, and this

with the consent of the king, and all his faithful subjects.

Perhaps you will think proper to show this letter to your friend

Struensee, in order to give him a proof of your fidelity at the

expense of those obligations which you have sworn to your king,

and to induce him to grant new favours to the husband of Countess

von Holstein; and perhaps he might do so, in order to deceive you,

and keep you in his interest. But I assure you that when they have

deposed the king, you will be wretched, and perhaps the guilt will

fall on you.

I repeat again, that your head shall answer for the safety of the

king. You are continually about him. You accompany him; you are

entrusted with his person; and lest you may plead ignorance, I assure

you on my honour, that in such a case a copy of this letter shall be

produced against you, at the proper time and place. And for fear you

should mistake in this respect, I desire you to notice the seal of

this letter, which contains the initial letters of my name, and which

will also be produced against you.

The life and health of the king, together with the welfare of the

kingdom, are in your hands: act in such a manner as you can answer

for before your fellow-citizens. I do not say before God, for I do

not know what your idea of God may be; though I have reason to think,

from what you told me once in your apartments at Christiansborg, and

afterwards at Hirschholm, that your notions are not altogether what

they should be.

You see I am not afraid of your guessing who I am, and I assure you,

that if you act in the way I expect from your birth, you will find me

to be your faithful and devoted servant.

_July 8, 1771._

It had always been hitherto assumed as an historical fact that the

Copenhagen Palace Revolution was concocted only a few days before the

catastrophe of January 17, 1771, by the Queen Juliana Maria; but it is

sufficiently evident, from the above anonymous letter, that six months

previously a plot existed among men of position, to overthrow Struensee

at any cost, and they seem even to have uttered the blood sentence,

which condemned their victim to death and ruin. The threatening letter

does not appear to have produced the intended effect on Brandt; but he

became very serious, concealed the contents of the letter even from

Struensee, and carefully kept it in his pocket-book. As he gradually

became more and more melancholy, he lost the king's favour to the same

extent.

With what boldness the conspirators dared to act, even at this period,

is evidenced by the numerous threatening and abusive documents which

were sent to the cabinet minister's house, placarded on the walls of

the palace and the theatre, and even thrown into the Hirschholm garden.

As a specimen of the tone and contents of them, we may here reproduce

a placard, supposed to have been composed by Brandt's father-in-law,

Conferenz-rath Lüxdorph, which was found one morning posted up in the

principal street of the capital.[3] The literal translation is to the

following effect:--

"As the traitor Struensee continues to ill-treat the beloved king,

to mock his faithful subjects, and to daily seize, with force and

injustice, more and more of the royal authority which the subjects have

entrusted to the king, the before-mentioned Struensee and his adherents

are hereby declared free as birds (outlawed), and the man who puffs out

this treacherous soul, shall receive as reward 5,000 dollars, his name

be kept secret, and in any case a royal pardon be granted him."

The dissatisfaction of the people of Copenhagen, which was partially

justified, being fanned in this way, began, ere long, to display itself

actively.

The bomb-ketches intended to be sent against Algiers were not yet

finished, and the sailors brought from Norway to man them roamed about

the capital in idleness; moreover, the government neglected to pay

them. The political creed of the Norwegians at that time was composed

of two dogmas:--first, that the king is never unjust; secondly, that

the king must be blindly obeyed, provided that the order emanate from

him. The corollary was, that acts of injustice were committed by the

king's subordinates, and that by application to their master redress

was certain.[4]

As early as June 10 many ship-carpenters had struck work, after in

vain asking double wages for working on Sunday, which was considered

necessary to get the fleet off. Two days after this event, a squadron

of dragoons was posted in front of Hirschholm Palace; but, as no

further excesses occurred, this picket was removed toward the end of

July. On September 10, however, a band of from two hundred to three

hundred sailors set out for Hirschholm; they had been waiting eight

weeks for their pay, were almost starving, and had sent in repeated

petitions, to which no answer was returned. As they now saw that no

relief was to be obtained in this way, they formed the bold resolution

of laying their request before the king personally.

