Certainly it would seem as if the king believed in the audacity,

virility, velocity, alacrity, and the rest of the twenty-eight virtues

of his governor-general, even more seriously than did John Baptist

Houwaerts. The unfortunate archduke would have needed to be, in all

earnestness, a mythological demigod to do the work required of him. With

the best part of his army formally maintained by him in recognised

mutiny, with the great cities of the Netherlands yielding themselves to

the republic with hardly an attempt on the part of the royal forces to

relieve them, and with the country which he was supposed to govern, the

very centre of the obedient provinces, ruined, sacked, eaten up by the

soldiers of Spain; villages, farmhouses, gentlemen's castles, churches

plundered; the male population exposed to daily butchery, and the women

to outrages worse than death; it seemed like the bitterest irony to

propose that he should seize that moment to outwit the English and Dutch

sea-kings who were perpetually cruising in the channel, and to undertake

a "beard-singeing" expedition such as even the dare-devil Drake would

hardly have attempted.

Such madcap experiments might perhaps one day, in the distant future, be

tried with reasonable success, but hardly at the beck of a Spanish king

sitting in his easy chair a thousand miles off, nor indeed by the

servants of any king whatever.

The plots of murder arranged in Brussels during this administration were

on a far more extensive scale than were the military plans.

The Count of Fuentes, general superintendant of foreign affairs, was

especially charged with the department of assassination. This office was

no sinecure; for it involved much correspondence, and required great

personal attention to minute details. Philip, a consummate artist in

this branch of industry, had laid out a good deal of such work which he

thought could best be carried out in and from the Netherlands.

Especially it was desirable to take off, by poison or otherwise, Henry

IV., Queen Elizabeth, Maurice of Nassau, Olden-Barneveld, St. Aldegonde,

and other less conspicuous personages.

Henry's physician-in-chief, De la Riviere, was at that time mainly

occupied with devising antidotes to poison, which he well knew was

offered to his master on frequent occasions, and in the most insidious

ways. Andrada, the famous Portuguese poisoner, amongst others is said,

under direction of Fuentes and Ybarra, to have attempted his life by a

nosegay of roses impregnated with so subtle a powder that its smell alone

was relied upon to cause death, and De la Riviere was doing his best to

search for a famous Saxon drug, called fable-powder, as a counter-poison.

"The Turk alarms us, and well he may," said a diplomatic agent of Henry,

"but the Spaniard allows us not to think of the Turk. And what a strange

manner is this to exercise one's enmities and vengeance by having

recourse to such damnable artifices, after force and arms have not

succeeded, and to attack the person of princes by poisonings and

assassinations."

A most elaborate attempt upon the life of Queen Elizabeth early in this

year came near being successful. A certain Portuguese Jew, Dr. Lopez,

had for some time been her physician-in-ordinary. He had first been

received into her service on the recommendation of Don Antonio, the

pretender, and had the reputation of great learning and skill. With this

man Count Fuentes and Stephen Ybarra, chief of the financial department

at Brussels, had a secret understanding. Their chief agent was Emanuel

Andrada, who was also in close communication with Bernardino de Mendoza

and other leading personages of the Spanish court. Two years previously,

Philip, by the hands of Andrada, had sent a very valuable ring of rubies

and diamonds as a present to Lopez, and the doctor had bound himself to

do any service for the king of Spain that might be required of him.

Andrada accordingly wrote to Mendoza that he had gained over this eminent

physician, but that as Lopez was poor and laden with debt, a high price

would be required for his work. Hereupon Fuentes received orders from

the King of Spain to give the Jew all that he could in reason demand, if

he would undertake to poison the queen.

