CHAPTER VII

HERAT AND THE WESTERN BORDER

The inception of the policy by which our relations with Afghanistan are

controlled at the present time is due to the reflective intuition of

Alexander Burnes[11] who, in 1831, when attached to the Teheran Mission

under Sir John Macdonald, felt the necessity of combating the growing

influence of Russia in Afghanistan. Circumstances, emanating from the

presence of the Russian Mission under Prince Menzikoff at Teheran in

1826, disclosed the policy of Russia towards Persia and Afghanistan to

be following two channels: the one, real, immediate and acquisitive;

the other, remote, artificial and aiming at intimidation. The influence

of these two methods of approach was inimical alike to Persia and

Afghanistan, as also to the interests of India; to their existence

may be traced the causes of the Russo-Persian War. The results of

this campaign with Russia, in which the Shah was engaged from 1826 to

1828, left Persia smarting under its loss of prestige, broken up into

a number of petty principalities and ready to attempt armed incursions

across the frontier by way of restoring its good name. Khiva and then

Herat in turn were considered, selection finally falling upon Herat

as the object of attack. The expedition was begun; but owing to the

death of Abbas Mirza, the father of the Prince Royal Mahomed Mirza

who conducted the expedition, it was withdrawn and for the time being

further action was deferred. In the meantime, affairs in Persia had

attracted the attention of India; and, as the weakness of the Persian

state increased, Russian diplomacy became more active. Distinguished by

a marked hostility to England, the policy of Russia aimed at stirring

up the tribes of Afghanistan. With this end in view Russian advice

counselled Mahomed Mirza Shah to resume the operations against Herat

at the same time that a Russian Mission was despatched to Kabul. The

intimate association with the affairs of Persia and Afghanistan, which

distinguished the position of Russia at this date, is interesting

since it reveals how closely our Afghan and our Persian policies

were interwoven, the one re-acting on the other with sympathetic

consequence. There is, also, equal evidence of the influence exercised

over India by the machinations of Russian diplomacy.

The existence of Russian influence at Kabul and behind the Herat

expedition of 1837-38 synchronised with the formal enunciation of

the policy by which, since 1838 down to 1906, our relations with

Afghanistan have been governed. Indeed, no sooner was the Persian

expedition of 1837-38 launched against Herat than the Government of

India awoke to the urgency of the situation. Lord Auckland, embodying

in more concrete shape the spirit of the idea put forward by Alexander

Burnes in 1831, proclaimed upon November 8, 1838, the necessity of

establishing a permanent barrier against schemes of aggression upon

our north-west frontier. A treaty of alliance was made with Ranjit

Singh and Shah Shujah and an expedition, ostensibly prepared for the

relief of Herat but not without the intention of checking the growing

influence of Russia in Persia and Afghanistan, crossed the Indus under

the leadership of General Keane. Kandahar was occupied and Kabul

entered in 1839, when Shah Shujah was proclaimed. Unfortunately, owing

to one of those singular mistakes of judgment which, by their very

frequency, confirm the impression that our success in Asia is more by

good fortune than good management, Kabul was evacuated in the winter

of 1841-42 and the beneficial possibilities of the occupation of Kabul

dissipated in a disgraceful and signally disastrous retirement.

In respect of Herat, Persian designs upon the fortress were by no

means crushed by the effect of the campaign--the first Afghan War of

1838-1842. Within ten years--in 1851--disturbances, arising out of

the death of the Khan of Herat, caused the new ruler to throw himself

once more upon the support of Persia. This situation gave rise to the

Anglo-Persian Convention January 1853, by which the independence of

Herat and its continuation in Afghan hands was assured. This step,

although indicating the importance which the Government of India

attached to Herat and giving direct confirmation to the pronouncement

of Lord Auckland in 1838, was not sufficient to secure immunity to the

Herat Khanate from Persian interference. Three years later--March

1856--the Government of Persia, taking advantage of a rupture of

relations with Great Britain which had occurred in the previous

December, despatched a force to Herat. The occupation of the city

which followed was short-lived, an _émeute_ occurring in which the

Persian flag was replaced by that of the British. Within a few months

the espousers of the English cause, receiving no encouragement from

the Imperial Government, hauled down their flag and Herat passed once

more into Persian hands. Surrendered to Persia on October 25, 1856, it

was evacuated finally and restored to Afghanistan July 27, 1857, under

pressure of the expeditionary column which disembarked at Karachi in

the Persian Gulf on December 4, 1856.

This war, concluded by a treaty of peace signed in Paris March 4,

1857, marks an important epoch in our history with Afghanistan. It

denoted the resumption of relations which had been in abeyance since

1842, preparing the way for that treaty of alliance which was signed

at Peshawar with Dost Mahommed on January 27, 1857. By this engagement

the assistance of the Afghans, in return for a monthly subsidy during

the continuation of the war of 1856, was secured against the Persians.

