Chapter III. David—II. His Personal History.

In order to understand why the chronicler entirely recasts the graphic and

candid history of David given in the book of Samuel, we have to consider

the place that David had come to fill in Jewish religion. It seems

probable that among the sources used by the author of the book of Samuel

was a history of David, written not long after his death, by some one

familiar with the inner life of the court. “No one,” says the proverb, “is

an hero to his valet”; very much what a valet is to a private gentleman

courtiers are to a king: their knowledge of their master approaches to the

familiarity which breeds contempt. Not that David was ever a subject for

contempt or less than an hero even to his own courtiers; but they knew him

as a very human hero, great in his vices as well as in his virtues, daring

in battle and wise in counsel, sometimes also reckless in sin, yet capable

of unbounded repentance, loving not wisely, but too well. And as they knew

him, so they described him; and their picture is an immortal possession

for all students of sacred life and literature. But it is not the portrait

of a Messiah; when we think of the “Son of David,” we do not want to be

reminded of Bath-sheba.

During the six or seven centuries that elapsed between the death of David

and the chronicler, the name of David had come to have a symbolic meaning,

which was largely independent of the personal character and career of the

actual king. His reign had become idealised by the magic of antiquity; it

was a glory of “the good old times.” His own sins and failures were

obscured by the crimes and disasters of later kings. And yet, in spite of

all its shortcomings, the “house of David” still remained the symbol alike

of ancient glory and of future hopes. We have seen from the genealogies

how intimate the connection was between the family and its founder.

Ephraim and Benjamin may mean either patriarchs or tribes. A Jew was not

always anxious to distinguish between the family and the founder. “David”

and “the house of David” became almost interchangeable terms.

Even the prophets of the eighth century connect the future destiny of

Israel with David and his house. The child, of whom Isaiah prophesied, was

to sit “upon the throne of David” and be “over his kingdom, to establish

it and to uphold it with judgment and with righteousness from henceforth

even for ever.”(139) And, again, the king who is to “sit ... in truth, ...

judging, and seeking judgment, and swift to do righteousness,” is to have

“his throne ... established in mercy in the tent of David.”(140) When

Sennacherib attacked Jerusalem, the city was defended(141) for Jehovah’s

own sake and for His servant David’s sake. In the word of the Lord that

came to Isaiah for Hezekiah, David supersedes, as it were, the sacred

fathers of the Hebrew race; Jehovah is not spoken of as “the God of

Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob,” but “the God of David.”(142) As founder of the

dynasty, he takes rank with the founders of the race and religion of

Israel: he is “the patriarch David.”(143) The northern prophet Hosea looks

forward to the time when “the children of Israel shall return, and seek

the Lord their God and David their king”(144); when Amos wishes to set

forth the future prosperity of Israel, he says that the Lord “will raise

up the tabernacle of David”(145); in Micah “the ruler in Israel” is to

come forth from Bethlehem Ephrathah, the birthplace of David(146); in

Jeremiah such references to David are frequent, the most characteristic

being those relating to the “righteous branch, whom the Lord will raise up

unto David,” who “shall reign as king and deal wisely, and shall execute

judgment and justice in the land, in whose days Judah shall be saved, and

Israel shall dwell safely”(147); in Ezekiel “My servant David” is to be

the shepherd and prince of Jehovah’s restored and reunited people(148);

Zechariah, writing at what we may consider the beginning of the

chronicler’s own period, follows the language of his predecessors: he

applies Jeremiah’s prophecy of “the righteous branch” to Zerubbabel, the

prince of the house of David(149): similarly in Haggai Zerubbabel is the

chosen of Jehovah(150); in the appendix to Zechariah it is said that when

“the Lord defends the inhabitants of Jerusalem” “the house of David shall

be as God, as the angel of the Lord before them.”(151) In the later

literature, Biblical and apocryphal, the Davidic origin of the Messiah is

not conspicuous till it reappears in the Psalms of Solomon(152) and the

New Testament, but the idea had not necessarily been dormant meanwhile.

The chronicler and his school studied and meditated on the sacred

writings, and must have been familiar with this doctrine of the prophets.