It now became necessary to handle the matter with great delicacy, and

Fuentes and Ybarra entered accordingly into a correspondence, not with

Lopez, but with a certain Ferrara de Gama. These letters were entrusted

to one Emanuel Lewis de Tinoco, secretly informed of the plot, for

delivery to Ferrara. Fuentes charged Tinoco to cause Ferrara to

encourage Lopez to poison her Majesty of England, that they might all

have "a merry Easter." Lopez was likewise requested to inform the King

of Spain when he thought he could accomplish the task. The doctor

ultimately agreed to do the deed for fifty thousand crowns, but as he had

daughters and was an affectionate parent, he stipulated for a handsome

provision in marriage for those young ladies. The terms were accepted,

but Lopez wished to be assured of the money first.

"Having once undertaken the work," said Lord Burghley, if he it were, "he

was so greedy to perform it that he would ask Ferrara every day, 'When

will the money come? I am ready to do the service if the answer were

come out of Spain.'"

But Philip, as has been often seen, was on principle averse to paying

for work before it had been done. Some delay occurring, and the secret,

thus confided to so many, having floated as it were imperceptibly into

the air, Tinoco was arrested on suspicion before he had been able to

deliver the letters of Fuentes and Ybarra to Ferrara, for Ferrara, too,

had been imprisoned before the arrival of Tinoco. The whole

correspondence was discovered, and both Ferrara and Tinoco confessed the

plot. Lopez, when first arrested, denied his guilt very stoutly, but

being confronted with Ferrara, who told the whole story to his face in

presence of the judges, he at last avowed the crime.

They were all condemned, executed, and quartered at London in the spring

of 1594. The queen wished to send a special envoy to the archduke at

Brussels, to complain that Secretary of State Cristoval de Moura, Count

Fuentes, and Finance Minister Ybarra--all three then immediately about

his person--were thus implicated in the plot against her life, to demand

their punishment, or else, in case of refusals to convict the king and

the archduke as accomplices in the crime. Safe conduct was requested for

such an envoy, which was refused by Ernest as an insulting proposition

both to his uncle and himself. The queen accordingly sent word to

President Richardot by one of her council, that the whole story would be

published, and this was accordingly done.

Early in the spring of this same year, a certain Renichon, priest and

schoolmaster of Namur, was summoned from his school to a private

interview with Count Berlaymont. That nobleman very secretly informed

the priest that the King of, Spain wished to make use of him in an affair

of great importance, and one which would be very profitable to himself.

The pair then went together to Brussels, and proceeded straightway to the

palace. They were secretly admitted to the apartments of the archduke,

but the priest, meaning to follow his conductor into the private chamber,

where he pretended to recognize the person of Ernest, was refused

admittance. The door was, however, not entirely closed, and he heard, as

he declared, the conversation between his Highness and Berlaymont, which

was carried on partly in Latin and partly in Spanish. He heard them

discussing the question--so he stated--of the recompense to be awarded

for the business about to be undertaken, and after a brief conversation,

distinctly understood the archduke to say, as the count was approaching

the door, "I will satisfy him abundantly and with interest."

Berlaymont then invited his clerical guest to supper--so ran his

statement--and, after that repast was finished, informed him that he was

requested by the archduke to kill Prince Maurice of Nassau. For this

piece of work he was to receive one hundred Philip-dollars in hand, and

fifteen thousand more, which were lying ready for him, so soon as the

deed should be done.

The schoolmaster at first objected to the enterprise, but ultimately

yielded to the persuasions of the count. He was informed that Maurice

was a friendly, familiar gentleman, and that there would be opportunities

enough for carrying out the project if he took his time. He was to buy a

good pair of pistols and remove to the Hague, where he was to set up a

school, and wait for the arrival of his accomplices, of whom there were

six. Berlaymont then caused to be summoned and introduced to the

pedagogue a man whom he described as one of the six. The new comer,

hearing that Renichon had agreed to the propositions made to him, hailed

him cordially as comrade and promised to follow him very soon into

Holland. Berlaymont then observed that there were several personages to

be made away with, besides Prince Maurice--especially Barneveld, and St.

