[A brief summary of the events antecedent to and connected with the
government of Bustamante is here presented, obtained from the very
detailed and prolix account in Concepción's Historia de Philipinas,
ix, pp. 183-424.]
[The Conde de Lizarraga, who began to govern the islands in August,
1709, dies at Manila on February 4, 1715; and the vacancy in his
office is, as usual, temporarily filled by the Audiencia, Auditor José
Torralba assuming charge of military affairs. In the Tournon affair
of 1704, the senior auditor, José Antonio Pabon, had not resisted
Tournon's unwarranted assumption of authority, and had therefore
inclined the displeasure of the home government, being deprived
of his office and fined. He thereupon petitioned for a reversal of
this sentence, and restitution to his office and salary, which was
granted by a royal decree of April 15, 1713; this document arrives
at Manila during Torralba's rule, who declines, on various pretexts,
to reinstate Pabon, and even attempts to obtain evidence damaging to
his official character. Pabon therefore is obliged to take refuge
in the Augustinian convent at Manila, and remains there until the
arrival of Bustamante; the latter brings suit against Torralba to
compel him to obey the royal decree in favor of Pabon, and to pay all
moneys due to the auditor. Torralba had also instituted proceedings
against another auditor, Gregorio Manuel de Villa, and two officers,
Santos Perez Tagle and Luis Antonio de Tagle, on the charge of their
having aided and abetted the Castilian Recollect religious in their
revolt against their superiors in the order. (After the dissensions
between the religious orders and Archbishop Camacho, resulting from
his attempt to enforce episcopal visitation of the regular curas,
the despatch of missionaries to the islands is greatly diminished,
partly on account of those dissensions, partly because the "seas are
infested with English and Dutch squadrons." All the orders therefore
suffer from a scarcity of laborers; but the Recollects are fortunately
reënforced by a mission band, conducted by Fray Joseph de Santa
Gertrudis, of fifty-seven religious, "among them the flower of the
province of Castilla." Later, in the distribution of the ministries and
offices of the order in the islands, strife arises; the older members
of the province--mostly from Aragón, with some from Valencia and
Cataluña--secure all the best offices, as against the Castilians. When
the provincial chapter meets, the latter present their claims, but
are rebuffed; thereupon they convene a chapter of their own, in the
convent at Bagumbayan, and elect a provincial and other officers. This
throws all the business of the order into confusion, and Governor
Lizarraga persuades the two parties to refer the controversy to the
head of the order in Europe and to abide by his decision, which finally
recognizes as legal the chapter held at Manila. Various difficulties
arise in attempting to enforce this decision, but Lizarraga, who
favors the Castilians, induces the provincial to leave them with
their students at Bagumbayan. After the governor's death, Torralba
aids the provincial by sending troops and bombarding that convent,
to bring back the recalcitrants to Manila.) Torralba, having arrested
Villa and the Tagles, keeps them in rigorous confinement, and hinders
their appeal to the Council of the Indias; both sides send to Madrid
statements of their respective claims. By royal decrees of August 18,
1718, all of Torralba's proceedings against them, as well as against
Auditor Pabon, are declared null and void, and they are restored to
their respective offices. Bustamante assumes the governorship on August
9, 1717; his first proceeding is to investigate the condition of the
royal treasury, which he finds in bad condition, with large sums due
to it and unpaid by the citizens. He takes severe measures to compel
the payment of these debts to the government--among them, laying
an embargo on the cargo of the galleon which comes this year from
Acapulco, in which large amounts of goods and money have been brought
illegally, to avoid payment of duties. A complete investigation of the
ownership and registration of this wealth is ordered, the governor
placing it in the charge of Andres Fernandez de Arquiju and Esteban
Hizguiño. As a consequence of the governor's energetic measures,
within the first six months of his government the sum of 220,671
pesos is placed in the royal treasury, besides the situado for that
year, which amounts to 74,482 pesos; and the balance of accounts on
February 1, 1718, shows that the treasury actually contains 293,444
pesos, besides jewels and other valuables deposited for debts to the
crown. Concepción gives the principal items of revenue and expense
at that time. An embargo is also laid on the silver which comes in
the galleon of 1718, but little advantage therefrom results to the
treasury. This financial investigation also shows that Torralba,
during his government, and the royal officials had mismanaged the
royal revenues, shown great carelessness in the bookkeeping, accounts,
and allowed funds to disappear without any satisfactory accounting;
Bustamante therefore imprisons them all, and seizes their goods.]