The interest in such a subject would not be confined to scholars.

Doubtless the downtrodden people cherished with ever-growing ardour the

glorious picture of the Davidic king. In the synagogues it was not only

Moses, but the Prophets, that were read; and they could never allow the

picture of the Messianic king to grow faint and pale.(153)

David’s name was also familiar as the author of many psalms. The

inhabitants of Jerusalem would often hear them sung at the Temple, and

they were probably used for private devotion. In this way especially the

name of David had become associated with the deepest and purest spiritual

experiences.

This brief survey shows how utterly impossible it was for the chronicler

to transfer the older narrative bodily from the book of Samuel to his own

pages. Large omissions were absolutely necessary. He could not sit down in

cold blood to tell his readers that the man whose name they associated

with the most sacred memories and the noblest hopes of Israel had been

guilty of treacherous murder, and had offered himself to the Philistines

as an ally against the people of Jehovah.

From this point of view let us consider the chronicler’s omissions

somewhat more in detail. In the first place, with one or two slight

exceptions, he omits the whole of David’s life before his accession to the

throne, for two reasons: partly because he is anxious that his readers

should think of David as king, the anointed of Jehovah, the Messiah;

partly that they may not be reminded of his career as an outlaw and a

freebooter and of his alliance with the Philistines.(154) It is probably

only an unintentional result of this omission that it enables the

chronicler to ignore the important services rendered to David by Abiathar,

whose family were rivals of the house of Zadok in the priesthood.

We have already seen that the events of David’s reign at Hebron and his

struggle with Ishbosheth are omitted because the chronicler does not

recognise Ishbosheth as a legitimate king. The omission would also commend

itself because this section contains the account of Joab’s murder of Abner

and David’s inability to do more than protest against the crime. “I am

this day weak, though anointed king; and these men the sons of Zeruiah are

too hard for me,”(155) are scarcely words that become an ideal king.

The next point to notice is one of those significant alterations that mark

the chronicler’s industry as a redactor. In 2 Sam. v. 21 we read that

after the Philistines had been defeated at Baal-perazim they left their

images there, and David and his men took them away. Why did they take them

away? What did David and his men want with images? Missionaries bring home

images as trophies, and exhibit them triumphantly, like soldiers who have

captured the enemy’s standards. No one, not even an unconverted native,

supposes that they have been brought away to be used in worship. But the

worship of images was no improbable apostacy on the part of an Israelite

king. The chronicler felt that these ambiguous words were open to

misconstruction; so he tells us what he assumes to have been their

ultimate fate: “And they left their gods there; and David gave

commandment, and they were burnt with fire.”(156)

The next omission was obviously a necessary one; it is the incident of

Uriah and Bath-sheba. The name Bath-sheba never occurs in Chronicles. When

it is necessary to mention the mother of Solomon, she is called Bath-shua,

possibly in order that the disgraceful incident might not be suggested

even by the use of the name. The New Testament genealogies differ in this

matter in somewhat the same way as Samuel and Chronicles. St. Matthew

expressly mentions Uriah’s wife as an ancestress of our Lord, but St. Luke

does not mention her or any other ancestress.

The next omission is equally extensive and important. It includes the

whole series of events connected with the revolt of Absalom, from the

incident of Tamar to the suppression of the rebellion of Sheba the son of

Bichri. Various motives may have contributed to this omission. The

narrative contains unedifying incidents, which are passed over as lightly

as possible by modern writers like Stanley. It was probably a relief to

the chronicler to be able to omit them altogether. There is no heinous sin

like the murder of Uriah, but the story leaves a general impression of

great weakness on David’s part. Joab murders Amasa as he had murdered

Abner, and this time there is no record of any protest even on the part of

David. But probably the main reason for the omission of this narrative is

that it mars the ideal picture of David’s power and dignity and the

success and prosperity of his reign.