Aldegonde and that the six assassins had, since the time of the Duke of

Parma, been kept in the pay of the King of Spain as nobles, to be

employed as occasion should serve.

His new comrade accompanied Renichon to the canal boat, conversing by the

way, and informed him that they were both to be sent to Leyden in order

to entice away and murder the young brother of Maurice, Frederic Henry,

then at school at that place, even as Philip William, eldest of all the

brothers, had been kidnapped five-and-twenty years before from the same

town.

Renichon then disguised himself as a soldier, proceeded to Antwerp, where

he called himself Michael de Triviere, and thence made his way to Breda,

provided with letters from Berlaymont. He was, however, arrested on

suspicion not long after his arrival there, and upon trial the whole plot

was discovered. Having unsuccessfully attempted to hang himself, he

subsequently, without torture, made a full and minute confession, and was

executed on the 3rd June, 1594.

Later in the year, one Pierre du Four, who had been a soldier both in the

States and the French service, was engaged by General La Motte and

Counsellor Assonleville to attempt the assassination of Prince Maurice.

La Motte took the man to the palace, and pretended at least to introduce

him to the chamber of the archduke, who was said to be lying ill in bed.

Du Four was advised to enrol himself in the body-guard at the Hague, and

to seek an opportunity when the prince went hunting, or was mounting his

horse, or was coming from church, or at some such unguarded moment, to

take a shot at him. "Will you do what I ask," demanded from the bed the

voice of him who was said to be Ernest, "will you kill this tyrant?"--

"I will," replied the soldier. "Then my son," was the parting

benediction of the supposed archduke, "you will go straight to paradise."

Afterwards he received good advice from Assonleville, and was assured

that if he would come and hear a mass in the royal chapel next morning,

that religious ceremony would make him invisible when he should make his

attempt on the life of Maurice, and while he should be effecting his

escape. The poor wretch accordingly came next morning to chapel, where

this miraculous mass was duly performed, and he then received a certain

portion of his promised reward in ready money. He was also especially

charged, in case he should be arrested, not to make a confession--as had

been done by those previously employed in such work--as all complicity

with him on part of his employers would certainly be denied.

The miserable dupe was arrested, convicted, executed; and of course

the denial was duly made on the part of the archduke, La Motte, and

Assonleville. It was also announced, on behalf of Ernest, that some

one else, fraudulently impersonating his Highness, had lain in the bed

to which the culprit had been taken, and every one must hope that the

statement was a true one.

Enough has been given to show the peculiar school of statesmanship

according to the precepts of which the internal concerns and foreign

affairs of the obedient Netherlands were now administered. Poison and

pistols in the hands of obscure priests and deserters were relied on to

bring about great political triumphs, while the mutinous royal armies,

entrenched and defiant, were extorting capitulations from their own

generals and their own sovereign upon his own soil.

Such a record as this seems rather like the exaggeration of a diseased

fancy, seeking to pander to a corrupt public taste which feeds greedily

upon horrors; but, unfortunately, it is derived from the register of

high courts of justice, from diplomatic correspondence, and from the

confessions, without torture or hope of free pardon, of criminals. For a

crowned king and his high functionaries and generals to devote so much of

their time, their energies, and their money to the murder of brother and

sister sovereigns, and other illustrious personages, was not to make

after ages in love with the monarchic and aristocratic system, at least

as thus administered. Popular governments may be deficient in polish,

but a system resting for its chief support upon bribery and murder cannot

be considered lovely by any healthy mind. And this is one of the lessons

to be derived from the history of Philip II. and of the Holy League.

But besides mutiny and assassination there were also some feeble attempts

at negotiation to characterize the Ernestian epoch at Brussels. The

subject hardly needs more than a passing allusion.