[At various times the Christian natives of the island of Paragua
ask the Manila government, through the Recollect missionaries in
whose care they are, for a Spanish fort and garrison in their island
to protect them from the Moro pirates; but no action is taken on
this until 1718, when Bustamante orders a fort to be built at Labo,
near the southern point of the island. [41] The Recollect province
contributes to this enterprise 500 pesos, which are due to it from
the royal treasury. About the same time the fortress at Zamboanga is
also rebuilt, Bustamante insisting upon this work, against the advice
of many of his counselors. He sends an embassy to Siam, to establish
with that king friendly and commercial relations; the Spaniards are
received with great pomp and lavish entertainment, and rich presents
are exchanged in behalf of the respective monarchs of Spain and Siam;
and land is granted to the Spaniards on the bank of the Chow Payah
(or Meinam) River, for the erection of a trading factory. "It is
the place that formerly was called Campo Japon, and is named Nuestra
Señora de el Soto ["Our Lady of the Grove"]; it is sixty-four brazas
square, on the east side of the river, and distant from it a hundred
brazas." It is also a convenient place at which to make arrangements
for the building of ships, and the Siamese will supply them with
lumber (including teak wood) and iron for this construction. The
Spaniards return to Manila in August, preceded by a Siamese embassy;
but Bustamante is so preoccupied with other matters that he pays no
attention to the strangers, and they are even badly treated. They
return to Siam angry and resentful, and desire no further dealings
with the Spaniards.]
[In 1719 the royal Audiencia is broken up by the lack of auditors:
Torralba being imprisoned in Fort Santiago, two others--Julian de
Velasco and Francisco Fernandez Toribio--being held in confinement, and
Pabon being not yet reinstated in office. "Only Don Gregorio Manuel de
Villa was in possession [of the auditor's functions], through the death
of the fiscal, Don Antonio de Casas y Albarado; but as Señor Villa
did not agree with the harsh and violent opinions of the governor,
he retired to the convent of Nuestra Señora de Guadalupe, distant two
leguas from the city." At this time Bustamante is told that a general
conspiracy is being formed against him, "of all the citizens, and all
the religious orders, and the clergy, influential persons being pointed
out who were allying themselves with the Sangleys, who were to commit
the parricide." Thereupon, Torralba begins to hope for release, and
Bustamante talks over the situation with him, asking his advice. The
result is, that the governor transfers Torralba to the government
buildings, nominally as a prisoner, but rehabilitates him as auditor;
with Doctor José Correa as associate judge, and Agustin Guerrero as
fiscal; and they contrive various measures against their enemies. Many
persons are arrested by this quasi government, and many others through
fear take refuge in the churches. Among the latter is a notary-public,
Don Antonio de Osejo y Vazquez, who carries his official records to
the cathedral, and refuses to surrender them. A decree is therefore
issued by the temporary Audiencia requiring the archbishop to see
that the records are given up and returned to the proper place; he
promises to obey, but delays doing so; upon being ordered a second
time to attend to the matter, he answers by presenting the opinions
of the two universities, which the prelate has consulted in this
emergency, and which support him in declining to allow the right of
sanctuary to be infringed, and in regarding the so-called Audiencia as
illegally constituted. The governor issues a proclamation ordering all
able-bodied male citizens to present themselves, armed, in the palace
when a certain signal shall be given. The archbishop excommunicates
Torralba for his proceedings against the ecclesiastical immunity; he
sends notification of this punishment by Canon Don Manuel de Ossio
and Doctor Fuentes, who force their way into Torralba's apartment,
late in the evening of October 10, and force him to listen to the
reading of the censure; but he contrives to get hold of a sword,
and drives them out of the room. The next morning the governor
calls the citizens to arms, and causes the arrest (in virtue of
decrees made by his Audiencia in the night) of the archbishop,
his messengers to Torralba, the superiors of the religious orders,
and many other ecclesiastics. At this, a tumult arises among the
people; an interdict is laid on the city; and a conspiracy is formed
against the governor. "The religious of St. Francis, St. Dominic, and
St. Augustine (both calced and discalced) came out from their convents,
each as a body, carrying in their hands crucifixes and shouting,
'Long live [Viva] the Faith! long live the Church! long live our
king Don Phelipe V!' Perhaps also resounded such utterances as in
these cases are peculiar to the common people and to a tumultuous