When they arrived in the vicinity of the palace, a naval officer went

to ask them what they wanted? "We wish to speak to our father," was the

reply; "he shall hear us, and help us." The aide-de-camp hastened with

this message back to the palace, but the whole court had already fled

by a back-door to the estate of Sophienberg, about two miles distant.

Here the question was discussed between the queen, Struensee, Brandt,

Falckenskjold, and Bülow, whether the flight should be continued to

Elsinore. At this moment the sailors arrived here, and demanded speech

with the king. They were answered that the king was out hunting, but

the intruders did not believe it, and were preparing to force their way

into the palace, when Colonel Numsen came up with a troop of dragoons

and tried to drive them back. The sailors laid their hands on their

knives, and declared they would defend themselves if the soldiers

attacked them. Fortunately, some firmer and wiser gentlemen represented

that the men did not look like insurrectionists, and that by signifying

to them from the king through a naval aide-de-camp that they must

return and justice would be dealt them, an odious and sanguinary

scene, perhaps a real sedition, would be avoided. On the pledge of the

aide-de-camp the sailors went back to Copenhagen as peacefully as they

had come, and the court returned to the summer residence. Still, the

alarm the sailors had caused lasted all night, because everybody felt

persuaded that they would return furious and better armed.

The queen ordered that her horses should be kept in readiness; she

went to bed bare-headed and in disorder, had her riding-habit laid

in readiness by her side, and a moment after rose hurriedly to have

her jewellery packed up. She also requested a colonel, in whom she

placed confidence, to sleep at the palace. The dragoons, however, who

patrolled all night, discovered nothing, and so the court became calm,

and did their best to hide the fright they had suffered.

Struensee gave way; the sailors on their arrival in Copenhagen were

treated with spirits, and temporarily appeased by a payment on account,

while the whole arrears were paid up a few days later. The chief of the

naval division, however, to which they belonged, Herr von Rumohr, was

dismissed the service, on the charge of not having attempted to quell

the tumult.

The bad example which the Norwegian sailors had given, and the fact

that they were not punished for it, soon induced other men to bring

forward less just claims in a similar way. A fortnight later, some one

hundred and twenty silk weavers proceeded from Copenhagen to Hirschholm

to complain that they were starving, because the royal silk factories

had been closed. This request was also taken into consideration by

the alarmed court, and an order was issued to continue the work

in the factories till the men obtained other employment. As these

demonstrations, however, raised apprehension of others, from this

time guards were posted round the palace, the manège, and the palace

gardens, by Falckenskjold's advice, which naturally led to many bitter

comments.

But the greatest fear was entertained at court about the dockyard-men,

who were known to be still angry at their exclusion from the king's

birthday rejoicings, and the loss of their perquisites. In addition

to the sailors obtained expressly from Norway, there were generally

five thousand more in Copenhagen, divided into five detachments,

of ten companies each; some were intended to man the ships, while

others were employed as carpenters, caulkers, and labourers of every

description in the navy dockyards. These men were also dissatisfied

with the new regulations introduced in the yards, as in every other

department, and it was consequently resolved to give them a "festival

of reconciliation," for which September 29 was selected. When the day

arrived, all the dockyard-men went in procession, with their wives and

children, to the riding-school of Frederiksberg Palace, where they

were to be regaled in the open air. Of course a roast ox again formed

the staple dish; but as it was not sufficient to fill all the empty

stomachs, six sheep, twelve pigs, and an infinity of geese, ducks,

and fowls, were also roasted and distributed. To wash this food down,

upwards of thirty tuns of beer, and a quart of rum per man, were

distributed. Any one who liked to smoke received a charged pipe, and

all were paid their wages as for an ordinary working-day. Dancing and

music concluded the festival.

Struensee, in his abject terror, had not duly reflected how uncertain

is the permanent effect of popular demonstrations, or to what remarks

they give rise. But the mistake led to even more ugly consequences.