Two Flemish juris-consults, Otto Hertius and Jerome Comans, offered their

services to the archduke in the peacemaking department. Ernest accepted

the proposition,--although it was strongly opposed by Fuentes, who relied

upon the more practical agency of Dr. Lopez, Andrada, Renichon, and the

rest--and the peace-makers accordingly made their appearance at the

Hague, under safe conduct, and provided with very conciliatory letters

from his Highness to the States-General. In all ages and under all

circumstances it is safe to enlarge, with whatever eloquence may be at

command, upon the blessings of peace and upon the horrors of war; for

the appeal is not difficult to make, and a response is certain in almost

every human breast. But it is another matter to descend from the general

to the particular, and to demonstrate how the desirable may be attained

and the horrible averted. The letters of Ernest were full of benignity

and affection, breathing a most ardent desire that the miserable war, now

a quarter of a century old, should be then and there terminated. But not

one atom of concession was offered, no whisper breathed that the

republic, if it should choose to lay down its victorious arms, and

renounce its dearly gained independence, should share any different fate

from that under which it saw the obedient provinces gasping before its

eyes. To renounce religious and political liberty and self-government,

and to submit unconditionally to the authority of Philip II. as

administered by Ernest and Fuentes, was hardly to be expected as the

result of the three years' campaigns of Maurice of Nassau.

The two doctors of law laid the affectionate common-places of the

archduke before the States-General, each of them making, moreover,

a long and flowery oration in which the same protestations of good will

and hopes of future good-fellowship were distended to formidable

dimensions by much windy rhetoric. The accusations which had been made

against the Government of Brussels of complicity in certain projects of

assassination were repelled with virtuous indignation.

The answer of the States-General was wrathful and decided. They informed

the commissioners that they had taken up arms for a good cause and meant

to retain them in their hands. They expressed their thanks for the

expressions of good will which had been offered, but avowed their right

to complain before God and the world of those who under pretext of peace

were attempting to shed the innocent blood of Christians, and to procure

the ruin and destruction of the Netherlands. To this end the state-

council of Spain was more than ever devoted, being guilty of the most

cruel and infamous proceedings and projects. They threw out a rapid and

stinging summary of their wrongs; and denounced with scorn the various

hollow attempts at negotiation during the preceding twenty-five years.

Coming down to the famous years 1587 and 1588, they alluded in vehement

terms to the fraudulent peace propositions which had been thrown as a

veil over the Spanish invasion of England and the Armada; and they

glanced at the mediation-projects of the emperor in 1591 at the desire of

Spain, while armies were moving in force from Germany, Italy, and the

Netherlands to crush the King of France, in order that Philip might

establish his tyranny over all kings, princes, provinces, and republics.

That the Spanish Government was secretly dealing with the emperor and

other German potentates for the extension of his universal empire

appeared from intercepted letters of the king--copies of which were

communicated--from which it was sufficiently plain that the purpose of

his Majesty was not to bestow peace and tranquillity upon the

Netherlands. The names of Fuentes, Clemente, Ybarra, were sufficient in

themselves to destroy any such illusion. They spoke in blunt terms of

the attempt of Dr. Lopez to poison Queen Elizabeth, at the instigation of

Count Fuentes for fifty thousand crowns to be paid by the King of Spain:

they charged upon the same Fuentes and upon Ybarra that they had employed

the same Andrada to murder the King of France with a nosegay of roses;

and they alluded further to the revelations of Michael Renichon, who was

to murder Maurice of Nassau and kidnap Frederic William, even as their

father and brother had been already murdered and kidnapped.

For such reasons the archduke might understand by what persons and what

means the good people of the Netherlands were deceived, and how difficult

it was for the States to forget such lessons, or to imagine anything

honest in the present propositions.

The States declared themselves, on the contrary, more called upon than

ever before to be upon the watch against the stealthy proceedings of the

Spanish council of state--bearing in mind the late execrable attempts at

assassination, and the open war which was still carried on against the

King of France.

And although it was said that his Highness was displeased with such

murderous and hostile proceedings, still it was necessary for the States

to beware of the nefarious projects of the King of Spain and his council.

