At the same moment, Tom Dupuy, strolling idly on the lawn in

[Illustration:

CHAMBERS’S JOURNAL

OF

POPULAR

LITERATURE, SCIENCE, AND ART

Fifth Series

ESTABLISHED BY WILLIAM AND ROBERT CHAMBERS, 1832

CONDUCTED BY R. CHAMBERS (SECUNDUS)

NO. 130.—VOL. III. SATURDAY, JUNE 26, 1886. PRICE 1½_d._]

BLOCKADES AND BLOCKADE-RUNNERS.

For three-quarters of a century, England differed from the other great

maritime states of Europe as to the way in which blockade should be

defined. To begin with, it may be enough to explain that a territory

is said to be blockaded when access to or egress from its seaports

is prevented by the naval forces of another state. When a state, for

purposes of its own, fiscal or hygienic, declares that certain of its

own ports shall be closed against foreign vessels, that decree must be

respected by other states to whose notice it is duly brought, provided

that those ports are really under the control of the executive of that

state. But that is not a blockade; it is a mere closure of ports,

which any government, in virtue of its inherent sovereignty within the

borders of its own territory, is quite entitled to announce. Blockade

is essentially a war measure. When the President of the United States,

in April 1861, proclaimed that a forcible blockade of the Southern

States would be forthwith instituted, England and France immediately

declared their neutrality, and although that meant that they recognised

the Confederates as belligerents, and not as rebels, their action was

unobjectionable, because, whenever the Northern States issued that

proclamation, they by implication admitted that they were engaged

in war, and not merely in the suppression of a rebellion. In recent

times, however, recourse has been had to what has been termed ‘pacific

blockade;’ thus, the coasts of Greece were blockaded in 1827 by the

English, French, and Russian squadrons, although all three powers

professed to be at peace with Turkey (under whose dominion Greece then

was); and from 1845 to 1848, France and England prevented access to

La Plata, although no war was declared. To admit such procedure as

legitimate would simply mean that one state might put in force against

another measures destructive of the trade of neutral countries, and yet

expect those countries to view the whole operations as pacific. This

objection might not apply to that pacific blockade which we have this

year seen put in force against Greece, for we know that every vessel

flying the flag of any other state than Greece has been unmolested.

But the liberty allowed to other nations did nothing to mitigate the

coercion applied to Greek trading-vessels, and had the object of

the blockaders been merely to divert to their own merchantmen the

carrying trade of the Archipelago, they could scarcely have devised

a measure better fitted to attain that end. Lord Palmerston at least

had a decided opinion as to how far such action was in accordance

with law: his own words are: ‘The French and English blockade of the

Plata has been from first to last illegal.’ In truth, pacific blockade

is a contradiction in terms. In practice, it is enforced by the same

methods as blockade between belligerents; and a recent Dutch writer has

well pointed out that the sole reason why it has not yet met with the

unanimous disapproval of European powers is that hitherto it has been

levelled against only the weakest states.

It had from time out of mind been reckoned a perfectly regular

proceeding to declare a port or a territory under blockade, and to

affix penalties to the violation of that declaration, although, in

point of fact, not a single vessel should be present to enforce its

observance. But gradually this tenet met with less toleration; and in

1780, when America and France were combined against England, the three

great powers of the North, Russia, Denmark, and Sweden, entered into a

league known as the ‘Armed Neutrality,’ with the object of evading the

severe but ancient method of dealing with neutral commerce which Great

Britain adopted. One of the articles which this confederacy agreed

upon was: ‘A port is blockaded only when evident danger attends the

attempt to run into it’—a principle which boldly denied the right of

any power to close by a mere edict a single hostile port. But Britain

doggedly persisted in the exercise of a right which had undoubtedly the

sanction of custom; and the maritime powers of Europe were to wrangle

and recriminate through still darker years before agreement could

be reached. On the 21st of November 1806, Napoleon promulgated the

famous Berlin Decree, which announced that every port in Great Britain

was blockaded; and by an Order in Council, issued a year afterwards,

the British government declared France and all the states which owned

her supremacy to be subject to the same embargo. However far short

the English performance might fall of their announced intention,

the egregious pretentiousness of the French decree will be apparent

enough to any one who remembers Macaulay’s saying of the Emperor: ‘The

narrowest strait was to his power what it was of old believed that a

running stream was to the sorceries of a witch.’ Yet, both governments

were only carrying to its logical issue the old doctrine which neither

had renounced—that a valid blockade might be constituted by mere

notification. It was only in 1856 that, with the express purpose

of removing as far as possible the uncertainty which hung over the

rules of naval war, the great powers concurred in the Declaration of

Paris, which has been called ‘a sort of doctrinal annex’ to the treaty

of that year. Important as has been the operation of all the rules

contained in that Declaration, the only one which concerns us here is

the fourth: ‘Blockades in order to be binding must be effective—that

is to say, maintained by a force sufficient really to prevent access

to the coast of the enemy.’ This being practically an adoption of the

principle for which the neutrals of 1780 had so strenuously contended,

was an argumentative victory for them; but it was far more; it was a

triumph for those thinkers who have always maintained that all law must

rest upon a basis of fact, that except in so far as law declares the

relation which ought to subsist between facts which a previous analysis

has ascertained, it is useless, and even mischievous.

