"To his regret he saw large numbers of the European immigrants

tarrying in the Atlantic cities, where want, sickness, and crime,

beset their path, and he became deeply interested in giving to

this worth population the more healthful and vigorous direction

of the West. . . . Articles were prepared and published, setting

forth the attractions of the country. . . . An immense

correspondence, with persons in this country and in Europe,

resulted from the well-known interest Bishop Loras took in these

subjects. . . . He undertook the settlement of colonies. . . .

Germans in New Vienna, in 1846 . . . Irish on the Big-Maquokety.

. . . He organized them in congregations and commenced in person

the work of building for them churches. . . . establishing

schools and academies, laboring for the temporal and eternal

welfare of the people."

Thus did the tide of Catholic population begin to flow into Iowa

and Minnesota, to be brought under the influence of the Church

as soon as it arrived.

Meanwhile associations were being formed in the East, in New

York chiefly, for the purpose of inducing Irishmen to go west as

far as Illinois, and the Territories west of the Mississippi.

Several zealous clergymen placed themselves at the head of the

movement. Their main object was to rescue the Catholic

immigrants from the dangers surrounding them in large cities,

and to make farmers of them. We have seen why these plans,

though prompted by the best intentions, failed to succeed; their

immediate effect was to give a fresh impetus to the great

movement westward, and, by relieving the Atlantic coast of a

sudden excess of population, to extend the Church along the line

marked out by Providence toward the coast of the Pacific.

At the same time, on the very shores of that vast ocean,

California was receiving directly from Europe large detachments

of the voluntary exiles who were then leaving Ireland in a

compact body in the full tide of the "Exodus." The Catholic

Church was thus early taking up a commanding position at the

extreme point whither the main "army" was tending, and soon to

arrive with the completion of the great Pacific Railroad.

The following extract, taken from the "Life of Bishop Loras,"

will be sufficient to give an idea of the rapid increase of the

Catholic population in the West, in consequence of the workings

of so many agencies employed by God's providence for his own

holy ends:

"In 1855, the Catholic population of Iowa increased one hundred

and fifty per centum in a single year. It seems almost

incredible to relate, that the churches and stations, provided

for their accommodation, increased in the same time nearly one

hundred per centum. The Catholic population reported in 1855 was

twenty thousand, and the churches and stations fifty-two; the

Catholic population in 1856 was rated at forty-nine thousand,

and the churches and stations at ninety-seven.

"Bishop Loras commenced his episcopate (in 1837) with one church,

one priest, and the only Catholic population reported, that of

Dubuque, was three hundred. In 1851, Minnesota was taken from

his diocese, yet in 1858, the year of his death, the diocese of

Dubuque alone possessed one hundred and seven priests, one

hundred and two churches and stations, and a Catholic population

of fifty-five thousand."

There can be little doubt that, if similar statistics were drawn

up for all the Western States of the Union during a

corresponding period, they would give very similar results; and

it is only by reflecting and pondering over such astonishing

facts as these, that the mind can come to grasp the idea of the

magnitude of the work assigned by Providence to the Irish race.

This, we have no hesitation in saying, will form one of the most

remarkable features of the future ecclesiastical history of the

age, and will appear the more clearly when all the consequences

of this stupendous movement shall stand out fully developed, so

as to strike the eyes of all.

It may be well to reflect a moment upon the activity displayed

by that zealous hive of busy immigrants, who, soon after landing,

when the thoughts of other men would have been exclusively and,

as men would think, naturally, occupied by the thousand

necessities arising from a new establishment on a foreign soil--

while not neglecting those necessities--found time to enter

heart and soul into projects set on foot everywhere for buying

up landed property, making contracts with builders, supervising

the work already going on, attending above all to the collection

of money, forming lists of subscribers to that end, visiting

round about for the same purpose, and attending to the

fulfilment of promises sometimes made too hastily, or with too

sanguine an expectation of being able to accomplish what in the

future was never realized to the extent expected.