As events proved no such help was required. Although hostilities ceased

within six weeks of the date of the agreement the monthly subsidy,

beginning in the autumn of 1856, was continued until September 30,

1858, the accidence of the Indian mutiny dictating the prudence of

preserving friendly relations with Kabul until the very disquieting

influences, which were then at work, had been allayed. Relations with

Afghanistan continued until 1863 to follow a course more or less

overshadowed by the growing importance of Russian intrigue in Central

Asia.

While our activities in Persia and Afghanistan demonstrated merely

political expansion, a change of quite another order was beginning to

define the position of Russia in Central Asia. From this it became

evident that a severe test would be imposed upon our trans-border

policy. By successive stages, Russian aggrandisement had subjugated

the several States which were lying between her territories and the

frontiers of Afghanistan when the principles of our policy in regard

to that country were announced in 1838. One by one the Turcoman tribes

were conquered until, by the capture of Samarkand in 1868 and the

submission of the Amir of Bokhara, Russia gained direct approach to

the waters of the Oxus, with the right to furnish its bank with armed

posts. The moment was rapidly arriving against which all the energies

of Indo-Afghan policy in the past should have been directed. In the

interval, before the Russian domination of Central Asia was complete,

the aim of British policy to bring about a strong Afghanistan had

seemed upon the point of realisation when, in 1863, Dost Mahommed died.

None could foresee the developments of the future. The activity of the

Russians in Central Asia boded no good; and with the death of Dost

Mahommed it was recognised that the resulting situation contained a

challenge to the principles of the policy by which, in years gone by,

we had proposed to guarantee the inviolability of Afghan territory.

Indeed, an attitude of non-intervention was no longer politic; but,

instead of seizing the opportunity presented by the death of Dost

Mahommed and occupying the territories of Afghanistan for ourselves,

we hesitated. Yet, if the passing visit of a Russian mission to Kabul

in 1838 had been accounted sufficient warranty for the invasion of

Afghanistan, how much more the massing of Russian forces upon its

northern and north-western frontiers should have propelled us to a

renewed display of energy in 1863. Unfortunately for ourselves, the

logic of our position was destroyed irretrievably by the train of

hostile circumstance which our supineness had set in motion. Whilst our

politicians debated Russia had acted; and Shir Ali, Khan of Herat and

son of Dost Mahommed, spurred by Russian promises and intrigues, began

a movement against Azim, Khan of Kabul. Varying fortunes distinguished

the efforts of the rival factions between 1863-1868; but at length,

in 1868, Shir Ali prevailed and he became recognised as _de facto_

ruler of Afghanistan. For the moment the situation showed improvement,

as Shir Ali veered from Russia to India. Practical assistance, in

the shape of money and materials of war, was at once accorded him

by the Government of India, between whose supreme chief, Lord Mayo,

and himself as the ruler of Afghanistan a conference was arranged at

Umballa in March of 1869. The outcome of this meeting, not by any

means so definite as the interests of a trans-border policy demanded,

was held to be sufficient to dispel the feelings of alarm which the

prolonged military activities of Russia in the Trans-Caspian region

had aroused. None the less, while the Russians were occupied with the

conquest of Khiva and Shir Ali had been disappointed at the aloofness

of the Indian Government, four momentous years 1869-1873 were passing.

Their close revealed only the further and more complete estrangement

of the Amir of Kabul through the amazing ineptitude with which the

advisers of the Indian Government dealt with his difficulties. Bitter,

indifferent, and relying upon the Russian promises of assistance of

1872, Shir Ali became openly defiant, repudiating all suggestions for

any formal treaty of alliance, 1876-1877. At the same time, 1877,

he flatly declined to admit to Kabul any British officers as the

accredited representatives of the Government of India, although in 1878

he himself received a Russian mission there. With the failure of our

own attempt (1878) to force a mission upon him, the Second Afghan War,

1878-1880, began.

[Illustration: GANDAMAK BRIDGE, WHERE THE FAMOUS TREATY WAS SIGNED]

Kandahar was occupied by Sir Donald Stewart, January 8, 1879; and,

while a second force moved into position against the capital, a third

under Sir Frederick Roberts marched against Paiwar Kotal. Shir Ali,

flying before these operations, died at Mazar-i-Sharif in February

1879, the first chapter of the second war closing with the installation

of his son Yakub Khan on the Kabul throne and the despatch of the

Cavagnari mission to Kabul. The treaty of Gandamak, May 26, 1879,

had barely put the seal upon certain rights, which might have led

ultimately to the definite establishment of British authority in

Afghanistan, when, in the following September, the sudden massacre

of the entire mission occurred. The second phase of the Afghan War

of 1878-1880 opened with the operations of Sir Frederick Roberts.