The first fifteen years of the present century were marked by all that

turbulence which had characterised the closing years of that which

went before, and there were not wanting in both periods instances of

blockades perseveringly prosecuted and gallantly resisted. In the

beginning of 1800, for example, Genoa was the only city in Italy held

by the French; the Austrian troops invested it by land, and English

war-ships blocked the passage seaward. The beleaguered Genoese saw

the usual incidents of an old-fashioned blockade. From time to time,

one of the light privateers which lay behind the little island of

Capraja, north-east of Corsica, would succeed in eluding all the

vigilance of Admiral Keith’s squadron, and carry in provisions enough

to prolong for a while the desperate resistance of Massena’s garrison;

and now the blockaders would retaliate by ‘cutting out’ a galley from

beneath the very guns of the harbour. One day a gale might drive the

jealous sentinels to sea; but on the next, they were back at their

old stations, there to wait with patience until pestilence and famine

should bring the city to its doom. Sixty years later and in another

hemisphere, the maritime world was to see how far the new appliances of

elaborate science had altered the modes in which blockades were to be

enforced and evaded.

On the 27th of April 1861, President Lincoln issued a proclamation in

which the following announcement appeared: ‘A competent force will

be posted so as to prevent the entrance and exit of vessels from the

ports’ of the Southern States. ‘If, therefore, with a view to violate

such blockade, any vessel shall attempt to leave any of said ports,

she will be duly warned; and if she shall again attempt to enter

or leave a blockaded port, she will be captured.’ All Europe was

prepared to watch and to deride this attempt to lock up a coast-line

of thirty-five hundred miles against the intrusion of traders, whose

appetite for gain would be whetted to the keenest by artificially

raised prices. Already, indeed, the scheme had been ridiculed as a

‘material impossibility’ by European statesmen, who pointed to the fact

that not one of all the blockades established during the preceding

seventy-five years had succeeded in excluding trade even where the

coast to be watched was comparatively limited. But as a set-off against

the long and broken stretch of coast which lay open to the operations

of the blockade-runners, there were difficulties in their way which

were at the outset of the struggle too lightly esteemed. Almost the

whole extent of the seaboard was protected by a treacherous fringe of

long low islands, scarcely rising above the surface of the water; the

channels between and behind these were winding and intricate; and when

these obstacles were passed, there still remained the crucial bar to

imperil the entrance to every harbour.

The conditions of the impending conflict were new, and sagacious men

foresaw that under them the risk of neutral powers being entangled in

disputes with the belligerents was immensely increased. The agency of

steam was to be employed for the first time to enforce a blockade on a

gigantic scale. It was plain that a blockading squadron was no longer

liable to be blown off the port it was watching by continued gales; but

it was not so easy to say how far this new motive-power would alter the

chances of the blockade-runners. The naval strength of the Northern

States was at the beginning of the war so puny that the blockade when

first instituted was little better than one of those ‘paper blockades’

which the voice of international law had condemned at Paris seven years

before; for many months, indeed, the trade of the Confederacy with

Europe was but little affected. It was in view of this that the _New

York Tribune_ urged Lincoln’s government to economise their sea-force,

and close entrance channels by means of sunken hulks. This plan was

adopted at Charleston, and carried out under the superintendence of

an officer whose aim was ‘to establish a combination of artificial

interruptions and irregularities resembling on a small scale those of

Hell-gate,’ that rock which so long impeded the navigation to New York

harbour, and which was removed only a few months ago.

In Europe, both military critics and Chambers of Commerce protested

against this barbarous method of making good a blockade; but the

stone-laden whale-ships sunk at Charleston did no permanent damage

to the port, for before the war closed, the hulks broke up, and the

harbour was filled with floating timber. But it was quickly felt that

only an adequate fleet could render the blockade effective, and in

response to the ceaseless activity of the dockyards, the northern

war-ships multiplied with marvellous rapidity. The blockade grew

strict. Gradually, the pressure of diminished imports began to tell

on the resources of the Southern States; iron, liquors, machinery,

articles of domestic use, medicinal drugs and appliances of all kinds

became scarce. In Richmond, a yard of ordinary calico which was

formerly sold for twelve and a half cents, brought thirty dollars; a

pair of French gloves was worth one hundred and fifty dollars; and the

price of salt had risen to a dollar a pound. The export trade, too,

was being slowly strangled; immense stores of cotton and tobacco lay

waiting shipment at every port. A bale of cotton worth forty dollars at

Charleston would have brought two hundred at New York; and some idea

of the price it might have yielded at Liverpool may be obtained from a

consideration of the fact that half a million of English cotton-workers

were subsisting only upon charity.

But the war sent trade into new channels. Nassau, the capital of

New Providence, one of the Bahamas group, became one huge depôt for

the goods which sought a market in the forbidden ports. Articles of

household economy and of field equipment lay piled in heterogeneous

masses on her wharfs, the cotton which had escaped the grasp of

the Federals lay in her warehouses for reshipment to Europe; her

coal-stores overflowed with the mineral which was to feed the greedy

furnaces of the blockade-runners lying at anchor in the bay, and the

patois of every seafaring people in Europe could be daily heard upon

her quays. Hardly less numerous and varied were the groups of sailors,

merchants, adventurers, and spies, who discussed the fortunes of the

war upon the white-glancing terraces of Hamilton in the Bermudas.