It had not only been announced that the court would be present at the

festival, but the diplomatic corps, and all the dignitaries of the

state, had been invited as well. Fifty men of the flying corps of

guards were to form the king's escort, and had been told off, when a

rumour reached the court that a design on the favourite's life would

be carried out at the feast of the roast ox. In the terrible confusion

which this rumour caused at Hirschholm, the advice of the experienced

Falckenskjold was demanded. Struensee was afraid of being murdered, and

said in Brandt's presence to Falckenskjold, that the fate of Concini

might be hanging over him. The colonel advised him to mix among the

populace at the festival, and display an undaunted demeanour, but took

advantage of the opportunity to urge him to be more cautious, and not

to arouse his enemies further. He told him that the dissatisfaction

with his government was now extending to his friends, and reminded him

of the fate of Counts Corfix Ulfeld and Griffenfeldt, whom the court

had been compelled to sacrifice to their enemies.

"Such is the fate," Struensee's best friend concluded his far-sighted

warnings, "by which you are also threatened, and, if they can, they

will drag you to the scaffold. So, at any rate, take care that your

papers are in order."

"My papers are arranged," Struensee coldly answered him; "from that

side I have nothing to fear, if they will only behave fairly in other

respects."

Brandt joined in Falckenskjold's warnings, and urged Struensee not to

be so obstinate, but to give way, and yield to circumstances.

"No!" Struensee answered him, with considerable violence; "no! I will

give up nothing of what, according to my conviction, promotes the

welfare of the state."

"The time will come," Brandt said, prophetically, "when we shall be

compelled to give way."

Struensee retired silently to his cabinet. But, a few minutes after,

Falckenskjold received a note from him, in which he asked whether he

could be present at the festival without risk. Falckenskjold answered

him, that he was able to stay away if he felt afraid.[5]

Neither Struensee nor their Majesties appeared at the festival of the

roast ox: the preparations for their reception proved a farce. The

proceedings passed off tranquilly, with the exception that some of the

sailors remarked that it was not the ox that had been promised them--in

allusion to Struensee's corpulence. The citizens were very much annoyed

at not having been shown their king, whom they were growing accustomed

to talk about as an automaton. They were even more indignant when they

learned that fear had retained their Majesties at Hirschholm, and this

distrust with which the king was inspired against his subjects was a

fresh crime with which the favourites were accused. But though it is

certain that the king had nothing to fear, it is equally certain that

he had not been inspired either with fear or distrust; in the whole

affair he was passive and indifferent.[6]

There can be little doubt but that Struensee was quite right in

staying away from the festival of September 29, for there was a regular

conspiracy; it was formed under the auspices of Juliana Maria, and

managed by the head man of the caulkers, Captain Winterfeldt, who was

eventually rewarded for his good will. In 1774, Baron von Bülow gave

Mr. Wraxall a detailed account of the plot to murder Struensee and his

partisans on this occasion.

The favourites were not at all reassured by the tranquillity of the

people and the sailors, for a dull fermentation was going on, of which

they could not be ignorant. Projects for leaving the country, and

the results which might ensue from obstinately despising the danger,

frequently occupied them. The cabinet minister even one day mentioned

his disgust to Reverdil, who was in no respect his confidant, and the

latter expressed his surprise that he put up with it. Struensee replied

that he had often thought of retiring, and was only prevented by his

devotion to the queen, who had ever been before his time a victim of

the intrigues and malice of the favourites, and would be so after him.

On another occasion, when he assured Reverdil that the king was the

sole author of the reforms he had accomplished, he added, "I will not

say otherwise under torture." Brandt, who frequently complained of

his lot, said, with respect to some reproaches he received from the

queen, "that alone is a hell." Brandt, who pretended to be seriously

affected by an anonymous letter, confirmed his friend, however, in his

resolution of remaining. "To what place could you go," he said to him,

"where you would be prime minister and favourite of the king and queen?"

On other occasions, Brandt's incredible levity inspired him with jests

as to the fate they had to fear. One day, after making some rather

malicious remarks about the marshal of the court, he added: "After all,

though, Biälke is the wisest of us, for he is taking advantage of the

present time to settle down; he is making a wealthy marriage, and when

we are in prison, I flatter myself that he will have pity on us, and

send us every now and then some good soup." At another dinner, Brandt

began talking about the proposition of September 29 of all flying

together, and asked each of the guests what profession he would choose

to gain a livelihood. The queen said that she would turn singer; and,

indeed, she had a very agreeable voice. Struensee said that he would

take a distant farm, and live on it as a philosopher. Brandt proposed

to carry on, on his own account, his trade as manager of a theatre;

"and you, my fair lady," he added to one of the guests, "cannot fail to

succeed; with your form, you need only offer yourself as a model at an

academy." The lady was certainly very beautiful, but hid with a great

deal of art a defect in her shape, which she thought no one knew.[7]

Still, these anxieties which Brandt treated so gaily in company,

affected him, nevertheless, in secret. "I wish all this would come to

an end," he said one day to Falckenskjold, "for I have a foreboding

that this government will speedily be overthrown."