populace. These religious were joined by those who had taken refuge
in the churches, and by a great number of people of all classes, and
they went in this array to [the church of] San Agustin. Those who had
taken refuge there, who were among the most distinguished citizens,
filled with fear lest they should be taken from their asylum and put
to death, joined the crowd, and promoted the sedition, all providing
themselves with arms. A page of the governor, hearing the confusion
and yells, entered his master's apartment, and in alarm gave him the
news that various religious were coming toward the palace, conducting
a mission. The governor, greatly disturbed, sprang up, and ordered the
guards to keep back the crowd; he went to a window, and heard that from
the corner of the cathedral tower thirty men were asked for to check
the people, who were marching through that street. He despatched an
order to the fort to discharge the artillery at the crowd; but he was
so little obeyed that, although they applied the match to two cannons,
these were aimed so low that the balls were buried in the middle of
the esplanade of the fort. Without opposition this multitude arrived
at the doors of the palace, the Jesuits following at a short distance,
with many of the common people and many boys, the entire crowd, with
deafening yells, repeating the vivas of the religious. As for the
soldiers of the guard, some retreated in fear, and others in terror
laid down their arms. The mob climbed up by ladders, and entered the
first hall, the halberdiers not firing the swivel-guns that had been
provided, although the governor commanded them to do so; he now went
forward to meet them, with a gun, its bayonet fixed, and gave confused
orders to his retainers to seize the weapons which by his order had
been taken from them. One of the religious presented himself to the
governor, and tried to set forth to him the misfortunes into which
he was rushing headlong; but at the first words that he uttered, the
governor, already furious, said to him, 'Go away, Father!' He attempted
to discharge his gun at a citizen standing near, and it missed fire;
then the governor drew his sabre and wounded the citizen; the latter,
and with him all the rest at once, attacked the governor. They broke
his right arm, and a blow on his head from a sabre caused him to fall
like one dead. His son the sargento-mayor, who was in command at the
fort, seeing the great throng of people who were entering the palace,
mounted his horse to go to his father's aid. Entering the guard-room,
sabre in hand, he wounded several persons; but as he was not sufficient
for so many, he was attacked by them and fell from his horse in a dying
condition, and they left him there. Some life still remained in the
governor, but he gave no sign of it; and, supposing that he was dead,
the people occupied themselves with imprisoning some and releasing
others." Concepción mentions the ministrations of the Jesuit Otazo
(whose account of the affair follows this), to Bustamante, and states
that the dying man suffered many indignities at the hands of the
mob; they even dragged him along, in a hammock, to thrust him into
a dungeon, and while doing so a slave stabbed Bustamante twice near
the heart. Finally they leave him stretched on a couch in the chapel
of the royal prison, and without any medical care; the dean of the
cathedral (who has just been freed from Bustamante's prison) summons a
surgeon to attend the dying governor and his son, but he is destitute
of bandages and other appliances, and when he returns with these the
governor is dead. [42] Concepción describes this episode indignantly,
as "an abominable crime," which was discredited by the upright and
honorable citizens, and relates the excesses committed by the mob,
who broke open the prisons, and set free the worst criminals. At the
beginning, they had liberated the imprisoned ecclesiastics; and now
they insist that the archbishop, Fray Francisco de la Cuesta, shall
act as governor ad interim. With great reluctance, and yielding only
to the clamors of the people, the need that some one who can quiet
them shall assume authority in this disturbed condition of affairs,
and the advice of the leading ecclesiastics in all the orders, Cuesta
accepts this charge, and takes the usual oath of office as governor
until the king shall make another appointment. He forms an audiencia
with the legal auditors still remaining--Velasco, Toribio, and Villa;
and they together organize the temporary government, Pabon also being
reinstated, later. A public funeral is given to the two Bustamantes,
for which a thousand pesos are taken from the goods of the deceased,
the other four thousand being allowed by the royal officials for
the maintenance and the passage to Mexico of the governor's six
remaining children (their mother having died soon after reaching the
islands--according to Torralba, through Bustamante's neglect of her
in a serious illness); the funeral is so ostentatious that in it are
consumed seven and a half quintals (or hundredweights) of wax.]