Blockade-running had now become a business speculation. But the great

bulk of the trade was in very few hands, for the risks were great, and

the capital involved was large. The initial cost of a blockade-runner

was heavy; the officers were highly paid; a pilot well acquainted

with the port to be attempted often demanded one thousand pounds for

his services; and besides all this, it is to be remembered that on

a fair calculation not above one trip in four was successful. It is

computed that in three years there were built or despatched from the

Clyde no less than one hundred and eleven swift steamers specially

designed for the adventurous trade with the Confederate ports. Almost

any day in August 1864, one of these vessels might have been seen

cruising about at the Tail of the Bank, preparing to try her speed

against the swiftest passenger steamers of the river. The _Douglas_

was in those days the fastest boat on the Mersey; but one of the new

blockade-runners, named the _Colonel Lamb_, easily beat her, attaining

on the trial a speed of sixteen and three-quarter knots (or about

nineteen miles) per hour. A careful observer might almost have guessed

the character of the enterprise for which a blockade-runner was

designed by a scrutiny of her build. Two taper masts and a couple of

short smoke-stacks were all that appeared above the deck; her object

was to glide in the darkness past her watchers, and the tall spars of a

heavily-rigged ship would have been too conspicuous a mark for eager

eyes. Her hull was painted white, for experience showed that on dark

nights or in thick weather that colour most easily escaped observation.

Although she had considerable stowage-room, her draught was light, and

she was propelled by paddle or side wheels, in order that she might

turn readily in narrow or shallow waters. To aid their war-vessels

in capturing and destroying light-heeled cruisers such as this, the

Federal government built twenty-three small gunboats. They, too, drew

but little water, and rarely exceeded five hundred tons burden. For

armament they carried one eleven-inch pivot-gun and three howitzers—two

of twenty-four pounds, and one of twenty pounds—well-chosen weapons

for the work they had to do. Their weak point was their rate of speed,

which did not amount to more than nine or ten knots an hour. So

deficient were they in this respect, that a blockade-runner has been

known to run out, get damaged, and sail round a gunboat into port again.

There was so much in blockade-running that was attractive to the

adventurous, that we are hardly surprised to learn that officers of our

navy engaged in the work, wholly forgetful of the neutral position to

which their country’s policy bound them. The remonstrances, however,

which were made to our government on that subject, and the Gazette

Order which they elicited, would probably prevent those who had an

official status from taking their capture so phlegmatically as the

youth who took his passage out in a blockade-runner with the intention

of enjoying a tour through the Southern States, and who, when the

vessel was captured, wrote home saying that he would now explore the

Northern States, ‘which would do quite as well.’ One can well imagine

the tiptoe of expectation to which every one on board would rise as the

Bermudas sank into the distance, and the time drew near which was to

decide the fortune of their enterprise. How warily they lie off until

the evening favours their approach, and then, with every light but the

engine-fires extinguished, speed quietly but rapidly past the large

looming hulls of the outer blockaders. But they have yet to run the

gantlet of the inner cordon of gunboats, and now comes the real crisis

of their venture. Shall they steam with cunning effrontery slowly

and ostentatiously close past a gunboat? The plan offers a chance of

success, for some of their watchers have once been blockade-runners

themselves, and in the darkness the similarity of build might deceive.

No; they perceive what seems to be a practicable gap in the line, and

driving their engines to their utmost pitch, they rest their fate upon

their speed. Yet they are detected: there goes a heavy swivel gun; the

alarm is raised, and now a perfect fusillade rages round the intruder.

But everything is against good practice; only one shot takes effect

in her hull, that going clean through the bow; and with little other

damage, the daring vessel steams into Wilmington with a valuable cargo

of liquors, leather, and iron.

Blockade-running soon became almost as much an art as a trade, and

there were some grumblers in this country who made it a ground of

complaint that no English officers had been sent to observe the

new development in this branch of naval warfare. The most ingenious

expedients were resorted to on both sides. A system of signalling by

means of blue lights and rockets was in many cases established between

the forts and their friends in the offing. The steamer _Hansa_ ran into

Wilmington while Fort Fisher was being bombarded, and prevented pursuit

by boldly sailing close past the powder-ship, which shortly afterwards

blew up. Occasionally, a furious cannonade was begun from some adjacent

fort, so as to draw off the blockading squadron, and leave the entrance

free, if only for a few hours. The blockaders had their tricks too.

Sometimes heavy smoke was seen rising as from a ship on fire; but when

the blockade-runner steered to render help, she found out too late that

the supposed burning vessel was a Federal cruiser, which had resorted

to this device in order to bring the swifter craft within range of her

guns. One dark rainy night the _Petrel_ ran out of Charleston, and

shortly afterwards fell in with what appeared to be a large merchant

vessel. Hoping to crown a successful run with the capture of a valuable

prize, she gave chase, and fired a shot to bring the stranger to. The

reply was a single broadside, so well directed that there was no need

for another. The supposed merchantman was the frigate _St Lawrence_. A

favourite ruse of the privateer _Jeff Davis_ was to hoist the French

flag of distress, and when a ship bore down in response to this appeal,

she would, under pretence of handing in a letter, send aboard a boat’s

crew armed to the teeth.