The touching story of Rizpah is omitted; the hanging of her sons does not

exhibit David in a very amiable light. The Gibeonites propose that “they

shall hang them up unto the Lord in Gibeah of Saul, the chosen of the

Lord,” and David accepts the proposal. This punishment of the children for

the sin of their father was expressly against the Law(157); and the whole

incident was perilously akin to human sacrifice. How could they be hung up

before Jehovah in Gibeah unless there was a sanctuary of Jehovah in

Gibeah? And why should Saul at such a time and in such a connection be

called emphatically “the chosen of Jehovah”? On many grounds, it was a

passage which the chronicler would be glad to omit.

In 2 Sam. xxi. 15-17 we are told that David waxed faint and had to be

rescued by Abishai. This is omitted by Chronicles probably because it

detracts from the character of David as the ideal hero. The next paragraph

in Samuel also tended to depreciate David’s prowess. It stated that

Goliath was slain by Elhanan. The chronicler introduces a correction. It

was not Goliath whom Elhanan slew, but Lahmi, the brother of Goliath.

However, the text in Samuel is evidently corrupt; and possibly this is one

of the cases in which Chronicles has preserved the correct text.(158)

Then follow two omissions that are not easily accounted for. 2 Sam. xxii.,

xxiii., contain two psalms, Psalm xviii. and “the Last Words of David,”

the latter not included in the Psalter. These psalms are generally

considered a late addition to the book of Samuel, and it is barely

possible that they were not in the copy used by the chronicler; but the

late date of Chronicles makes against this supposition. The psalms may be

omitted for the sake of brevity, and yet elsewhere a long cento of

passages from post-Exilic psalms is added to the material derived from the

book of Samuel. Possibly something in the omitted section jarred upon the

theological sensibilities of the chronicler, but it is not clear what. He

does not as a rule look below the surface for obscure suggestions of

undesirable views. The grounds of his alterations and omissions are

usually sufficiently obvious; but these particular omissions are not at

present susceptible of any obvious explanation. Further research into the

theology of Judaism may perhaps provide us with one hereafter.

Finally, the chronicler omits the attempt of Adonijah to seize the throne,

and David’s dying commands to Solomon. The opening chapters of the book of

Kings present a graphic and pathetic picture of the closing scenes of

David’s life. The king is exhausted with old age. His authoritative

sanction to the coronation of Solomon is only obtained when he has been

roused and directed by the promptings and suggestions of the women of his

harem. The scene is partly a parallel and partly a contrast to the last

days of Queen Elizabeth; for when _her_ bodily strength failed, the

obstinate Tudor spirit refused to be guided by the suggestions of her

courtiers. The chronicler was depicting a person of almost Divine dignity,

in whom incidents of human weakness would have been out of keeping; and

therefore they are omitted.

David’s charge to Solomon is equally human. Solomon is to make up for

David’s weakness and undue generosity by putting Joab and Shimei to death;

on the other hand, he is to pay David’s debt of gratitude to the son of

Barzillai. But the chronicler felt that David’s mind in those last days

must surely have been occupied with the temple which Solomon was to build,

and the less edifying charge is omitted.

Constantine is reported to have said that, for the honour of the Church,

he would conceal the sin of a bishop with his own imperial purple. David

was more to the chronicler than the whole Christian episcopate to

Constantine. His life of David is compiled in the spirit and upon the

principles of lives of saints generally, and his omissions are made in

perfect good faith.

Let us now consider the positive picture of David as it is drawn for us in

Chronicles. Chronicles would be published separately, each copy written

out on a roll of its own. There may have been Jews who had Chronicles, but

not Samuel and Kings, and who knew nothing about David except what they

learned from Chronicles. Possibly the chronicler and his friends would

recommend the work as suitable for the education of children and the

instruction of the common people. It would save its readers from being

perplexed by the religious difficulties suggested by Samuel and Kings.

There were many obstacles, however, to the success of such a scheme; the

persecutions of Antiochus and the wars of the Maccabees took the

leadership out of the hands of scholars and gave it to soldiers and

statesmen. The latter perhaps felt more drawn to the real David than to

the ideal, and the new priestly dynasty would not be anxious to emphasise

the Messianic hopes of the house of David. But let us put ourselves for a

moment in the position of a student of Hebrew history who reads of David

for the first time in Chronicles and has no other source of information.