[The archbishop [43] sets on foot an investigation into the riot and
the murder of the governor and his son; the substance of many of the
depositions made in this matter is related by our author, but little
information of value is obtained from them; no one will admit that
he knows who dealt the fatal blows. Torralba [44] testifies against
the governor, condemning his fierce disposition, tyrannical acts,
and "diabolical craftiness." According to this witness, Bustamante
was carried away by greed, and appropriated to himself the goods
of many persons whom he imprisoned; resentment at this was general
throughout the islands, [45] and caused a revolt in Cagayán, from
which resulted another in Pangasinán, in which the alcalde-mayor,
Antonio de el Valle, and other persons were killed. The auditors
propose to investigate also the persons who had taken refuge in the
convent of San Agustin, and afterward joined the mob; but they are
advised by Doctor Ossio that this proceeding will too greatly disturb
the community; that to proceed against these persons will be to cast
odium on and grieve nearly all the citizens, since the commotion
was so general; that all those who went out on that occasion did so
"in defense of the ecclesiastical immunity, the preservation of this
city, the self-defense of its inhabitants, and the reputation of the
[Spanish] nation;" and that to carry out this plan would be likely to
cause some disturbance of the public peace. The officials accordingly
suspend the execution of the decrees that they had issued, and send
to the Madrid government a report of all their proceedings in the
matter, with copies of all the documents. In Mexico, however, the
affair is viewed differently. The guardian of Bustamante's children,
Balthasar de Castañeda Vizente de Alhambra, brings criminal suit
before the viceroy, Marqués de Valero, against four of the citizens
of Manila for the murder of the Bustamantes. Two of these men--Juan
Fausto Gaicoechea y Gainza, and Diego de Salazar--are consequently
arrested at Acapulco (March, 1721) and imprisoned, their goods being
seized. The inquiry at Acapulco is equally fruitless, but Castañeda
presses it before the viceroy, making definite accusations regarding
the murder, and claiming that the authorities at Manila have slurred
over the investigation of the murders, through undue influence of
interested parties, and have made only enough effort to find the
culprits to preserve their own reputation at Madrid; and he brings
forward various evidence in support of his claims. The viceroy
finally refers the case to the new governor of Filipinas, Marqués
de Torre Campo, sending to him the accused persons, and Gregorio de
Bustamante, nephew of the late governor. In January, 1720, the fort
at Labo in the island of Paragua is abandoned, notwithstanding the
entreaties of the Recollect missionaries there that it be maintained
and reënforced--a measure for which Concepción accounts by the hatred
felt toward Bustamante, who had established that post; and by the
readiness of the Manila government to keep up the fort of Zamboanga,
under the pressure exercised by the Jesuits, whose "astute policy"
secured votes for that action, desired by them for the protection
of their missions in Mindanao--an influence which the Recollects
lacked. As soon as Labo is abandoned, the Moro pirates begin their
raids on the northern islands, even going to the vicinity of Manila;
and they undertake to form a general conspiracy against the Spanish
power in the archipelago. The kings of Joló and Mindanao, however,
profess to decline to enter this, finding their interest in an alliance
with the Spaniards. On December 8, 1720, an attack is made by Moros
against the fort at Zamboanga, but it is repulsed; those from Joló
and Mindanao then come, professing friendship, but treacherously
turn against the Spaniards and attack the fort; after a two months'
siege, they are finally driven away, with considerable loss. [46]
The Moros afterward ravage the Calamianes and other islands, carrying
away many captives, and killing a Recollect missionary, Fray Manuel
de Jesús María.]
Letter from Diego de Otazo, S.J.
I will not omit sending a relation to Madrid, on this occasion when
letters are sent from Manila to that court, of the tumultuous changes
[here], of which your Reverence probably knows--if perchance (even
though my influence be little and my authority less) my letter, when
communicated to the father confessors of his Majesty and Highness,
may contribute to the greater glory of God, and the welfare of these
islands and of the souls who are converted in them, and those who may
yet be converted when this community is established in tranquillity
and order; it is this alone which I regard as the only object for
which I can and ought to strive, since this alone has brought me to
these islands.
Father Procurator: Don Fernando Bustillos y Bustamante (whom may
God have forgiven) began his government of these islands with so
much violence that, as he carried it to the extreme, this very thing
deprived him of life. Blinded by the two mighty passions, greed and
pride, and exercising the absolute power that the government of these
islands confers on him, and taking advantage of the great distance from
his sovereign master, [the result was that] all the citizens had to
follow him and comply with his purposes, which were directed to his
own interests, and measured only by his own desires. The dungeons
of the jails and castles came to be filled with those persons who
opposed or might oppose him; and the churches and convents were full
of those who had sought refuge there, dreading lest they too might
be imprisoned. The few Spaniards (and they were very few) who were
outside went about--let us say, by way of explanation--with one foot
on the street and the other in the church; and with the fear that if
they lay down at night in their homes they would awake in a dungeon.
The archbishop, impelled by his conscience, undertook to employ
some means--advising the governor like a father, and with the utmost
possible circumspection, and after having consulted others--to see
if he could check what was already dreaded; but, when he gave the
governor his first paternal warning, the latter had become entirely
blind, and determined to expel from Manila his illustrious Lordship,
the superiors and professors in the religious orders, and the secular
priests in the cathedral who had high positions and learning.