But of all the remarkable incidents of this remarkable blockade there

was none more noteworthy than the voyage of the British ship _Emily St

Pierre_. The story rivals the inventions of a sea-romancer. This vessel

left Calcutta with orders to make the coast of South Carolina and see

if the blockade of Charleston was still in force. Now, although this

was a proceeding not in any way illegal, she was nevertheless captured

by a Federal warship; a prize crew of two officers and thirteen men

was put on board; and her own crew, with the exception of the master,

the cook, and the steward, was taken out of her. Thus manned, she was

being steered for a northern port, when her deposed captain persuaded

his cook and steward to assist him in making one effort to regain

possession of the ship. They caught the mate asleep in his berth,

ironed and gagged him; the prize-master they found on deck, and

treated similarly; three seamen who had the watch on deck were asked

to go down into the scuttle—a storeroom near the helm—for a coil of

rigging. The captain gave them this order as if he had accepted the

inevitable, and was aiding the captors to navigate the ship. As soon as

the three leaped down, the hatch was closed, and they were prisoners.

The remainder of the prize crew, who were in the forecastle, were shut

down and liberated one by one; but those who would give no promise of

help to their new master were confined beside the unfortunates in the

scuttle. Three, indeed, consented, but only one of them was a sailor;

and with this crew of five, a vessel of eight hundred and eighty-four

tons was brought to Liverpool through thirty days of bad weather. It

is only a fitting conclusion to such a tale of daring to record that

the intrepid seaman who conceived and carried out the enterprise was a

native of the stewartry of Kirkcudbright, which had already numbered

among her sons the renowned Paul Jones.

IN ALL SHADES.

CHAPTER XXXII.

‘This is awkward, Tom, awfully awkward,’ Mr Theodore Dupuy said to

his nephew as they rode homeward. ‘We must manage somehow to get rid

of this man as early as possible. Of course, we can’t keep him in the

house any longer with your cousin Nora, now that we know he’s really

nothing more—baronet or no baronet—than a common mulatto. But at the

same time, you see, we can’t get rid of him anyhow by any possibility

before the dinner to-morrow evening. I’ve asked several of the best

people in Trinidad especially to meet him, and I don’t want to go and

stultify myself openly before the eyes of the whole island. What the

dickens can we do about it?’

‘If you’d taken my advice, Uncle Theodore,’ Tom Dupuy answered

sullenly, in spite of his triumph, ‘you’d have got rid of him long ago.

As it is, you’ll have to keep him on now till after Tuesday, and then

we must manage somehow to dismiss him politely.’

They rode on without another word till they reached the house; there,

they found Nora and Harry had arrived before them, and had gone in to

dress for dinner. Mr Dupuy followed their example; but Tom, who had

made up his mind suddenly to stop, loitered about on the lawn under

the big star-apple tree, waiting in the cool till the young Englishman

should make his appearance.

Meanwhile, Nora, in her own dressing-room, attended by Rosina Fleming

and Aunt Clemmy, was thinking over the afternoon’s ride very much

to her own satisfaction. Mr Noel was really after all a very nice

fellow: if he hadn’t been so dreadfully dark—but there, he was really

just one shade too dusky in the face ever to please a West Indian

fancy. And yet, he was certainly very much in love with her! The very

persistence with which he avoided reopening the subject, while he

went on paying her such very marked attention, showed in itself how

thoroughly in earnest he was. ‘He’ll propose to me again to-morrow—I’m

quite sure he will,’ Nora thought to herself, as Rosina fastened up

her hair with a sprig of plumbago and a little delicate spray of wild

maiden-hair. ‘He was almost going to propose to me as we came along by

the mountain-cabbages this afternoon, only I saw him hesitating, and I

turned the current of the conversation. I wonder why I turned it? I’m

sure I don’t know why. I wonder whether it was because I didn’t know

whether I should answer “Yes” or “No,” if he were really to ask me? I

think one ought to decide in one’s own mind beforehand what one’s going

to say in such a case, especially when a man has asked one already.

He’s awfully nice. I wish he was just a shade or two lighter. I believe

Tom really fancies—he’s so dark—it isn’t quite right with him.’

Isaac Pourtalès, lounging about that minute, watching for Rosina, whom

he had come to talk with, saw Nora flit for a second past the open

window of the passage, in her light and gauze-like evening dress, with

open neck in front, and the flowers twined in her pretty hair; and he

said to himself as he glanced up at her: ‘De word ob de Lard say right,

“Take captive de women!”’

At the same moment, Tom Dupuy, strolling idly on the lawn in the

thickening twilight, caught sight of Pourtalès, and beckoned him

towards him with an imperious finger. ‘Come here,’ he said; ‘I want to

talk with you, you nigger there.—You’re Isaac Pourtalès, aren’t you?—I

thought so. Then come and tell me all you know about this confounded

cousin of yours—this man Noel.’