Our first impression as we read the book is that David comes into the

history as abruptly as Elijah or Melchizedek. Jehovah slew Saul “and

turned the kingdom unto David the son of Jesse.”(159) Apparently the

Divine appointment is promptly and enthusiastically accepted by the

nation; all the twelve tribes come at once in their tens and hundreds of

thousands to Hebron to make David king. They then march straight to

Jerusalem and take it by storm, and forthwith attempt to bring up the Ark

to Zion. An unfortunate accident necessitates a delay of three months, but

at the end of that time the Ark is solemnly installed in a tent at

Jerusalem.(160)

We are not told who David the son of Jesse was, or why the Divine choice

fell upon him, or how he had been prepared for his responsible position,

or how he had so commended himself to Israel as to be accepted with

universal acclaim. He must, however, have been of noble family and high

character; and it is hinted that he had had a distinguished career as a

soldier.(161) We should expect to find his name in the introductory

genealogies; and if we have read these lists of names with conscientious

attention, we shall remember that there are sundry incidental references

to David, and that he was the seventh son of Jesse,(162) who was descended

from the Patriarch Judah, through Boaz, the husband of Ruth.

As we read further we come to other references which throw some light on

David’s early career, and at the same time somewhat mar the symmetry of

the opening narrative. The wide discrepancy between the chronicler’s idea

of David and the account given by his authorities prevents him from

composing his work on an entirely consecutive and consistent plan. We

gather that there was a time when David was in rebellion against his

predecessor, and maintained himself at Ziklag and elsewhere, keeping

“himself close, because of Saul the son of Kish,” and even that he came

with the Philistines against Saul to battle, but was prevented by the

jealousy of the Philistine chiefs from actually fighting against Saul.

There is nothing to indicate the occasion or circumstances of these

events.(163) But it appears that even at this period, when David was in

arms against the king of Israel and an ally of the Philistines, he was the

chosen leader of Israel. Men flocked to him from Judah and Benjamin,

Manasseh and Gad, and doubtless from the other tribes as well: “From day

to day there came to David to help him, until it was a great host like the

host of God.”(164)

This chapter partly explains David’s popularity after Saul’s death; but it

only carries the mystery a stage further back. How did this outlaw and

apparently unpatriotic rebel get so strong a hold on the affections of

Israel?

Chap. xii. also provides material for plausible explanations of another

difficulty. In chap. x. the army of Israel is routed, the inhabitants of

the land take to flight, and the Philistines occupy their cities; in xi.

and xii. 23-40 all Israel come straightway to Hebron in the most peaceful

and unconcerned fashion to make David king. Are we to understand that his

Philistine allies, mindful of that “great host, like the host of God,” all

at once changed their minds and entirely relinquished the fruits of their

victory?

Elsewhere, however, we find a statement that renders other explanations

possible. David reigned seven years in Hebron,(165) so that our first

impression as to the rapid sequence of events at the beginning of his

reign is apparently not correct, and there was time in these seven years

for a more gradual expulsion of the Philistines. It is doubtful, however,

whether the chronicler intended his original narrative to be thus modified

and interpreted.

The main thread of the history is interrupted here and later on(166) to

insert incidents which illustrate the personal courage and prowess of

David and his warriors. We are also told how busily occupied David was

during the three months’ sojourn of the Ark in the house of Obed-edom the

Gittite. He accepted an alliance with Hiram, king of Tyre; he added to his

harem; he successfully repelled two inroads of the Philistines, and made

him houses in the city of David.(167)

The narrative returns to its main subject: the history of the sanctuary at

Jerusalem. As soon as the Ark was duly installed in its tent, and David

was established in his new palace, he was struck by the contrast between

the tent and the palace: “Lo, I dwell in a house of cedar, but the ark of

the covenant of the Lord dwelleth under curtains.” He proposed to

substitute a temple for the tent, but was forbidden by his prophet Nathan,

through whom God promised him that his son should build the Temple, and

that his house should be established for ever.(168)

Then we read of the wars, victories, and conquests of David. He is no

longer absorbed in the defence of Israel against the Philistines. He takes

the aggressive and conquers Gath; he conquers Edom, Moab, Ammon, and

Amalek; he and his armies defeat the Syrians in several battles, the

Syrians become tributary, and David occupies Damascus with a garrison.