This fatal controversy began to find expression on the ninth or
tenth of October, his illustrious Lordship desiring the governor to
cease his intimacy with [quitarle de su lado] the auditor whom he
held a prisoner [i.e., Torralba]--with whom, while thus a prisoner,
he was drawing up, at his own pleasure, and without any possibility
of objection, the royal decrees which he judged necessary to his
purpose. The archbishop sent the doctoral canon of the church and
another prebend in order that, after the canonical warnings, they
might notify [the auditor] of the excommunication which he had incurred
by complying with so exceedingly illegal a proceeding. What occurred
there when the doctoral canon carried this message I am unable to say;
but the result was that they treated the canon and the other prebend
badly, confining them as prisoners, and this was the answer that the
archbishop received; the fact itself is known, but nothing else.
At daybreak on the eleventh his illustrious Lordship, in much anxiety,
sent out to summon to his palace the superiors of the religious orders
and other learned ecclesiastical persons, in order to hold counsel
with them; but hardly had they assembled with him when they found
that the archiepiscopal palace was besieged by armed soldiers, who had
orders not to allow any one to depart, or any others to enter. One of
the officers, entering the apartments of his illustrious Lordship,
informed him that he must immediately go with him, by order of the
king, the royal assembly, etc.; and thus, surrounded by soldiers,
they carried the prelate to the fort on the plaza. In the same way
they proceeded with the rest, his lambs, and, separating them from
their shepherd and from one another, led them away and confined them
in different divisions of the prison and the house of the Audiencia.
The interdict was published, and the bells began to toll, which
disquieted all the people--religious, ecclesiastics, and laymen. Those
who had taken refuge in the sacred buildings thought that they
were ruined, and those outside felt deprived of the asylum of the
church. This disturbance lasted from eight to twelve o'clock; at the
latter hour the turbulent crowd proceeded, without order or concert,
to the palace of the governor, and entered it without opposition
from either the outposts or the soldiers of the guard. Shouting,
"Long live the Faith and the Church!" they rushed upstairs, and at
that same hour fell upon the governor with weapons, until he fell on
the floor with wounds, and demanding confession, and they left him for
dead. Then his eldest son arriving--who had been going about the city
arresting the priests, and busy with other orders of that sort--the mob
killed him also, which occasioned the death of a poor Indian. All these
events occurred in about a quarter of an hour, so that by a quarter
past twelve even the boys were in the plaza, celebrating the event
[cantando la victoria]; the misfortunes [of the people] were at an end.
At the news of the tumult the father minister [of the Jesuit residence]
sent several fathers from the house, that they might help to pacify
the minds of the people and be ready to hear confessions, according
to what necessity demanded; among those assigned to this duty I was
one. On the way I met several persons, who told me that the governor
was already lying dead; and as one who had gone out only to assist
those on whom misfortune might have fallen--which, it was thought,
would include many, as is usually the case in such tumults--I hastened
my steps to the palace. Finally I found him whom they had considered as
dead; he was lying in an apartment, the blood dripping from his wounds,
and surrounded with people; and at his side was a religious who had
attended him in order to give him absolution. I asked the latter what
[had occurred], and whether in his opinion that poor man was in full
possession of his senses; he answered that he did not know, but that
he had absolved him sub conditione [i.e., conditionally]. When the
religious asked me to try to find out in what state he was, I began
to say to the dying man what the Lord inspired in me, in order to
prepare him for being again absolved--which was done several times
by the religious, with full absolution, and without any condition;
for such were the tokens [of penitence] afforded by the expression
of his face, and his sobs and sighs, and even tears, and his pressing
to his lips the crucifix which I placed at his mouth, and so tightly
did he press my hand when I asked him to, that he spoke to me more
clearly thus than if he had answered with cries.
It was my opinion that he could speak; and, availing myself of an
opportunity when I saw the people about him somewhat removed [from
his side], I made no little exertion to secure an utterance from
him. I spoke close to his ear, in a low voice; and he, recognizing my
intention, answered me, saying: "Alas! my father, all this is little
compared with what I deserve for my sins, which I confess are infinite;
and this which is happening to me is the kindness of God. I do not
complain of any one, and I will kiss the feet of every one. I only
ask your Grace that you will not leave me until I die, and that you
will be my companion until death; and that, if it be possible--so that
I may die far away from this noise, and be able to pass in quiet the
little time that may remain for me to live--they will carry me to the
hospital; that of St. John of God would be the best. But in any case,
do not leave me, your Grace, for the Virgin's sake; and care for my
soul, that it be not lost." This was what he said to me, in substance,
and even literally, the first time when he was able to speak.