Defeating the Afghans at Charasia, he entered Kabul in October

causing the overthrow of Yakub Khan and paving the way for the

eventual recognition of the late Amir Abdur Rahman as Amir of Kabul.

Throughout this occupation of Kabul the temper of the surrounding

tribes became slowly inflamed until, in December 1879, a rebellion

against the British was proclaimed. The tribes rising, the forces in

Kabul were placed in jeopardy by the interruption of communications

with India. Action by Sir Donald Stewart, who had come up with forces

from Kandahar, stemmed the torrent, the situation growing more complex

when Abdur Rahman, who had retired across the Oxus on his defeat by

Shir Ali in the war for succession, 1863-1868, reappeared in March

of 1880 to establish himself in north-western Afghanistan. Both the

Government of India and the bulk of the population welcomed his return,

and withdrawing the territories of the Kandahar province from his rule

he was recognised as Amir of Afghanistan with certain reservations

in respect of foreign policy and dealings with Russia. Unfortunately

the disasters which hitherto had followed British intervention in

Afghanistan were to continue; in July 1880, but a few months after the

proclamation of Abdur Rahman as the new Amir, the news of the defeat

at Maiwand of General Burrows was received. Ayub Khan, Khan of Herat

and youngest son of Shir Ali, marching upon Kandahar and defeating the

British force sent to check his advance, had succeeded in investing the

city. Sir Frederick Roberts was now once more to come upon the scene.

Taking 10,000 men from Sir Donald Stewart’s garrison at Kabul he set

out to the relief of Kandahar, accomplishing by a series of forced

efforts an extraordinarily rapid march of 313 miles and, on September

1, 1880, routing Ayub Khan’s army. A little later, in 1881, British

troops once again retired to India from Afghanistan; but a sudden

attack by Ayub Khan’s adherents in July, 1881, secured the re-capture

of Kandahar, Ayub Khan remaining there until, on September 22, he was

totally vanquished by Abdur Rahman, losing all his possessions and

retreating to Persia, from where subsequently he surrendered to the

Government of India.

[Illustration: PLAN OF HERAT]

[Illustration: A STREET SHRINE.]

During this long pre-occupation with Afghan affairs Russia had made

considerable improvement in her own position in Central Asia, where

but little more than the final touches remained to be given. These

appeared with the seizure of Merv in 1884 and the completion of the

Central Asian railway between Krasnovodsk and Samarkand 1800-1888.

The slow, yet faltering, steps with which Russia had maintained

her advance towards Afghanistan, in contradiction of all treaties,

in abuse of all frontiers and in contempt of our own inaction, at

last forced home upon the British Government the fruits of its own

miscalculations. In 1884 along the Afghan north-western frontier as

also in 1896 on the Pamirs, Boundary Commissions were assembled to meet

the exigencies of the situation. The former of these took the field

under the leadership of Sir Peter Lumsden, with whom were associated

Colonel Sir West Ridgeway and numerous officers attached for political,

survey, military, geological and medical duties, including Major E.

L. Durand, Major C. E. Yate, Major T. H. Holdich, Captain St. George

Gore, Captain Peacocke, Captain the Honourable M. C. Talbot, Captain

Maitland, and Lieutenant A. C. Yate. The Pamirs Mission was under the

presidency of Major-General M. G. Gerard, with whom were Colonel T. H.

Holdich, Lieut.-Colonel R. A. Wahab, Captain E. F. H. McSwiney, and

Surgeon-Captain A. W. Alcock. Russia was represented by Major-General

Povalo Shveikovski, Colonel Galkin, Captain Krutorogin, Lieutenant

Orakolow, Monsieur Panafidine, and Doctor Welman.[12]

The province of Herat extends from near the sources of the Hari Rud

on the east to the Persian frontier on the west, and from the Russian

southern boundary to the northern limits of Seistan. The area is 300

miles from east to west and 200 miles from north to south. North,

south and west there are tracts of unproductive country, presenting

facilities for development only over restricted surfaces. In the east

the upper reaches of the Hari Rud valley stretch away to the mountain

regions of the Koh-i-Baba. It has been estimated that the valley of the

Hari Rud is capable of furnishing supplies for an army of occupation

which should not exceed 150,000 men. It is this fact, coupled with

the value of its position as the converging point of roads from the

Caspian, Merv, Meshed, Bokhara, and from India through Kandahar,

which has invested Herat with the title of The Key of India. The Hari

Rud oasis presents a wonderful appearance of fertility; near the

city groves of pistachia and mulberry trees, blackberry bushes, wild

roses and innumerable settlements abound. The Hari Rud, flowing in a

single channel 100 to 140 feet in width which diminishes as the summer

wanes, has been the means of converting into a smiling paradise the

surrounding wilderness. Flood-water in this river lasts from the close

of January until the end of March, when fords are dangerous to cross.