But, much sooner than might have been hoped, the desire, so

congenial to the Catholic heart, of beholding more suitable

dwellings erected to the honor of God and to the reception of

his Divine presence, was fulfilled, or aroused, rather, in a

quarter least expected, and consequently more in accordance with

the (to man) mysterious ways of Providence. The sudden increase

of the Church in England, in consequence of remarkable

conversions and principally of the little-remarked flow of

emigrants thither from the sister isle, induced some pious and

wealthy English Catholics, now that they found themselves free

to follow their inclinations unmolested, to devote their means

to the construction of churches worthy of the name. The splendid

structures, now the lifeless monuments of the old faith, which

their fathers had raised, rested in the hands of the spoiler,

and they could not worship, save privately and inwardly, at the

shrine of Thomas of Canterbury, or before the tomb of Edward the

Confessor. Yet were their eyes ever afflicted with the presence

of those noble edifices, that resembled the solemn tombs of a

buried faith, yet still cast their lofty spires heavenward,

while the structure beneath them covered acres of ground with

the most profuse and elaborate architecture. They looked around

them for a builder, who might raise them such again. But there

was none to be found capable of conceiving, much less building

such vast fabrics as the old churches, which owed their

existence not to the ingenuity of a designer, but to the

inspired enthusiasm of a living faith. Nevertheless, a man, full

of energy and reverence and love for the beauty of the house of

God, came forward at the very moment he was wanted. Welby Pugin

soon became known to the world, and was still in the full vigor

of his enterprising life, when all over the American Continent

the immigrants were engaged in satisfying the first cravings of

their hearts, and covering the country with unpretending

edifices crowned, at least, by the symbol of salvation. Among

them arrived pupils of Pugin, who speedily found Irish hearts to

respond to theirs, and Irish purses ready to carry their designs

into execution.

There is no need of going into details. Puritan New England even

has seen its chief cities one by one adorned with true temples

of God, and its small towns embellished by stone edifices

devoted to Catholic worship, their form pleasing to the eye, and

their interior spacious enough, at least temporarily, for the

constantly-increasing congregations. But perhaps the most

remarkable result of all has been the sudden zeal which sprang

up among the sectarians themselves, who had hitherto expressed

such contempt for any thing of the kind, of outstripping the

Catholics in Christian architecture. They have even gone so far

as to discover that the cross, the emblem of man's salvation, is

not such a very inappropriate ornament, after all, to the summit

of a Christian temple, and that the statues of angels and of

saints are possessed of a certain beauty. So that what in their

eyes hitherto had borne the semblance of idolatry--such,

according to themselves, was their way of looking at it--

suddenly became an aesthetic feeling, if not an act of true

devotion.

And, singularly enough, it was just at the time when the

erection of so many episcopal sees necessitated the building of

cathedrals, that the thought, natural to the Catholic heart, of

making the house of God a place of beauty and magnificence,

could begin to be realized by the arrival of true artists and

the increasing wealth of the Catholic body.

It is in the true Church only that the meaning of a cathedral

can be fully grasped. Those sects which acknowledge no bishops

and deride the title certainly can form no conception of it, and

even those who imagine that they have a bishop at their head,

have so little idea of what are true episcopal functions, of the

greatness of the position which a see occupies, of the

importance of the place where it is established, that in their

eyes the pretended dignitary can scarcely rank much higher,

either in position or degree, than a wealthy parish minister,

and the church wherein "his lordship" officiates is very much

the same as an ordinary parish church. If in England a show of

dignitaries is attached to each of those establishments, it is

merely a form well calculated to impress the solemn Anglo-Saxon

character; but even that very form would scarcely have existed

were it not one of those few semblances of the Catholic reality

which the wily founders of the Protestant religion found it

convenient to retain for the purpose hinted at. The Catholic

Church alone can understand what a cathedral ought to be.

This is not the occasion to enter upon an explanation of all the

meanings and uses of a cathedral, least of all to penetrate the

sublime mystical significance embodied in its conception. Here

it is enough to insist upon the least important, yet most

sensible and more easily-recognized object of the building,

which is, not simply the seat of honor of the first pastor of

the diocese, who is a successor of the apostles, but likewise

the place of adoration and sacrifice common to all the faithful

of the diocese. Strictly speaking, no special congregation is

attached to it; but it is the spiritual home of all the faithful;

its doors are open to all the congregations of that part. There

the common father resides and officiates; there his voice is

generally to be heard; there he is to be found surrounded by all

those whose duty it is to assist him in his sublime functions.

When he appears in any parish church, the clergy of that special

temple are his only attendants, unless others flock thither to

do him honor. But the cathedral is his fixed seat and permanent

abode; there the appointed dignitaries of the diocese find their

allotted places, and there alone are his officers permanently

attached to him by their functions.

Hence it is the cardinal church upon which the whole spiritual

edifice called the diocese is hinged. Therefore is it the

natural resort of the whole flock, as well as of the pastor

himself. This will explain the vastness of those edifices which

strike us with wonder in old established Catholic countries. In

accordance with their primitive intention and purpose, there

should be in them standing and kneeling room for all who have a

right to enter there; and it is purely on account of the

impossibility of exactly fulfilling this intent that the edifice

is allowed to be built smaller. We are thus enabled to

understand why the great temple which is the centre-spot of

Catholic worship can contain only fifty thousand worshippers at

a time, and why many other sacred edifices consecrated to

episcopal functions can find room for no more than twenty or

thirty thousand.