“And the Lord gave victory to David whithersoever he went.” The conquered

were treated after the manner of those barbarous times. David and his

generals carried off much spoil, especially brass, and silver, and gold;

and when he conquered Rabbah, the capital of Ammon, “he brought forth the

people that were therein, and cut them with saws, and with harrows of

iron, and with axes. And thus did David unto all the cities of the

children of Ammon.” Meanwhile his home administration was as honourable as

his foreign wars were glorious: “He executed judgment and justice unto all

his people”; and the government was duly organised with commanders of the

host and the bodyguard, with priests and scribes.(169)

Then follows a mysterious and painful dispensation of Providence, which

the historian would gladly have omitted, if his respect for the memory of

his hero had not been overruled by his sense of the supreme importance of

the Temple. David, like Job, was given over for a season to Satan, and

while possessed by this evil spirit displeased God by numbering Israel.

His punishment took the form of a great pestilence, which decimated his

people, until, by Divine command, David erected an altar in the

threshing-floor of Ornan the Jebusite and offered sacrifices upon it,

whereupon the plague was stayed. David at once perceived the significance

of this incident: Jehovah had indicated the site of the future Temple.

“This is the house of Jehovah Elohim,(170) and this is the altar of burnt

offering for Israel.”(171)

This revelation of the Divine will as to the position of the Temple led

David to proceed at once with preparations for its erection by Solomon,

which occupied all his energies for the remainder of his life.(172) He

gathered funds and materials, and gave his son full instructions about the

building; he organised the priests and Levites, the Temple orchestra and

choir, the doorkeepers, treasurers, officers, and judges; he also

organised the army, the tribes, and the royal exchequer on the model of

the corresponding arrangements for the Temple.

Then follows the closing scene of David’s life. The sun of Israel sets

amid the flaming glories of the western sky. No clouds or mists rob him of

accustomed splendour. David calls a great assembly of princes and

warriors; he addresses a solemn exhortation to them and to Solomon; he

delivers to his son instructions for “all the works” which “I have been

made to understand in writing from the hand of Jehovah.” It is almost as

though the plans of the Temple had shared with the first tables of stone

the honour of being written with the very finger of God Himself, and David

were even greater than Moses. He reminds Solomon of all the preparations

he had made, and appeals to the princes and the people for further gifts;

and they render willingly—thousands of talents of gold, and silver, and

brass, and iron. David offers prayer and thanksgiving to the Lord: “And

David said to all the congregation, Now bless Jehovah our God. And all the

congregation blessed Jehovah, the God of their fathers, and bowed down

their heads, and worshipped Jehovah _and the king_. And they sacrificed

sacrifices unto Jehovah, and offered burnt offerings unto Jehovah, on the

morrow after that day, even a thousand bullocks, a thousand rams, and a

thousand lambs, with their drink offerings and sacrifices in abundance for

all Israel, and did eat and drink before Jehovah on that day with great

gladness. And they made Solomon king; ... and David died in a good old

age, full of days, riches, and honour, and Solomon his son reigned in his

stead.”(173)

The Roman expressed his idea of a becoming death more simply: “An emperor

should die standing.” The chronicler has given us the same view at greater

length; this is how the chronicler would have wished to die if he had been

David, and how, therefore, he conceives that God honoured the last hours

of the man after His own heart.

It is a strange contrast to the companion picture in the book of Kings.

There the king is bedridden, dying slowly of old age; the life-blood

creeps coldly through his veins. The quiet of the sick-room is invaded by

the shrill outcry of an aggrieved woman, and the dying king is roused to

hear that once more eager hands are clutching at his crown. If the

chronicler has done nothing else, he has helped us to appreciate better

the gloom and bitterness of the tragedy that was enacted in the last days

of David.