The subsidence of flood-water in April makes it more readily passable,

the average depth of the fords then measuring 4 feet. Later, when the

warmer weather appears, the permanent channel breaks up into long

lakes, fed by springs and underground continuations of supplementary

streams. The northern extremity of the river, which waters the Tejend

oasis and the Sarakhs region, preserves in the main the characteristics

of the upper stream. The undulating country between the Hari Rud and

the Murghab, extending from the northern slopes of the Paropamisus to

the edge of the Kara Kum, is called Badghis. At one time this district

included the oasis of Yulatan and, even now, it embraces Pendjeh.

Across it, along the banks of the Murghab and through the valley of the

Kushk, runs the direct road from Merv to Herat. From the levels of

valleys within Russian jurisdiction, which are about 2000 feet above

sea-level, the road rises throughout a distance of 35 miles until it

pierces the Paropamisus range by the Ardewan pass, 4700 feet above

sea-level. From these mountains, it descends across the broken slopes

of the Koh-i-Mulla Khwaja until it meets at last the alluvial flats of

the Hari Rud plain, wherein the city of Herat stands, 2600 feet above

sea-level.

The city of Herat, built entirely of mud with certain outworks lying

beyond its walls, stands in a hollow. It forms a quadrangle 1600 yards

by 1500 yards. On the western, southern and eastern faces the wall is

a straight line, the only projecting points being the gateways and

the bastions. On the northern face, the line is broken by the old Ark

or citadel, which stands back about 200 yards from the main wall and

is situated upon a high, artificial mound, which is 250 feet in width

and between 50 and 60 feet in height. Above this the walls of the city

rise an additional 30 feet. There are five gates--the Kutabchak near

the north-east angle of the wall and the Malik gate at the re-entering

angle formed by the wall of the Ark and the continuation of the north

wall. The other gates are on the western, southern and eastern faces,

the names respectively being the Irak, Kandahar and Kushk. Four

streets, running from the centre of each face, meet at the Charsu, a

domed square covered with beams and matting in the heart of the city. A

wide, road encircles the walls on the inside, although its upkeep has

been sadly neglected. The defences of the city are contained by the

wall which stands above the mound. On its outer slope there were at one

time two parallel trenches, covered by low parapets; but the trenches,

like the moat at the foot of the mound, are now choked up. There are

25 bastions on each wall. The gates, defended by works differing from

one another in shape, are of irregular design. They resemble redans,

with sides of unequal length and project about 200 feet beyond the main

wall. The defences of the gateways are of a lower profile than those

of the main works. At the apex of the projection a small rectangular

traverse screens the postern.

The northern wall is irregular. Near its centre, thrown back about 200

yards from the main wall and standing on a mound of its own, is the

position of the old citadel. A “return” in the wall, leading down on

this work from the eastern portion of the north face, terminates on

the counterscarp of its ditch. The western face, retired about 100

yards behind the eastern face, connects with the north-west angle of

the citadel by a slight bend. There are two gateways on this front, the

one about 200 yards to the westward of the north-east angle and the

other in the main wall. This latter is unprovided with the irregular

projecting work attached to the others.

The wall of the fort is about 14 feet thick at the base, 9 feet thick

at the top and 18 feet high, exclusive of the parapet. The parapet is

2½ feet thick at the base, 9 inches at the crest and 7½ feet in height.

It is loop-holed and crowned with the ruins of small battlements which,

like so much attaching to Herat, have been permitted to crumble away.

In several places the walls have broken down, the repairs subsequently

effected adding to the general insecurity of what has remained rather

than improving the original breaches. The width of the pathway behind

the parapet is 6 feet; but there are many gaps, and continuity of

communication is preserved only by the severe physical exertion

of flying leaps. Their condition renders them ill-adapted to the

employment of artillery, while the ramps leading up to this pathway are

barely broad enough to admit the passage of a single man.

At one time this wall was flanked by small exterior towers, placed at

intervals of 100 feet. They varied in size and are now so generally

in ruin that it is difficult to estimate their dimensions. In their

original state they were probably from 40 to 60 feet in diameter,

the larger towers being 30 feet in width and projecting 25 feet. In

contrast with the containing wall of the city the wall of the fort

possesses an outward inclination, equal perhaps to one-seventh of its

height. The slope of the towers is generally greater; many of them are

splayed at the base to accommodate their foundations to the sloping

surface upon which they rest. The whole work appears originally to have

been constructed of sun-dried brick, backed with layers of moist earth.

Some of the towers have foundations and facings of rough stone or burnt

brick, laid in mud. The wall itself is a very old one; stone, brick

and earth have been used indiscriminately, so that it now presents a

patchwork appearance.

[Illustration: THE IRAK GATE]

The interior slope of the mound, upon which the walls stand, is steep

and from the base of the wall drops perpendicularly into the town.