Isaac Pourtalès, nothing loth, poured forth at once in Tom Dupuy’s

listening ear the whole story, so far as he knew it, of Lady Noel’s

antecedents in Barbadoes. While the two men, the white and the brown,

were still conversing under the shade of the star-apple tree, Nora, who

had come down to the drawing-room meanwhile, strolled out for a minute,

beguiled by the cool air, on to the smoothly kept lawn in front of the

drawing-room window. Tom saw her, and beckoned her to him with his

finger, exactly as he had beckoned the tall mulatto. Nora gazed at the

beckoning hand with the intensest disdain, and then turned away, as if

perfectly unconscious of his ungainly gesture, to examine the tuberoses

and great bell-shaped brugmansias of the garden border.

Tom walked up to her angrily and rudely. ‘Didn’t you see me calling

you, miss?’ he said in his harsh drawl, with no pretence of unnecessary

politeness. ‘Didn’t you see I wanted to speak to you?’

‘I saw you making signs to somebody with your hand, as if you took me

for a servant,’ Nora answered coldly; ‘and not having been accustomed

in England to be called in that way, I thought you must have made a

mistake as to whom you were dealing with.’

Tom started and muttered an ugly oath. ‘In England,’ he repeated. ‘Oh,

ah, in England. West Indian gentlemen, it seems, aren’t good enough

for you, miss, since this fellow Noel has come out to make up to you.

I suppose you don’t happen to know that he’s a West Indian too, and a

precious queer sort of one into the bargain? I know you mean to marry

him, miss; but all I can tell you is, your father and I are not going

to permit it.’

‘I don’t wish to marry him,’ Nora answered, flushing fiery red all over

(‘Him is pretty for true when him blush like dat,’ Isaac Pourtalès said

to himself from the shade of the star-apple tree). ‘But if I did, I

wouldn’t listen to anything _you_ might choose to say against him, Tom

Dupuy; so that’s plain speaking enough for you.’

Tom sneered. ‘O no,’ he said; ‘I always knew you’d end by marrying a

woolly-headed mulatto; and this man’s one, I don’t mind telling you.

He’s a brown man born; his mother, though she _is_ Lady Noel—fine sort

of a Lady, indeed—is nothing better than a Barbadoes brown girl; and

he’s own cousin to Isaac Pourtalès over yonder! He is, I swear to

you.—Isaac, come here, sir!’

Nora gave a little suppressed scream of surprise and horror as the tall

mulatto, in his ragged shirt, leering horribly, emerged unexpectedly,

like a black spectre, from the shadows opposite.

‘Isaac,’ the young planter said with a malicious smile, ‘who is this

young man, I want to know, that calls himself _Mister_ Noel?’

Isaac Pourtalès touched his slouching hat awkwardly as he answered,

under his breath, with an ugly scowl: ‘Him me own cousin, sah, an’ me

mudder cousin. Him an’ me mudder is fam’ly long ago in ole Barbadoes.’

‘There you are, Nora!’ Tom Dupuy cried out to her triumphantly. ‘You

see what sort of person your fine English friend has turned out to be.’

‘Tom Dupuy,’ Nora cried in her wrath—but in her own heart she knew it

wasn’t true—‘if you tell me this, trying to set me against Mr Noel,

you’ve failed in your purpose, sir: what you say has no effect upon me.

I do not care for him; you are quite mistaken about that; but if I did,

I don’t mind telling you, your wicked scheming would only make me like

him all the better. Tom Dupuy, no real gentleman would ever try so to

undermine another man’s position.’

At that moment, Harry Noel, just descending to the drawing-room,

strolled out to meet them on the lawn, quite unconscious of this little

family altercation. Nora glanced hastily from Tom Dupuy, in his planter

coat and high riding-boots, to Harry Noel, looking so tall and handsome

in his evening dress, and couldn’t help noticing in her own mind which

of the two was the truest gentleman. ‘Mr Noel,’ she said, accepting his

half-proffered arm with a natural and instinctively gracious movement,

‘will you take me in to dinner? I see it’s ready.’

Tom Dupuy, crest-fallen and astonished, followed after, and muttered to

himself with deeper conviction than ever that he always knew that girl

Nora would end in the longrun by marrying a confounded woolly-headed

mulatto.

(_To be continued._)

THE ASCENT OF CLOUDY MOUNTAIN, NEW GUINEA.

BY CAPTAIN CYPRIAN BRIDGE, R.N.

The Rev. James Chalmers—known all along the southern coast of New

Guinea, throughout the original British protectorate in fact, as

‘Ta-ma-té’—will always be held responsible for the first ascent

of Cloudy Mountain. Taking advantage of the presence of Commodore

Erskine’s squadron at South Cape, he instilled into the minds of some

of the officers a desire to get to the summit. With the persuasive

eloquence of which his many friends know him to be a master, he

expatiated on the honourable nature of the enterprise, dwelling on the

fact that no white man had as yet attempted it. It is not wonderful

that he excited considerable enthusiasm; nor is it, perhaps, wonderful

that, as the climate is a moist one and as the warm tropical season

was well advanced, some of the enthusiasm had greatly decreased

when the day for starting arrived. It was interesting to observe

how many pressing engagements happened to prevent some of the more

eager aspirants for alpine honours from attempting Cloudy Mountain,

when the expedition was definitely determined on. One had arrears of

correspondence to make up; another had promised to join a friend in

a shooting excursion; whilst a third wisely took into consideration

the fact of his being no longer young. It would have been well for at

least one of the party that afterwards made the ascent if he also had

remembered that the middle age is not the best time of life at which to

try climbing almost precipitous elevations through trackless forests in

the atmosphere of a hothouse.