Hardly had he said this to me when the people again came around us,
in a clamorous crowd, and I turned to contend with them. I made every
possible effort to provide for him what comfort I could, but I could
only secure this, that they carried him, with me, to a room farther
within the house; and there, now trying to restrain the tumult,
and now assisting him, I found him always in the same excellent
frame of mind. Sometimes I began to hear his confession, in coherent
and detailed form; sometimes the confession would be interrupted
because the doors at times were opened--until I could, by the aid of
some persons whom I knew to be influenced by the fear of God, keep
the doors closed for a time. I spent the time thus until about six
o'clock, when he died. In that time extreme unction was given to him;
and Doctor Rayo, who held delegate authority from the archbishop,
absolved him etiam in foro externo [i.e., "also in the outer court"]
from the excommunication. I omitted no effort in order that he might
use well the time for the benefit of his salvation, regarding which I
can state two things. [Here follow long pious reflections, which may be
left to the reader's imagination.] Finally, God punished him there for
the violence which he had employed with others--not allowing them even
the comfort and consolation of communication with their confessors,
as some desired; and it was not permitted to them except only to
make them comply with the [requirements of the] Church; for when he
desired to prepare himself at leisure, and to pass quietly the time
which remained to him, with the confessor who was aiding him there,
there was no way of securing this. On this account it is my opinion
that God chose to punish him in this life in order to pardon him in the
other one. This is my opinion; oh, that it might agree with that which
God has! for then the salvation of this poor man would be certain.
It has seemed best to me, Father Procurator, to relate this in order
that it may be known that this man, however much people undertake
to say against him (much of which will be false), met a Christian
and Catholic death. And I say further that, although his passions
hurried him on to do such outrageous and reckless things, they never
separated him from the [Christian] faith or the Catholic religion;
and therefore, whatever your Reverence can do to prevent those in
Madrid from believing what will be reported in this matter, do it,
for God's sake--in regard to the former [i.e., Bustamante's Christian
death], acquainting the father confessors with these facts. Moreover,
it is not right that such things [as are said against him] should
have influence, when the only result will be infamy for him and for
the six or seven children whom he has left behind.
On the other hand, it would seem to me desirable that his Majesty
command that in the residencia which will be taken of this poor man's
government there be no discussion of his personal character, or of
his proceedings which have not been injurious to others; and that
those which are such be considered only in so far as is necessary to
satisfy, so far as is possible, the injured party--or even, putting
all this aside, that action be taken only in regard to the goods
which at the time of his death might be found to be in his name,
secretly and through the agency of others, like those which he has in
the ship and patache which this year went to Nueva España. These are
going in the name of other persons, but on his account, and amount to
a great deal--so much, that if in Mejico the just, prompt, and honest
measures were taken to have these goods sold at the ordinary fair, like
the rest, and if the proceeds were safely deposited, and his Majesty
and the judge of his residencia here were notified of the amount thus
realized, I believe that with this alone the king, the bondsmen, and
the private persons who should prove themselves to be his legitimate
creditors could satisfy their claims against him. [Add to this] the
goods that may be found in his house, and those which may be on his
account from the coastwise commerce, in order that, when these are
converted into money, their just value may be distributed equitably,
according to the plan which is prescribed in matters of restitution
when there are many creditors.
This precaution will be very necessary in order to prevent many
difficulties which must follow from other charges [against him],
some being involved in others; and from these will result no greater
gain than disturbances in the community, mutual hatreds, the rise
of many falsehoods founded in malice, endless delay in ascertaining
the truth, relics of quarrels left for the future, the disappearance
and destruction of the aforesaid goods of the deceased which can be
obtained, and finally the destruction of the wealth of some persons
without any benefit to others. This is what I feel in Domino, having
considered matters coram ipso [i.e., "in His presence"], and near
at hand. Therefore, my fathers, there is nothing more expedient for
the service of the two Majesties and of souls than the measure of
burying in oblivion [hecharle tierra] all the rest concerning him,
especially the suits that he brought against others--since he cannot
have authority distinct from that which he must assume on account
of his office, as representing the king, and it was not for himself
that he demanded justice against the subjects whom he prosecuted,
for the good man proceeded against all who opposed him, as seditious
traitors--and this it is necessary to lay aside, for it is an intricate
affair and will become more so.
Also [I recommend] the approval of what was done in the formation
of the government and Audiencia that were organized after the fatal
event; for it did not seem that anything else could be done, either as
a matter of policy or in conscience, or that would be more agreeable
to the wishes of the king, in such circumstances, to do what was
right and prudent, without being declared presumptuous.
And who doubts, after reflecting on the event and its antecedent
circumstances (and, when one considers what human nature is, it seems
as if the event were the natural result of those circumstances)--or,
to speak more correctly, on the especial providence of God, and His
justice--that also it would be most expedient for the tranquillity of
this colony to bury in oblivion likewise the tumult and what occurred
in it; and that attention be paid only to taking such measures as
will be proper to prevent, so far as that shall be possible, the
occurrence of such troubles in the future--or at least not to leave
the future so exposed to peril from them?