"You will fare badly if it is," Falckenskjold answered.

"Oh!" said Brandt, with a flash of his old levity, "as far as that

is concerned, I have studied law, and shall be able to answer for

myself."[8]

About this time, Brandt received another anonymous letter in the same

handwriting as the first:--

Well, sir, what I foretold you has happened, and you feel already

the effects of your bad conduct. You have been faithless to your

king, and you are now treated by others in the same manner. They

use you as the monkey did the cat. You are deceived, and since they

find they can do with you whatever they please, they laugh at you

now, and it will not last long before they send you with contempt

about your business, and lest you should tell tales, they may very

likely imprison you for life, or send you by some means or the other

into another world. This will be the due reward of your treachery,

cowardice, and mean actions. I prognosticated all these things to you

in my last letter of July 8: since that time my friendship for you,

of which I have given you undeniable proof, has grown very cool. You

do not deserve that it should continue, since you have been unable to

follow good advice, and to do what your honour and your duty require

of you. You have, on the contrary, chosen to persevere in your wicked

course of life. If you at that time had followed my advice, you would

have set the king at liberty, by saving him, and your praise would

have been immortal. You would then have satisfied the duties of a

good subject, a faithful servant, and an honest man: you would have

gained the applause not only of your countrymen, but even of all

Europe: they would all have united to procure you rewards according

to your merit, and proportionate to the services done to the king and

to your country. And certainly nobody would have been more deserving

of rewards. But now you are detested through the whole kingdom, and

are everywhere laughed at. Much was expected from your loyalty, your

love for the king, and from a sense of your own duty; but people were

mistaken. You are now punished. You are infamous among the whole

nation, and your name is mentioned with horror. At court you are

laughed at and entertained with vain hopes; an imaginary greatness

is shown you. You are treated with the empty title of Count, which

will remain a monument of your want of faith, your weakness, your

meanness, and your reproachful conduct. In the meantime, Struensee

insults the king and the whole of the royal family, not because they

have offended him, but only to show his unlimited power. He arrogates

all honours to himself; he makes himself master of the kingdom, the

concerns of the government, and of the king, whom he dishonours

before the whole world; he disposes of the revenues of the kingdom

in a despotic manner, and against all order. This wretch dares to

place himself on a level with his master by drawing up an order, by

which the signature of his name acquires the same authority that, by

the constitution of the kingdom, only belongs to the signature of

the king. Your meanness and unwarrantable conduct have assisted to

raise him so high; you could have prevented this, and, therefore,

you will be answerable for the consequences. He commits crimes and

assassinations, and he does it to retain the reins of government; but

you contribute your share by obeying the orders of this Cromwell, who

is ready to sacrifice the life of the king a thousand times over,

if possible, so that he may obtain his wicked ends, and provide for

his own security. Instead of acquainting the king with things which

nobody knows better than you (for you are cunning enough when it

concerns your own interest), you assist this Diedrich Slagheck[9] in

arrogating to himself royal authority; in keeping his master under

guardianship; in degrading him in the eyes of his subjects, that

their love may cease, or at least decrease; and, lastly, as every one

says, "in using him personally ill in the bargain."

You who can prevent all this and save the king from the hands of

this good-for-nothing wretch, and yet are not willing to do it--you,

sir, are accountable for it, and deserve greater punishment than the

traitor himself; and believe me, as sure as that there is a God, you

sooner or later shall pay for it with your head.