But even those structures, which strike with wonder the puny

minds of this "advanced" age, have consumed centuries in their

construction, and the number and the faith of those who raised

them were, we may say, exceptional in the life of the Church.

There were no dissenters in those days; and, as all were

possessed of a firm faith, all labored with a common will and

contributed with a common pleasure to their construction.

Times having changed for the worse, the same ardor and

generosity could not be looked for; but something at least was

required which should give some idea of the old, splendor and

vastness. So, throughout all the new dioceses projects were set

on foot for raising real cathedrals, which should quite

overshadow the buildings hitherto known by that name.

Thus, a cathedral was promised to New York City, three hundred

and thirty feet in length, and one hundred and seventy-two in

breadth across the transept; while that of Philadelphia was soon

completed, and all might gaze on the massive and majestic

edifice, by the side of which every other public building in a

city containing eight hundred thousand souls appeared dwarfish

and unsubstantial. Boston was soon to behold within its walls a

Catholic cathedral, three hundred and sixty-four feet long, and

one hundred and forty broad in the transept, though the same

diocese was already filled with large stone churches, built

solely by the resources of the immigrants.

The Archbishop of New York, when preaching the sermon at the

laying of the foundation-stone of this edifice in 1867, was able

to say in the presence of many who might have borne personal

testimony to the truth of his words: "There are those most

probably within the sound of my voice who can remember when

there was but one Catholic church in Boston, and when that

sufficed, or had to suffice, not alone for this city, but for

all New England; and how is it now? Churches and institutions

multiplied, and daily continuing to multiply on every side, in

this city, throughout this State, in all or nearly all the

cities and States of New England; so that at this day no portion

of our country is enriched with them in greater proportionate

number, none where they have grown up to a more flourishing

condition, none where finished with more artistic skill, or

presenting monuments of more architectural taste and beauty."

Had any one predicted this to the good and gifted Bishop

Cheverus, when leaving America for France, he might perhaps have

not refused altogether to believe or hope for it, but he would

certainly have pronounced it a real and undoubted miracle of God,

to happen within a century.

But the Archbishop of New York, in that same sermon, pointed out

the true cause, when he attributed it to "God's blessing," and

to "the never-ceasing tide of immigration that has been and

still continues to be setting toward the American shores."

The history of the Church certainly contains many a page where

the traces of the finger of God are clearly marked; nay, we may

say that such traces are apparent throughout, as we know that

God alone could have originated, spread out, supported,

multiplied, and perpetuated the Church through all the centuries

of her existence; but it is doubtful if in all her annals a

single page shows where the action of Providence is more clearly

visible, as it was least expected, than in the few facts just

cursorily and briefly enumerated.

Yet have we mentioned only a part of the work to which the poor

immigrants were called to contribute immediately after their

arrival, and at the vastness of which they never murmured nor

lost heart, as though a greater burden had been laid upon them

than human shoulders could endure.

The worship of God and the care of souls were the first things

to be attended to, and, with these, other necessary objects were

not to be neglected. There was the care of the poor, whom the

Church of Christ was the first public body to think of relieving;

the tending of the sick in hospitals, where their own clergy

might not only have access, but where it should be made sure

that the management be one of true Christian charity and

tenderness; the orphan children, always so numerous under

circumstances like those of the present, were to be saved from

falling into the hands of sectarians, and being educated by them,

as were formerly the Catholic wards, in hatred of their own

faith, and of the customs, habits, and modes of thought of their

ancestors. This last great and incalculable source of loss to

the Church was to be put a stop to at once, if not completely--

for that was then impossible--at least as perfectly as zeal,

generosity, and true love of souls, could effect. All these

works required money, an incalculable amount; as it was not in a

single city, not in a small particular State, but throughout the

whole Union, through as many cities as it contains, that the

undertaking was to be straightway set on foot and simultaneously

acted upon.

Nor was the question one of the erection of buildings merely,

but also of the support of an immense number of inmates, and of

their constant support without a single day's intermission. Who

can calculate the sums required for such immediate and most

pressing needs?

In a nation where Christianity has been long established, taxes

imposed upon all for the constructing, repairing, maintaining,

and carrying on so many and such large establishments are easily

collected. For all are bound by law to contribute to such

purposes, and the question generally reduces itself merely to a

continuance of the support of institutions long standing, and

which can be no longer in need of the large disbursements

necessary at the first period of their existence. But here it

was a question of providing, without any other law than that of

love, without the help of any other tax-gatherer than the

voluntary collector, for all those necessities at once,

including the vast outlays requisite for the first establishment

of those institutions, and imposing, by that very act, the

necessity and duty of supporting forever all the inmates

gathered together at the cost of so much care and expense,

within those walls consecrated to religion and charity. The

government had no share whatever in it; too happy were they at

the government interposing no obstacle to its carrying out! That

was all they asked for on its part--non-interference.