On Friday, the 21st of November, the union-jack had been hoisted, and

the British protectorate over the southern coast of New Guinea had been

proclaimed with imposing ceremonies on Stacey Island, South Cape. Time,

which is usually deficient when naval officers visit places from which

interesting excursions can be made, did not allow of the start for

the summit of the mountain being deferred till the following day. It

was compulsory to get away as soon as possible after the ceremony. Mr

Chalmers, whom no exertion can tire, made arrangements for collecting a

body of native carriers. He advised each excursionist to take a change

of clothes, a blanket, and enough food for twenty-four hours. By about

eleven A.M. there were assembled at the village of Hanod, at the head

of Bertha Lagoon, the following: Captain C. Bridge; Lieutenants R.

N. Ommanney and M. Thomson; R. Millist, captain’s steward, of H.M.S.

_Espiègle_; Commander W. H. Henderson; Lieutenant T. C. Fenton; Mr

Glaysher, engineer; Mr T. W. Stirling, midshipman; four blue-jackets,

and one R.M. artilleryman of H.M.S. _Nelson_; Lieutenant John L. Marx,

commanding H.M.S. _Swinger_; Sub-lieutenant A. Pearson, of H.M.S.

_Dart_; and Mr Stuart of Sydney, New South Wales.

The tribes inhabiting the country about South Cape are of the dark

race, and were cannibals, until their recent renunciation of the

practice, under the influence of the missionaries. They are a much

merrier and more talkative people than the non-cannibal light-coloured

race, which dwells farther to the westward. The work of selecting

carriers proceeded with much vociferation; the carriers themselves,

their friends, and all the ladies of the village—in this part of New

Guinea the influence of woman is great—considering it necessary to

address lengthy speeches in a loud tone to the white strangers. That

not one of these understood a sentence of what was being said to them,

by no means discouraged the eloquence of the villagers. ‘Ta-ma-té’s’

extraordinary faculty of influencing the natives in a cheery way soon

introduced order into what looked very much like hopeless confusion.

With the aid of the teacher Biga, who could speak both the Motu and

the South Cape languages, he chose a sufficient number of carriers,

appointed as guide an elderly native who professed to have been to

the top of the mountain, and set about distributing the loads to be

carried. The wages agreed upon were a small ‘trade’ knife and three

sticks of tobacco, value in all about eightpence per man. Some biscuit

and a little extra tobacco were given afterwards, to keep up the

spirits of the party during the journey.

Though not much troubled with clothes, our new friends were, at all

events relatively to the western tribes, decently clad. The women wear

a becoming petticoat of leaves and fibre, coming down to the knee.

They often put on several of these garments one above the other, the

effect being much the same as that of a capacious crinoline. In New

Guinea, the women are tattooed from forehead to ankles, occasionally

in very elaborate patterns. The name Papua given to New Guinea is said

to mean ‘woolly-headed,’ and the appellation has been well bestowed.

The men of both races ‘tease’ their hair out into a prodigious mop. So

do the girls. Married women cut theirs short. The bushy wig which many

of the natives of this region seem to be wearing decidedly improves

their appearance. When their hair is cut short, the similarity of their

features to those of African negroes becomes more obvious. They are

not tall; but they have well-shaped limbs, and many of them are sturdy

fellows. The usual weight for a native carrier is twenty-five pounds.

But, as the number of travellers likely to ascend Cloudy Mountain had

greatly fallen off, we found ourselves with more carriers than we could

supply loads for. The result was that some at all events had very light

burdens. One man, for instance, carried an empty tin case for specimens

of plants; another, a few sheets of blotting-paper between two thin

pieces of board provided for the same purpose.

When officers land in the South Sea Islands, nicety of dress is not

much attended to. A helmet or straw-hat, a shirt, a pair of flannel

trousers, and boots or shoes more remarkable for utility than elegance,

are found quite sufficient. In a moist hot climate, the less clothing

the better; and in countries in which there are no roads, not many

paths, and where, as a rule, progress is only possible through thick

forest and over muddy ground, the fewer garments worn, the fewer there

are to be cleaned at the end of an excursion.

For the first half-hour after leaving the village on Bertha Lagoon, the

way ran across a mangrove swamp of soft mud, interspersed with pools

of black-looking water, and studded with the peculiar and aggravating

knobs that the roots of the mangrove bush delight to form. It was worth

while to note the care with which most of the excursionists began to

pick their way; some even evinced a desire not to wet their boots.