You see how preposterously business is managed; everything is

overthrown and jumbled together in the strangest manner and blended

with the highest inconsiderateness, of which there is no parallel

instance to be met with in history. The most honest people who have

served the kingdom such a long while, and so faithfully that even

envy itself could not blame them, are removed to a great distance;

they are turned away in the most shameful manner if they will not

fall in with the measures of this doctor of physic. As if he were

afraid of their honesty, their places are filled up with wretches who

know nothing of the constitution of the kingdom and the situation of

affairs; who know nothing of the business annexed to their offices;

in short, people of whom nobody so much as dreamed that they were

acquainted even with the first principles of the art of government.

For God's sake! what is the meaning that an Oeder and a Struensee,

professor of mathematics at Liegnitz, are placed at the head of

the board of finances? These men enjoy an annual salary of 3,000

rix dollars, while others who have served forty and fifty years

without blame, are now starving, because they could not betray the

king and their country, and would not be employed in promoting bad

and destructive ends. Yet these ignorant men dare to take on their

shoulders a burden under which, particularly in these unhappy times,

a man of courage, ability, and experience, would have trembled.

However, the wise man knows the danger, and therefore will not

hazard the welfare of the nation and his good character, but the

ignorant man, who has nothing to lose, does not perceive the unhappy

consequences of his inability and ignorance.

You see, sir, that the nation is acquainted with the wretchedness of

this present administration, that it feels the bad consequences of

it, which will drive it at last to extremities. You may be the more

assured of the truth of this, as discontent discovers itself in a

public and alarming manner. You know all this, but you conceal it

from the king, though you are the only man that converses with his

Majesty, while access to the throne is denied to all the rest of his

subjects. You, alone, can inform the king of the dangerous situation

himself and his kingdom are in, and the inconceivable indifference

wherewith the best and worthiest of his Majesty's subjects are

treated. I hear that a certain kingdom (Norway) may soon become

alienated: so that in a short time everything may be hopelessly lost,

if the king continues to listen to such bad advice.

You see, sir, how the department of foreign affairs is managed, and

how, by the intrigues and incapacity of our great prime minister, who

has the audacity to interfere, everything is confused, so that the

name of the Danes is now a subject for ridicule.

You see, sir, and you know how arbitrarily his excellency, our great

prime minister, Count Struensee, disposes of the finances,--the pure

blood of the poor subjects.

You, sir, are a Dane of noble extraction, beloved by our king, to

whom you and your family owe so many favours, and yet you keep

silence! Do you not blush? and are you not convinced in your

conscience that you ought to fall the first sacrifice of such

conduct, since you might have prevented it, or had, at least, a

thousand opportunities to set matters to rights again? If tumult and

rebellion (which God forbid) should be the consequences, whom do you

think the exasperated populace would attack first? Would they not

secure you first, as you are at least as culpable as Struensee? And

do not you expose your life, sooner or later, to the greatest danger

by this conduct, which is not consistent with the character of an

honest man?

Reflect, sir, and return to your duty: I conjure you by the ashes

of your father, whom you never knew; by the tears of your virtuous

mother, who weeps, perhaps, already on account of your approaching

untimely death; and what is still more, I conjure you, by the tears

which may some day be shed on your account by the king, the royal

family, and your afflicted country.

You are not afraid to disagree with the doctor prime minister when

it concerns your private interest: but you are mean enough to be

reconciled by a present of 10,000 rix dollars, of which he had robbed

the king and the nation to give them to you. Are you not ashamed of

such a meanness? and are you not afraid of this man in matters that

concern the welfare of your king and your country? These traitors

and villains who defend a bad cause, would not have the courage to

oppose you, through fear of endangering their heads, which already

sit loosely on their shoulders. You would save your king and your

country: you would deserve rewards, and would have a right to claim

them: they would follow you, of course, since nobody would refuse

them: I, myself, who write this letter, would be the first to

contribute toward loading you with riches. With what tranquillity and

inward satisfaction would you enjoy your fortune, your prerogatives,

and your honour, if you should gain this by the consent, and even

agreeably to the wishes of your king, your country, and your

fellow-citizens. I desire you, sir, to consider this well, though I

entertain a better opinion of your generosity, than to suppose that

you can be instigated to perform noble actions only by mercenary

motives.