No attention whatever appears to have been paid to this part of the

fortifications. The inhabitants of the city have been for several

generations in the habit of removing earth from it for the construction

or repair of their dwellings. At one time, too, houses were erected

close to the foot of the rampart and also upon it, the slope being

excavated to admit of the walls being erected against it. A partial

collapse of the mound has followed, the fallen masses of earth serving

as a convenient resting-place for the dead.

The old citadel is a brick structure 150 yards long from east to west

and 50 yards wide. It occupies an elevation of its own, and, when

erected, stood nearly in the centre of the north face of the city. It

was flanked by several towers, differing greatly in size; those at

the angles were the largest, while those on the north-east angle were

the most imposing. The interior, in part occupied by Feramorz Khan,

the Commander-in-Chief, is divided into three courts. The inhabited

portion is a lofty building, supported by four bastions along its face,

with the entrance gate facing the main street to the Charsu. It fills

a space 110 yards in length by 60 yards in breadth. The Ark, from its

massive appearance, is very dignified, but it is not calculated to

withstand protracted defence if the town itself were captured. Its

walls, thickly built but of inferior masonry, are exposed from base to

parapet, and a few shells dropped behind them would create great havoc.

The Ark-i-nao, or new citadel, serves as a parade-ground for the

garrison. Weak both in plan and profile, it is constructed in advance

of the mound, but 80 feet below it and upon a level with the country.

It consists of 4 straight walls 300 yards in length. The face is

flanked by 5 semi-circular towers, each possessing a diameter of 30

feet. The walls are 13 feet thick at the base and 8 feet at the top,

crowned on their outer edge by a parapet 6 feet high and 1½ feet thick.

There was once a ditch 30 feet in width and 15 feet in depth at a

distance of 60 feet from its base, but it is now a general receptacle

for the refuse of the city.

[Illustration: HERAT CITADEL]

Within recent years the fortifications of Herat have undergone

radical alteration. At one time, prior to the Pendjeh crisis, the

city could not be said to possess an esplanade nor any free field of

fire. Detached buildings, even small villages, surrounded it, while

cultivation extended close to the walls; and where agriculture ended

the cemeteries of the city began. Mosques, tombs and reservoirs stood

opposite the gateways, some of them lying within 100 yards of the

walls. Vast mounds of earth were also close at hand. Many of these

defects were removed[13] under the guidance of the British officers

who were assisting in the demarcation of the Russo-Afghan boundary in

1884-87; in 1903-04, under the supervision of Feramorz Khan, additional

improvements were made and a number of mountain and field batteries

installed.

In general the Herati is not a fighting man and cares little for

military appearances. Indeed, if choice were left to the Heratis they

would sooner surrender at once to the Russians than run the risk of

future disturbances. The garrison is not generally drawn from the

locality and seldom includes many Herati, Hazara or Taimani recruits.

Commanded by Feramorz Khan, it is composed mainly of regiments from

Kandahar and Kabul, whose men lounge through the streets in unkempt

undress or clad in dirty linen and to whom belongs such little martial

spirit as may be detected in the city. In this direction nothing can

be more marked than the difference between the Herati and the Afghan

soldier. The former, a peasant pure and simple, is unversed in military

science, while it is a rare sight to see the soldiers without an

extraordinary number and variety of weapons attached to their persons.

Each carries, as a rule, two pistols, a sword, rifle and many knives,

their swagger and overbearing disposition causing them to be hated by

the wretched population. The position of the city to-day as between

Russia and India is rather that of a woman whose wares are put up to

the highest bidder. It is not particularly partial to the rule of

the Amir, to the overtures of Russia or to the influence of India.

One might say that it were indifferent alike to each of these three

interested parties and that it is merely a question of price which

will determine its surrender. It must be confessed that the fortress

occupies an unfortunate position. Whatever the garrison might attempt

in support of the huge earthworks which the place boasts, there is no

doubt that the sympathies of the population--if the history of the past

goes for anything--would be given to any who contrived to evict the

Afghans; and, as all reports concur in alluding to the lavish manner in

which Russian roubles have circulated in the province, the statement

may be hazarded that, under certain contingencies, the tribes on the

north-western border of Afghanistan would declare for the Russians.