To keep the nether garments clean was clearly in general considered

an object worth trying for. But after a few rapid and involuntary

descents from slippery logs, seductively resembling bridges, placed

across the most forbidding sloughs, a determination to push on straight

and discontinue efforts to circumvent puddles, became universally

apparent. When the swamp had been left behind some distance, our

carriers, who belonged to a humorous race, kindly informed us, through

the interpreters—their faces beaming with delight as the information

was imparted—that they could have taken us by a route which would

have avoided it altogether. This statement was proved to be true on

our return, as some of the party escaped traversing the swamp a

second time by taking a path which led to the westward of it, and

others descended in canoes the lower part of a river that discharges

itself into the lagoon. When asked why they had not let us know of

the existence of a more agreeable road, our native friends made the

unanswerable reply, that none of our party had suggested to them any

wish to avoid the mangroves.

For an hour we had now to move along through a well-timbered country,

occasionally passing small cultivated patches, where yams, bananas,

and taro were grown. The path in most places was not difficult; but

it lost itself from time to time in a stream of clear water, whose

frequent rapids showed that we had begun to ascend. Repeated wadings

had at all events the advantage of removing all traces of our passage

across the swamp. The scenery was highly picturesque, especially at

some of the reaches of the little river. The pebbly banks were crowned

with a rich vegetation; the number and variety of the trees and

shrubs—amongst which the wild plantain, palms of various kinds, and the

pandanus were conspicuous—were at least as great as in most tropical

lands. Glimpses of lofty wooded heights were frequently obtained. A

few tuneful birds were heard, and we saw some azure-hued kingfishers.

But, as a rule, particularly as the lower country was left, the music

of the woods was monopolised by screeching white cockatoos. The scene

was greatly enlivened by the number and beauty of the butterflies which

flitted amongst the bushes. One of our party had provided himself with

a net; and, though occasional bad shots at some peculiarly nimble

_lepidoptera_ were made, his ‘bag’ turned out a very good one. On a

broad stretch of gravel and pebbles by the side of the water, towards

one o’clock, a halt was made for luncheon. The spot was fairly shady,

and the heat, considering our position, was not excessive. A biscuit or

two was handed to the carriers, and—what delighted them still more—a

few small fragments of tobacco. The New Guinea fashion of smoking is

peculiar. The pipe is a bamboo tube about two feet long and two inches

in diameter, with one end closed. Near this end, a small hole like

the mouth-hole of a flute is made, and in it a piece of leaf, twisted

into a pointed cup or ‘horn’ containing a little tobacco, is inserted.

Applying a light to the tobacco, the smoker sucks vigorously at the

open end of the tube; when this is filled with smoke, he puts his lips

to the small hole and takes several ‘draws,’ after which the tobacco

has to be replenished and the pipe relighted. Politeness flourishes

throughout the south-western Pacific Isles; even the naked cannibals

of New Britain exhibit to friends that true courtesy which consists

in doing as one would be done by. The New Guinean who lights the

pipe, when he has filled it with smoke, usually hands it to some one

else to have the first whiff. On the present occasion, the pipe was

offered first to the white man, to whom, so long as he behaves to them

becomingly, Pacific Island natives are almost invariably polite.

The lateness of our start rendered any but a short halt impossible, so

the repast was a hasty one. The increasing steepness showed that we

had begun the ascent in earnest. A path there certainly was, but, as

a rule, it was not easily discerned amid the thick growth of tropical

shrubs. As far as the density of the forest would allow us to examine

the country to any distance, we appeared to be mounting the ridge of

a spur of the main mountain mass. A deep valley lay on either hand,

at the bottom of which we could hear the rumbling of a stream. The

number of cockatoos increased as we got higher, and some were shot for

culinary purposes subsequently. We saw some handsome pigeons, and at

least one small flight of the large beaked bird called toucan, though

probably it differs from the South American bird to which that name

rightly belongs. Ignorance of ornithology made some of us doubt if

it were the hornbill or _buceros_, one of which we heard afterwards

overhead puffing like a locomotive, on our way down. The profusion of

ferns, palms, orchids, and flowering shrubs was striking. The ascent

was really a climb, as the hands had to be used nearly as much as the

feet. At one or two points, the face of a steep water-worn rock had

to be scaled. Frequent short halts became absolutely necessary; and

the head of our long and straggling line of white men and carriers

usually resumed the work of ascending as the rear reached the point at

which the former had rested. When the afternoon had well advanced—the

only watch in the company having been broken at a specially stiff

bit of climbing, the exact time could not be told—we had reached a

comparatively open space, which our guide declared to be the summit.

The impossibility of this being so was demonstrated by the appearance

of the true summit, of which a temporary break in the clouds usually

hiding it, now permitted a glimpse. Our guide thereupon asserted that

it was the only summit which he knew; that no native of the country had

ever attempted to mount higher; and that, anyhow, no path was to be

found farther on. These assertions were probably true. The correctness

at least of the last was soon established beyond the chance of doubt;

subsequent progress disclosed the fact that the path, which for the

last hour had been scarcely visible by the naked eye, ceased altogether.

When the rear of the line came up, these questions were being debated:

Should arrangements be made for camping for the night on the spot then

occupied? or should a further attempt to reach the summit be made?