After the conversion of Henry IV. to the Roman Church had been duly

accomplished that monarch had sent a secret envoy to Spain. The mission

of this agent--De Varenne by name--excited intense anxiety and suspicion

in England and Holland and among the Protestants of France and Germany.

It was believed that Henry had not only made a proposition of a separate

peace with Philip, but that he had formally but mysteriously demanded the

hand of the Infanta in marriage. Such a catastrophe as this seemed to

the heated imaginations of the great body of Calvinists throughout

Europe, who had so faithfully supported the King of Navarre up to the

moment of his great apostasy, the most cruel and deadly treachery of all.

That the princess with the many suitors should come to reign over France

after all--not as the bride of her own father, not as the queen-consort

of Ernest the Habsburger or of Guise the Lorrainer, but as the lawful

wife of Henry the Huguenot--seemed almost too astounding for belief, even

amid the chances and changes of that astonishing epoch. Yet Duplessis

Mornay avowed that the project was entertained, and that he had it from

the very lips of the secret envoy who was to negotiate the marriage.

"La Varenne is on his way to Spain," wrote Duplessis to the Duke of

Bouillon, "in company with a gentleman of Don Bernardino de Mendoza, who

brought the first overtures. He is to bring back the portrait of the

Infanta. 'Tis said that the marriage is to be on condition that the

Queen and the Netherlands are comprised in the peace, but you know that

this cannot be satisfactorily arranged for those two parties. All this

was once guess-work, but is now history."

That eminent diplomatist and soldier Mendoza had already on his return

from France given the King of Spain to understand that there were no

hopes of his obtaining the French crown either for himself or for his

daughter, that all the money lavished on the chiefs of the League was

thrown away, and that all their promises were idle wind. Mendoza in

consequence had fallen into contempt at court, but Philip, observing

apparently that there might have been something correct in his

statements, had recently recalled him, and, notwithstanding his blindness

and other infirmities, was disposed to make use of him in secret

negotiations. Mendoza had accordingly sent a confidential agent to Henry

IV. offering his good offices, now that the king had returned to the

bosom of the Church.

This individual, whose name was Nunez, was admitted by De Bethune

(afterwards the famous Due de Sully) to the presence of the king,

but De Bethune, believing it probable that the Spaniard had been sent to

assassinate Henry, held both the hands of the emissary during the whole

interview, besides subjecting him to a strict personal visitation

beforehand. Nunez stated that he was authorized to propose to his

Majesty a marriage with the Infanta Clara Isabella, and Henry, much to

the discontent of De Bethune, listened eagerly to the suggestion, and

promised to send a secret agent to Spain to confer on the subject with

Mendoza.

The choice he made of La Varenne, whose real name was Guillaume Fouquet,

for this mission was still more offensive to De Bethune. Fouquet had

originally been a cook in the service of Madame Catherine, and was famous

for his talent for larding poultry, but he had subsequently entered the

household of Henry, where he had been employed in the most degrading

service which one man can render to another.

["La Varenne," said Madame Catherine on one occasion "tu as plus

gagne ti porter les poulets de men frere, qu'a piquer les miens."

Memoires de Sully, Liv. vi. p. 296, note 6. He accumulated a large

fortune in these dignified pursuits--having, according to Winwood,

landed estates to the annual amount of sixty thousand francs a-year

--and gave large dowries to his daughters, whom he married into

noblest families; "which is the more remarkable," adds Winwood,

"considering the services wherein he is employed about the king,

which is to be the Mezzano for his loves; the place from whence he

came, which is out of the kitchen of Madame the king's sister."--

Memorials, i. 380.]

On his appointment to this offce of secret diplomacy he assumed all the

airs of an ambassador, while Henry took great pains to contradict the

reports which were spread as to the true nature of this mission to Spain.

History of the United Netherlands, 1594 · 第 3 / 4 段