Upon this aspect of the situation various changes introduced by the

Amir into the administration of Herat province, and concerning equally

all posts along the banks of the Oxus and the western border, have

direct bearing. Although there is practically no intercourse between

the Afghan and Russian posts on either bank of the Amu Daria, indeed

the ferry station at Chushka Guzar is constantly sniped from the

Afghan bank by Pathan pickets, there has been an insidious growth of

association between the Herat officials and the Russians. Quite lately

the Kazi Saad-ud-Din, Governor of Herat, was recalled, the Shahgassi

Mahomed Sarwar Khan taking his place, while a warning was administered

to the commander-in-chief. There is no doubt that these officials

accepted complimentary gifts from the Russian officials at Merv, and

the transference of the one and the rebuke of the other may check the

propensity of the native to find in the efficacious application of

the Russian rouble a panacea for all evils. In respect of the soldiers

themselves, orders have been issued from Kabul that all detachments on

frontier duty are to be relieved monthly. Obviously Herat is too close

to the Russian border not to have been intimidated by the spectacle

of Russia’s strength in Central Asia. A similar state of things might

not be expected to prevail in Kabul and Kandahar. Kabul is too much

under the personal sway of the Amir to express any active interest in

Russia or India, while Kandahar has been associated too closely with

the reverses which British arms have experienced in Afghanistan to have

over much respect for the greatness of Hindustan. Russia is really

the supreme and dominating factor in Afghanistan, not only along the

northern, eastern and western frontiers, but throughout the kingdom.

[Illustration: KITCHEN IN NATIVE HOUSE]

Herat is a dirty town. The small lanes, crooked and narrow which

branch from the main thoroughfares, are roofed and their gloom offers

safe harbourage for the perpetration of every possible offence. The

breadth of the streets is only 12 feet, but in their narrowest parts

even this space is reduced. Pools of stagnant water left by the rains,

piles of refuse thrown from the houses, together with dead cats, dogs

and the excrement of human beings, mingle their effluvia in these low

tunnels. Much of the city has been abandoned and various travellers,

in reporting their experiences, agree that the bazaars are of a very

inferior order. On either side of the streets there are spacious serais

where the merchants have their depôts. The western face of the city

is the least populated, the buildings in this quarter being a mass

of ruins. The houses are constructed usually in the form of hollow

squares. They are commonly of one storey, built of brick and mud, with

very thick walls. The roofs are vaulted and composed, equally with

the walls, of mud; the entrances are low and winding. These houses

are quite incombustible. The larger establishments have stable and

servants’ courts attached to them, and every courtyard has, in its

centre, a well or small reservoir for the reception of water. All the

houses are more or less capable of resisting men armed with rifles, and

a determined garrison might, by barricading the streets leading to the

ramparts and loopholing the adjacent houses, protract the defence of

the place for some time after the walls had been gained by the enemy.

There are several spacious caravansaries in the town, all of which

open upon the street leading from the Kandahar Gate to the citadel and

would serve, in emergency, for the accommodation of troops. At the time

of Connolly there were:

Houses 4000

Shops 1200

Baths 20

Colleges 6

Caravansaries 17

Although the city has been almost entirely destroyed since his day, his

estimate is of some value for purposes of comparison.

[Illustration: HOUSEHOLD UTENSILS]

The principal building in Herat is the Masjid-i-Jama, which comprises

an area of 800 yards square. It was built at the end of the fifteenth

century, in the reign of Shah Husein by his relative Prince Shibali.

When perfect it was 465 feet long and 275 feet wide; it had 408

cupolas, 130 windows, 444 pillars, 6 entrances and was adorned in the

most magnificent manner with gilding, carving, precious mosaic and

other elaborate and costly embellishments. It stands in the north-east

quarter of the city, about 300 yards from the east walls.

The palace of Chahar Bagh is situated to the west of the Masjid-i-Jama

and was originally the winter residence of the chiefs of Herat.

It is now the residence of the Governor of the city, but has been

considerably enlarged and improved. A fine garden has been laid out

with flower-beds and a fountain. It is enclosed on either side.

The inhabitants of Herat, who are mostly Shiah Mahommedans, comprise

Afghans, Hazaras, Jamshidis and Tiamanis, with 700 Hindus and some 400

families of Jews. Its population has always been subject to constant

fluctuation. When Christie visited it in 1809 the population stood at

100,000 souls. Connolly considers these figures too high, reducing them

himself to 45,000. According to Ferrier, again, prior to the siege of

1838 the number of inhabitants was, at least, 70,000; when the siege

was raised these numbers had dwindled to between 6000 to 7000, a total

which, he considered, had increased in 1845 to 22,000. As under the

severe but secure rule of Jan Mahommed life was safe, it is probable

that before the investment of 1857 it again approached Connolly’s

total. Its siege and capture by Dost Mahommed in 1863 must have once

more reduced its numbers; when Vambéry visited it two months afterwards

he was met by a scene of utter desolation and devastation, from which,

according to the estimate of A. C. Yate[14] in 1885, the city had never

recovered. Citing the previous census, which gave the population at

1700 families, the latter returned it at 10,000. The existing number is

now a little less than 18,000 people, exclusive of the garrison, which

in peace numbers five regiments of regular infantry, twenty squadrons

of cavalry, one battalion of sappers and eight batteries.