Lieutenant Fenton and Mr Stirling settled the matter as far as they

were concerned by pushing on with the determination of crowning the

mountain by themselves, if no one else cared to follow them. ‘Ta-ma-té’

reviewed the situation in a short and fitting address, which closed

with a reminder that not even a native, it was now proved, had ever got

to the top. This was enough to prevent any flagging of the enthusiasm

necessary to carry the travellers higher. Even the oldest member of

the party, who had already begun to doubt the wisdom of joining in

such an enterprise by one who had years ago qualified as a member of

the ‘senior’ United Service Club, unhesitatingly gave his vote for a

continuance of the ascent and for the conquest of the virgin height.

It had been held that the previous part of the journey had afforded

instances of some rather pretty climbing. It was child’s play to

what followed. Path there was none; the vegetation became if possible

denser; and the only practicable line of advance ran along the edge

of a ridge nearly as ‘sharp and perilous’ as the bridge leading

to the Mohammedan Paradise. This ridge was so steep that, thickly

clothed as it was with trees, shrubs, and creepers, it was frequently

impossible to advance without pulling one’s self up by one’s hands.

In selecting something to lay hold of to effect this, great care had

to be exercised. The ‘lawyer’ palm, which sends out trailing shoots

admirably adapted to the purpose of tripping up the unwary, is studded

with thorns in the very part where it is most natural for a climber

requiring its aid to seize it. In the most difficult places, there

flourished an especially exasperating variety of pandanus. This tree

has many uses, and in this instance it seemed to have been purposely

placed just where it might best help the ascending traveller. The

pyramid of stalks or aërial roots, which unite several feet above

the surface of the soil to form the trunk, always looked so inviting

to those in want of a ‘lift,’ that no experience was sufficient to

prevent repeated recourse to its assistance. Unhappily, each stalk

of a diameter convenient for grasping by the hand was studded with

sharp prickles, almost invariably hidden by a coating of deliciously

soft moss. It was not until the weight of the body was thrown on the

hand encircling one of these deceptive stalks, that the situation was

fully realised. In the absence of a path, it was of some advantage to

keep amongst the rearward members of the party. A few persons in front

quickly made a trail, which was not very often lost, particularly when

the leaders had had the forethought to break branches off adjacent

shrubs, so that the fractures served as guideposts to those following.

The great steepness of the sides of the spur on the ridge of which was

the line of advance, rendered it most desirable not to stray from the

path, as serious injury, if not complete destruction, would in such

case have been inevitable. Sometimes a climber dislodged a stone that

went crashing amongst the thick growth with which the precipitous sides

were covered, downwards for hundreds of feet, till the noise of its

fall died away in the distance.

Clouds were collecting about the mountain, and the sun was about to

set, when at length the whole party stood upon the summit. There was

a comparatively level space, perhaps thirty feet square, thickly

overgrown with trees and shrubs. The moist heat on the way up had been

great enough to render every one’s clothes dripping wet, even had

not occasional thick mists drenched our scanty garments. It was so

late, that no time was to be lost in making arrangements for spending

the night on the top of the mountain. Tomahawks were brought into

requisition, and several trees were felled and laid one on another

along two sides of a small square, thus forming a low wall, under

shelter of which a bivouac might be formed. Many showers had fallen on

the higher parts of the mountain during the day, and so general was the

humidity that it was difficult to light a fire. When this was at length

accomplished, a meal was prepared, and soon despatched. The kindling

of a fire incited the native carriers to do the same on every available

spot, amongst others at a point dead to windward of the bivouac, to the

grievous annoyance of the travellers’ eyes, till a more suitable place

was substituted.

With leaves and twigs plentifully strewed under the lee of the felled

logs, the white men had managed to get themselves ‘littered down’ for

the night. The small rain which had been falling nearly ever since

the summit had been reached, turned into sharp showers, and showed

symptoms of continuing. The supply of water was found to be very

short, as, trusting to the statements of the natives before it was

ascertained that their knowledge of the country did not extend beyond

the termination of the path, it was thought unnecessary to carry a

large supply to the end of the journey, where, it was anticipated,

it would be found in abundance. The prospect for the night was not

cheering. Those who had brought a change of clothing now put it on in

place of the dripping garments hitherto worn, and rolling themselves

in their blankets, lay down to sleep, or to try to sleep. Many things

conspired to prevent slumber. It was soon discovered that some of the

party had no blanket. Mr Chalmers at once set himself to rectify this,

and did so in characteristic fashion. He borrowed a knife, and, cutting

his own blanket in two, insisted upon its being accepted by a companion

who had none. It is related of one of the several Saints Martin—on

board men-of-war, we cannot be expected to be very familiar with the

hagiology, so it will be well not to attempt to specify which of them

it was—that seeing a beggar in want of a cloak, he gave him his own.

Now, seriously, without in the least desiring to disparage the charity

of the saint, it may be pointed out that beggars are usually met with

in the streets of towns, and that to give away a cloak therein is at

the best not more meritorious than giving to a companion half of your

only blanket at the beginning of a rainy night on the summit of a

distant mountain. But this was not all. It was decided that the best

protection against rain would be the erection of some sort of tent.

‘Ta-ma-té’ was soon employed in helping to construct this shelter, and

in spite of all opposition, persisted in contributing the remaining

portion of his blanket to form the roof.

Chambers's Journal of Popular Literature, Science, and Art, fifth series, no. 130, vol. III, June 26, 1886 · 第 1 / 4 段