But what [a task] will that be? Oh, holy God! there is no doubt that
it is very difficult. For, as the principal root of these tumultuous
excesses and quarrels--inextricable entanglements, which it is
impossible to clear up from Filipinas--[is the enormous distance]
at which the islands are from the court of their sovereign (who is
the one who must supply suitable and timely measures), and this it
is impossible to get rid of; it consequently seems also impossible
that these regions can ever be protected from difficulties of this
sort. The only thing, then, that seems possible is, that these be
prevented by a method which will in some way supply the nearness of
the sovereign which is necessary for preventing check, in order that
they may not occur with such them in time; or that will establish
some sort of facility.
But what can this be? I suppose that the politicians will plan the
matter much better; but I say in the Lord that I do not find any more
convenient way than to establish at this very time an ordinance which,
with the royal authority, shall serve to prevent in time the principal
difficulties, those which bring on the rest.
Here, my father, the governor takes away and establishes, gives,
commands, unmakes and makes, more despotically than does the king
himself; and more, in himself he would join in one the royal and the
pontifical authority. Royal decrees are not sufficient; for either he
hides them, or he does not fulfil them as he ought. The Audiencia does
not serve [as a check] on him, for he suppresses and he establishes
it, when and how he pleases; nor do other bodies, whether chapters or
[religious] communities, whether military or civil; for he does the
same thing [with them]. And never do there lack pretexts for doing
thus, even though such bodies are appointed by the king; and with
the pretext that account of the matter has already been rendered
to Madrid, what he has begun remains permanently done, or else he
proceeds to change it, as seems good to him.
Assuming this, [it would be best] to maintain here a council,
which would be stable and permanent, and to whom, as being supreme,
all the decrees and despatches of the king should come addressed,
the council distributing these as might be required. No failure
in the entire fulfilment of the despatches and decrees of the king
should be allowed, save with the agreement of this council; and the
governor should not be authorized to appoint or remove officials,
or hinder them in the performance of their duties, whether civil or
military; they should be appointed by the king, as now are the chief
and principal ones, the auditors and fiscal. For the citizens there
should be six or eight perpetual regidors, from whom should be elected,
according to custom, their alcaldes-in-ordinary. [The king should also
appoint] the royal officials who belong to the royal treasury; and,
of military officers, the two wardens of the castle in this city and
that at Cavite de la Punta, the master-of-camp of the Manila garrison,
the sargento-mayor of the plaza, and the lieutenant-general or the
general of the artillery. Even if the cause were, in the opinion of
the governor, so pressing and evident that he demanded the arrest
or suspension of any one of these whom I have mentioned, without
waiting for the decision from Madrid, he should not do so without
giving account to the said council, or without its consent; and if the
case were so urgent that it should be necessary to arrest any one of
those persons before giving account to the said council, such account
should be furnished immediately afterward--by the governor, or, if he
cannot do it, by the fiscal of his Majesty; and, if neither of them
do it, the president of the said council, when he learns of the facts
(in whatever manner he may obtain such knowledge), shall demand that
he be given the motive and cause for the decision reached with the
official who is imprisoned or banished, or deprived of the exercise
of his office, in order that his council, when informed of the case,
may take action. If the decision of the council is contrary to the
resolution made by the governor, the official shall continue in the
exercise of his functions until the final decision shall come from
Madrid. And if perchance the governor disobey this rule, and do not
render account of the motive and cause which has influenced him to
take that course with the officer whom he is treating as a criminal,
the president of the council, with its advice, is authorized to
replace, and shall do so, the said official in the exercise of his
office. In this particular, all the other officials of the king,
and his soldiers, must obey this president, and not the governor,
under such penalties as his Majesty shall see fit to impose upon them.
Item: If any one of these persons appointed by the king fail to act,
by either death or any other accident, another person shall not be
appointed in his place by the governor alone, but he shall do so
jointly with the auditors and military officers above mentioned,
if the ad interim appointment is to a military post; and if it is
municipal, the electors shall be the governor, the auditors, and
the other regidors. If the appointment is that of a royal treasury
official, [he shall be chosen] by the remaining members of that body,
with the governor and the auditors--among whom I include, for all the
elections, the fiscal of his Majesty--and the person who receives the
most votes shall be chosen; and in case the votes are divided among
two or more, the lot shall decide. He who is thus elected shall remain
as a substitute in the vacant post until the king shall appoint a
proprietary incumbent, and shall possess the same privileges as the
others have, besides that of continuing under the protection of the
said royal council.