What idea does Chronicles give us of the man and his character? He is

first and foremost a man of earnest piety and deep spiritual feeling. Like

the great religious leaders of the chronicler’s own time, his piety found

its chief expression in ritual. The main business of his life was to

provide for the sanctuary and its services; that is, for the highest

fellowship of God and man, according to the ideas then current. But David

is no mere formalist; the psalm of thanksgiving for the return of the Ark

to Jerusalem is a worthy tribute to the power and faithfulness of

Jehovah.(174) His prayer after God had promised to establish his dynasty

is instinct with devout confidence and gratitude.(175) But the most

gracious and appropriate of these Davidic utterances is his last prayer

and thanksgiving for the liberal gifts of the people for the Temple.(176)

Next to David’s enthusiasm for the Temple, his most conspicuous qualities

are those of a general and soldier: he has great personal strength and

courage, and is uniformly successful in wars against numerous and powerful

enemies; his government is both able and upright; his great powers as an

organiser and administrator are exercised both in secular and

ecclesiastical matters; in a word, he is in more senses than one an ideal

king.

Moreover, like Alexander, Marlborough, Napoleon, and other epoch-making

conquerors, he had a great charm of personal attractiveness; he inspired

his officers and soldiers with enthusiasm and devotion to himself. The

pictures of all Israel flocking to him in the first days of his reign and

even earlier, when he was an outlaw, are forcible illustrations of this

wonderful gift; and the same feature of his character is at once

illustrated and partly explained by the romantic episode at Adullam. What

greater proof of affection could outlaws give to their captain than to

risk their lives to get him a draught of water from the well of Bethlehem?

How better could David have accepted and ratified their devotion than by

pouring out this water as a most precious libation to God?(177) But the

chronicler gives most striking expression to the idea of David’s

popularity when he finally tells us in the same breath that the people

worshipped Jehovah and the king.(178)

In drawing an ideal picture, our author has naturally omitted incidents

that might have revealed the defects of his hero. Such omissions deceive

no one, and are not meant to deceive any one. Yet David’s failings are not

altogether absent from this history. He has those vices which were

characteristic alike of his own age and of the chronicler’s, and which

indeed are not yet wholly extinct. He could treat his prisoners with

barbarous cruelty. His pride led him to number Israel, but his repentance

was prompt and thorough; and the incident brings out alike both his faith

in God and his care for his people. When the whole episode is before us,

it does not lessen our love and respect for David. The reference to his

alliance with the Philistines is vague and incidental. If this were our

only account of the matter, we should interpret it by the rest of his

life, and conclude that if all the facts were known, they would justify

his conduct.

In forming a general estimate of David according to Chronicles, we may

fairly neglect these less satisfactory episodes. Briefly David is perfect

saint and perfect king, beloved of God and man.

A portrait reveals the artist as well as the model and the chronicler in

depicting David gives indications of the morality of his own times. We may

deduce from his omissions a certain progress in moral sensitiveness. The

book of Samuel emphatically condemns David’s treachery towards Uriah, and

is conscious of the discreditable nature of many incidents connected with

the revolts of Absalom and Adonijah; but the silence of Chronicles implies

an even severer condemnation. In other matters, however, the chronicler

“judges himself in that which he approveth.”(179) Of course the first

business of an ancient king was to protect his people from their enemies

and to enrich them at the expense of their neighbours. The urgency of

these duties may excuse, but not justify, the neglect of the more peaceful

departments of the administration. The modern reader is struck by the

little stress laid by the narrative upon good government at home; it is

just mentioned, and that is about all. As the sentiment of international

morality is even now only in its infancy, we cannot wonder at its absence

from Chronicles; but we are a little surprised to find that cruelty

towards prisoners is included without comment in the character of the

ideal king.(180) It is curious that the account in the book of Samuel is

slightly ambiguous and might possibly admit of a comparatively mild

interpretation; but Chronicles, according to the ordinary translation,

says definitely, “He _cut_ them with saws.” The mere reproduction of this

passage need not imply full and deliberate approval of its contents; but

it would not have been allowed to remain in the picture of the ideal king,

if the chronicler had felt any strong conviction as to the duty of

humanity towards one’s enemies. Unfortunately we know from the book of

Esther and elsewhere that later Judaism had not attained to any wide

enthusiasm of humanity.

The Expositor's Bible: The Books of Chronicles · 第 3 / 13 章