In my opinion, you must begin this most important business in

the following manner: You are frequently alone with the king: you

take a walk in the evening with his Majesty, as I was informed last

Wednesday, at Hirschholm: you have found that the king is weary

of the guardianship he is kept under. Make use, sir, of such a

favourable moment, or occasion it yourself, since you have sufficient

understanding for it. Represent to him the unhappy situation he is

in, and how inconsistent it is with those obligations under which

his royal dignity lays him. Tell him that he, by signing the order

of July 15, has divided the throne and his royal authority between

himself and Struensee: that he himself, the royal family, the

kingdom, all his subjects, his revenues, the life and the property

of every one, are left to the arbitrary disposal of this arch-grand

vizier, who is a man without experience, honour, religion, or

fidelity: who does not regard laws, who is a master over all, even

over the life of the king. You know that great crimes are ofttimes

productive of still greater ones, or that we may at last fear that

it might happen. When you have explained this to the king, then

represent to him the despair his subjects are in, and to what they

might be driven by such a destructive administration, and by such

misery. Show him what danger threatens him and his kingdom, if this

wretch has time enough to turn everything upside down. If you should

have put the heart of the king in emotion, and have convinced him

how absolutely necessary it was to think of the preservation of his

royal person, his family, and his kingdom, then propose to him to go

directly to Copenhagen, where he will be quite safe: to go to the

palace, and send for two or three noblemen who can give good advice,

according as the circumstances require: that he might not take false

steps (which could be of consequence) at the time when the nation

should attempt to revenge itself, and to show its hatred against

the authors of its misfortunes and its miseries. I could name these

persons, but the nation will do it for me; they ought to be persons

acquainted with government, that they may advise according as the

present situation of affairs requires: but it must not be Rantzau, or

Gähler, or Von der Osten, for these three the nation equally detests,

and they, therefore, would frustrate the whole design.

For God's, your king's, your country's, your family's, your own

sake--consider all this well; and do not delay any longer to hasten

to the assistance of your unhappy country. Save the nation, the king,

and your own head.

The contents of this hypocritical letter are in so far of importance,

because they comprise all the charges raised by Struensee's opponents

among the higher officials. The writer of the two threatening letters

was not publicly considered a man of bright intellect, as indeed

his Jeremiads sufficiently prove; but still he was supposed to be

thoroughly honest. Although he proved himself the contrary, as the

result will show, still Brandt appears to have paid some attention to

his repeated efforts to save his Danish countryman. The letters, the

alarm at the late tumult, and his own melancholy forebodings, at last

made Brandt form a desperate resolution. He determined openly to impart

his feelings and wishes to Struensee, and hence addressed the following

appeal to his noble colleague.[10]

FOOTNOTES:

[Footnote 1: This and the following letter were found in Brandt's

pocket-book when he was arrested, and were first published by Dr.

Jörgen Hee, in his account of his penitent's conversion.]

[Footnote 2: An allusion to Brandt's letter to the king, intended to

overthrow Holck.]

[Footnote 3: The original is preserved in the Royal Library at

Copenhagen.]

[Footnote 4: Reverdil, p. 283.]

[Footnote 5: "Mémoires de Falckenskjold," pp. 151-2.]

[Footnote 6: Reverdil, p. 287.]

[Footnote 7: Reverdil, p. 290. Though these details may appear trivial,

they are worth notice, because Brandt's caustic manner procured him

many enemies, and rendered the efforts made to save him of no effect.]

[Footnote 8: "Mémoires de Falckenskjold."]

[Footnote 9: The uncle of Dieveke, the mistress of Christian II.,

who induced the king to commit the massacre of Stockholm, under

circumstances of the greatest treachery and barbarity.]

[Footnote 10: The letters contained in the following chapter, the

originals of which are in the Copenhagen secret archives, have not been

published before. Only some passages of them were quoted by Fiscal

General Wiwet in his prosecution of Brandt. Hence it is probable that

Struensee returned them as requested, and that the letters were found

among Brandt's sealed-up papers.]

Life and Times of Her Majesty Caroline Matilda, Vol. 2 (of 3) Queen of Denmark and Norway, and Sister of H. M. George III. of England · 第 1 / 13 章