As for those who might compose this council, I cannot find any who
would be better--in order that it might be durable, and most free
from prejudice; and that its proceedings might be most prudent and
reasonable, judicious and learned--than the following: for president,
the archbishop of Manila, and in his absence the dean of the holy
cathedral church of Manila; for its members, the dean, in case he is
not president--and, if he act in that post, in his place shall come in
the senior prebend, by vote of those in the council; and besides these,
the doctoral prebend of the same church, and the rectors and prefects
(or the regents) of the two universities, Santo Domingo and that of
the Society, or those who shall take the place of all these. Those who
occupy the chairs of Institutes [47] and laws in the university (which
have been recently established) shall not have place in this council,
for I do not know whether they will be permanent; and because, even if
they are so, these professors must be included in the number of those
who are under the protection of the said council, as being officials
appointed by the king and subjects of the government here. The decision
of the members of this council must go out in the name of the whole
body, and will be that which shall receive the most votes from the six
councilors; and in case of disagreement among them the decision will be
that to which their president shall agree, out of those proposed in the
council--each one of these councilors giving his opinion in writing,
which opinion must be a decisive vote, and not merely consultory.
And because the chief mate [capitan maestre] of the galleon is the one
who has charge of the royal mails, it would seem desirable, in order
to make sure that this official conducts himself with entire fidelity
in surrendering them to the said council, that he who is chosen for
that post shall [not] be selected altogether by the governor, but
must be approved by the council, as protector of the royal decrees
and officials of Filipinas, which is the sole employment that the said
council will have. Thus that official, once he is chosen and approved,
must remain under the protection and jurisdiction of the said council
until he has fulfilled his commission.
And because this council will remain entirely free from the possibility
of being disturbed by the governor, and because the most scandalous
controversies which have occurred in these islands have proceeded from
the abuse of the royal prerogatives, the governor with the Audiencia
seeking by force to deprive the archbishop and the ecclesiastical
judges of the secular revenues--for sometimes they overstep the
bounds in the essential part, and in other cases exceed the limits
immoderately in their mode of procedure--it would be expedient and
even necessary for his Majesty to forbid them to do so, and deprive
them of authority to enforce that. They should be allowed only to ask
for it, and, having given information of it to his Majesty, await his
royal decision in order that that may be accomplished, in reality and
in the mode of procedure, which always will be just and reasonable,
and carried out to the letter, as his Majesty shall ordain for the
service of God and for his own.
In this manner my poor mind has planned, having considered these
matters in the Lord, in order that some means may be employed to
make up for the distance [from Madrid], and to place some check on
the despotic sway which, on account of the distance, the governors of
these islands possess; for, as I said above, not only do they act more
despotically than could the king and the pope if those rulers were
at the same time united in one being, but also they are the whole
[government] and all the offices, since every one must do and does
only what the governor desires, with reference to the offices which
the king entrusts to him.
It is clear that, for the object that is desired, that which will
contribute most of all is the judicious choice of the governor and
the other officials, [who should be] worthy, upright, unprejudiced,
disinterested, having the fear of God, and zealous for His honor
and the service of the king--as well as for their own honor, which
is established by this very effort. But qui sunt hi, et laudavimus
eos? [48] I see it, forsooth. On this I will only say that the
governor in any case should be a soldier, honorable and experienced,
to whom the government is given on account of his merits; and not
one who may be a merchant or trader. Still less should he be one who
has secured the post of governor with money, and not with merits. [In
order to secure] for the other officials men worthy by their merits,
fitted for their positions, having the fear of Cod, and honorable,
an important means, without doubt, is care in their selection.
I see that your Reverences will tell me that I am tiring myself
uselessly, and that nothing of this concerns me. This may all be true,
but I believe that in the presence of God this my labor will have, if
not reward, at least excuse, since I have undertaken it With an aim to
the welfare of the souls in these islands, and to the progress in them
of our holy faith, [objects] which are hindered by misgovernment here.
In regard to the other matters [here], I know that every one is
sending in accounts of them, and I am sure that each one will
give such information as he feels is true; as for all those who
are doing this officially, who shall say that they will not report
according to what is right, and with weighty arguments? I, at least,
cannot persuade myself to think otherwise; for all the said persons I
regard as truthful and God-fearing men. The one with whom I am better
acquainted than with any of the others is Don Francisco Fernandez
Toribio, an auditor, and now fiscal, and a [university] professor of
the Institutes; and I can at once inform you that what he may say
can be believed, that it is his own opinion, and that in saying it
he will be governed more by reason than by prejudice. He is a man
indeed, since he is so good, upright, disinterested, God-fearing,
and truly honorable; and although he and others like him would be
good for these places, yet they are not good for men of this sort. God
preserve your Reverence for many years, as I desire. Manila, November
19, 1719. The humble servant of your Reverence, etc.,