[Illustration: A CARAVANSARY COMPOUND]

The city has declined considerably from its quondam opulence. There is

scarcely any trade and the houses are deserted. It is, nevertheless,

famous for its fruit and its breed of horses; but the Heratis have

endured too many of “the slings and arrows of outrageous fortune”

to be able to withstand adversity and bad seasons. Wars and sieges,

pestilence and famine have had their effect; and the scene, which

Vambéry described so brightly, is now sombre and melancholy. No longer

is Herat the great central market between India and Persia. It still

receives a certain amount of merchandise from Kabul, such as shawls,

indigo, sugar, chintz, muslin, bafta, kincob, hides and leather. These

are exported to Meshed, Yezd, Teheran, Baghdad and Kirman, and exchanged

for tea, sugar-candy, china-ware, broadcloth, chintz, silk, copper,

pepper, dates, shawls, numnahs, carpets and all kinds of spices. Silk

is obtainable in the vicinity of Herat, and lambs’ fleeces and

sheep-skins are made up locally into caps and cloaks. There are, too,

a number of native craftsmen who work in silk and metals, leather,

iron and wood; but there are few opportunities for their skill and no

money with which to pay for it. The carpets of Herat, once so famed for

softness and for the brilliance and permanence of their colours, are

no longer in demand. At one time they were made in all sizes, ranging

in price from 10 to 1000 rupees; but their day is gone. Indeed, in

its present impoverished state, the city is eloquent only of a bygone

grandeur. Everything is decayed and decrepit.

[Illustration: RELIGIOUS FESTIVAL ON THE PERSO-AFGHAN BORDER]

In relation to future developments in the military position along the

western frontier Herat, the immediate objective of Russia, has been

for many years the pivot of our trans-border policy. Lying within 80

miles of Kushkinski Post, itself only eighteen hours by train from

Merv, it would not be long after the outbreak of hostilities that a

Russian force would be before its walls. The passage of reinforcements

from Merv, in support of such detached or independent flying column,

would be divided between Kushkinski Post and Tanur Sangi, which, when

considered from Merv, the main depôt of supplies in Trans-Caspia, rank

practically as ultimate bases, with an immediate base at Pendjeh. The

position of Herat would be no worse than Maimana, Balkh, Kunduz and

Andkhui, upon which an equally rapid concentration would be made. At

such a time the forts established at Kala Khum, Chushka Guzar, Kelif

and Termes--where, by order of Kuropatkin, a strong work has been

placed to cover the debouchure opposite Patta Hissar of the road from

Takht-a-pul, the central cantonment of Northern Afghanistan--would

be sufficient to repel attack if the Afghans were rash enough to

cross. Again, between the Oxus and the chain of main bases established

along the Central Asian railway--Askhabad, Merv, Samarkand, Khokand

and Margelan, with Tashkent as the great centre of arterial

distribution--there would be a line of auxiliary depôts, such as

Sharisabz and Hissar and no doubt possessing by the time war occurred

railway communication with the Central Asian system on the one hand and

the Oxus on the other, to serve as intermediate bases of supply to the

ultimate frontier and fighting zone.

In the situation along the extreme eastern frontier, the

Badakshan-Wakhan region, the same preponderating strength and advantage

of position would be detected in the Russian dispositions. The

existence of the several elevated areas composing the Pamirs and acting

as a containing rampart to the Russian left flank renders the Russian

sphere between Kala Khum and Langar Kisht sufficiently impervious

to serious attack. As a precaution against sporadic forays from the

Afghan posts on the opposite bank a number of permanent forts, usually

included within the Pamir military district, would be available.

On the right bank, between the upper waters of the Oxus and Charog,

there is the post of Langar Kisht where the Russians maintain one

company of thirty men with a maxim gun. Charog itself, which is

opposite Kala Bar Panja, is the principal post of the Russians in

the region of the Pamirs. Here the strength of the garrison varies

according to the season of the year. During the winter months the

muster is fifty Cossacks with four officers and a maxim detachment.

Two maxims and a single mountain gun have been mounted on the ramparts

covering the river. Charog is connected with Fort Murghabi by a road

along the Alichur Pamir and the banks of the Ghund Daria; built of

clay, wood and stone, it possesses earthworks of an enduring character.

Additional accommodation is in course of construction, as it is

intended to establish quarters there for one battalion of troops. The

winter strength of the Russian force in the Pamirs is 500 men; this

will be raised to 1000 men so soon as the requisite barracks have been

erected at Charog and Fort Murghabi. The probable disposition of the

force will put 300 men into each of the three forts at Tashkurgan,

Charog and Murghabi, the remaining 100 being detailed by companies to

the smaller posts of Langar Kisht, Aktash and Kizil Rabat. At Kala Wanj

there was an establishment of 300 levies from the native army of the

Amir of Bokhara, a further detachment from the same establishment and

similar in strength, being in garrison at Kala Wamar. At Kala-Khum,

occupied by 1000 men, there was one native regiment. Along the reach

of the Middle Oxus the same arrangement held good, native troops being

distributed among all ferry and customs posts, constituting a useful

supplement to the Russian troops in the riverine areas. Hitherto the

employment of the Bokharan levies for garrison and frontier duty in

Darwaz, Shignan and Roshan has been quite a feature of the Russian

disposition along the Oxus. Drilled by Russian instructors and armed

with modern weapons these territorial troops are regarded by the

Russians as the equal of the Afghan soldiery. In war, they would be

expected to relieve the regular forces of a multitude of fatigues and

thus leave the energies and numbers of the Russian command unimpaired

by that slow process of attrition by which, in the main, the fighting

strength of an army becomes so quickly exhausted. Quite lately these

posts have been taken over by the regular forces, the native troops

being withdrawn for service in the Khanate. It has been always unlikely

that, in the event of hostilities, the Russians would permit levies to

take the field against the Afghan forces.

[Illustration: AFGHAN POST AT KALA PANJA

_Photo, Olufsen_]

On the left bank of the stream the Afghan authorities maintain posts

at Kala Panja, which is opposite Langar Kisht, Kala Bar Panja, which

confronts Charog, and Ishkashim. No works of special importance have

been constructed to observe Kala Wamar and Kala Wanj, the work at

Kala Bar Panja being the central Afghan position on the Upper Oxus. As

a fort it compares not unfavourably with the Russian one at Charog;

in point of size it is larger than the original Russian structure

there. It is in the form of a square; the walls, constructed of clay

and stone, are 200 yards in length, about 12 inches thick and 15 to 20

feet in height. It has capacity for about 1000 men and, along one wall,

provision for a small force of cavalry.

Possession of these works did not quite equalise the situation and

within the last few months many changes have taken place in the

Eastern, Northern and Western commands, the raising of 20,000 recruits

having been sanctioned by the Amir for the Eastern and Western

divisions at the request of the commanding officers. Leading chiefs

bringing 1000 men to the colours were to receive the rank of regimental

commanders; those who raised 100 men would become company officers.

It was further promised that the pay of these new regiments would be

issued monthly. The strengthening process has been also applied to the

Home or Central command, 10,000 men having been raised in the Shinwari

district and sworn in by the Governor of Jelalabad; while enlistment

among the Sufi tribal levies has been started for the Kabul garrison.

Further, the Governors of Maimana and Faizabad were instructed to

entrench their cities, to throw up the necessary watch towers and to

place all approaches in a condition of defence. Two new forts were

located on the Oxus at Kala Panja and Ishkashim in Wakhan, a third at

Boharac and a fourth at Faizabad.

These fresh works possess nominal accommodation for 1000 men, although

there is ample space for double or even treble this number. Built in

the form of a square, the walls are 6 feet thick at the top and 18 feet

at the base. Artillery emplacements have been prepared in the watch

towers at each corner and a shooting-gallery runs round the defences

a few feet below their parapet. Quarters have been placed along three

walls, each wall taking twenty houses, the fourth wall holding the

stable, transport and commissariat arrangements. Pathan regiments from

Faizabad were detailed to these positions and also to the support

of the Badakshan-Wakhan border; new regiments, fashioned from the

reinforcements which had been despatched to Faizabad, taking their

place. The normal strength of the Eastern command is represented by

seven regiments of Pathan infantry, four squadrons of cavalry and five

batteries.

Similarly there has been much activity in the Northern command, the

Governor of Afghan Turkestan, Sirdar Ghulam Ali Khan a son of Abdur

Rahman, having completed his development of the scheme of defences

at Dehdadi which the late Amir created. That stronghold has now been

incorporated with Takht-a-Pul, which lies between Mazar-i-Sharif and

Balkh and where an important fortified cantonment has been established,

possessing a permanent strength of several thousand men. Habib Ullah

has full confidence in his brother Ghulam Ali Khan and, in view of

the delays which occur in the passage of supplies from the Kabul

arsenals to the Herat and Turkestan garrisons, the Amir has sanctioned

a proposal to construct in Herat and Takht-a-Pul, small-arms ordnance

works, tanning-yards and boot factories, so that these two important

commands may be independent of Kabul for these elemental accessories

to their efficiency. Powers of control over these projects have been

invested in Ghulam Ali Khan, who has appointed an assistant to the

Herat branch of the undertaking.

[Illustration: A WATER-SELLER.]

[11] “England and Russia in the East.” Rawlinson.

[12] This study of Anglo-Afghan relations is continued in

Chapters xvi. and xvii.

[13] “The Indian Borderland.” Colonel Sir T. H. Holdich.

[14] “England and Russia.” A. C. Yate, 1886.

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