On this subject, Mr. Maguire remarks justly, without, however,

bringing the matter of expenditure into sufficient prominence:

"For the glorious Church of America many nations have done their

part. The sacred seed first planted by the hand of the

chivalrous Spaniard has been watered by the blood of the

generous Gaul; to the infant mission the Englishman brought his

steadfastness and resolution, the Scotchman, in the northeast,

his quiet firmness, . . . the Irishman his faith, the ardor of

his faith. And, as time rolled on, and wave after wave of

immigration brought with it more and more of the precious life-

blood of Europe, from no country was there a richer contribution

of piety and zeal, of devotion and self-sacrifice, than from

that advanced outpost of the Old World, whose western shores

first break the fury of the Atlantic; to whose people Providence

appears to have assigned a destiny grand and heroic--of carrying

the civilization of the Cross to remote lands and distant

nations. What Ireland has done for the American Church, every

bishop, every priest, can tell. Throughout the vast extent of

the Union there is scarcely a church, an academy, a hospital, or

a refuge, in which the piety, the learning, the zeal, the self-

sacrifice, of the Irish--of the priest or the professor, of the

Sisters of every order or denomination--are not to be traced;

there is scarcely an ecclesiastical seminary for English-

speaking students in which the great majority of those now

preparing for the service of the sanctuary do not belong, if not

by birth, at least by blood, to that historic land to which the

grateful Church of past ages accorded the proud title, Insula

Sanctorum."

To this may be added the remark that it is still further beyond

doubt that all the establishments mentioned, almost without one

exception, owe their existence, at least partially, and very

often entirely, to the generous and never-failing contributions

of the Irish.

The Rev. C. G. White, in his "Sketch of the Origin and Progress

of the Catholic Church in the United States of America," which

is appended to the translation of Darras's "History of the

Catholic Church," says still more positively:

"In recording this consoling advancement of Catholicity

throughout the United States, especially in the North and West,

justice requires us to state that it is owing in a great measure

to the faith, zeal, and generosity of the Irish people who have

immigrated to these shores, and their descendants. We are far

from wishing to detract from the merit of other nationalities;

but the vast influence which the Irish population has exerted in

extending the domain of the Church is well deserving of notice,

because it conveys a very instructive lesson. The wonderful

history of the Irish nation has always forced upon us the

conviction that, like the chosen generation of Abraham (previous

to their rejection of the Messiah, of course), they were

destined, in the designs of Providence, to a special mission for

the preservation and propagation of the true faith. This faith,

so pure, so lovely, so generous, displays itself in every region

of the globe. To its vitality and energy must we attribute, to a

very great extent, the rapid increase in the number of churches

and other institutions which have sprung up and are still

springing up in the United States, and to the same source are

the clergy mainly indebted for their support in the exercise of

their pastoral ministry. It cannot be denied, and we bear a

cheerful testimony to the fact, that hundreds of clergymen, who

are laboring for the salvation of souls, would starve, and their

efforts for the cause of religion would be in vain, but for the

generous aid they receive from the children of Erin, who know,

for the most part, how to appreciate the benefits of religion,

and who therefore joyfully contribute of their worldly means to

purchase the spiritual blessings which the Church dispenses."

To this we may add that what Mr. White so expressly states of

the generous support given by the Irish people to the clergy is

equally true when extended to the thousand inmates of orphan

asylums, reformatories, schools, convents, and of all the

charitable institutions generally which are specially fostered

by the Church for the common good of humanity. To quote only one

fact recorded in a note to Mr. Maguire's book, a Sister of Mercy

tells us what the Irish working-class has done for the order in

Cincinnati: "The convent, schools, and House of Mercy, in which

the good works of our Institute are progressing, were purchased

in 1861 at a considerable outlay. This, together with the

repairs, alterations, furnishing, etc., was defrayed by the

working-class of Irish people, who have been and are to us most

devoted, and by their generosity have enabled us up to the

present time to carry out successfully our works of mercy and

charity."

It may be stated, without fear of contradiction, that the same

thing might be asserted by the superior of almost every Catholic

establishment in the country, were an opportunity afforded them

of coming forward in like manner.

All this is well known to those who are in the least acquainted

with the history and workings of those institutions; but very

little noise is made about it, according to the rule of the

Gospel which recommends us to do good in such a manner that "the

left hand may not know what the right hand doeth." Nothing is

more Christian than such silent approval, and the eternal reward,

which must follow, is so overwhelmingly great that the applause

of the world may well be disregarded. But as constant good

offices are apt to beget indifference in those who benefit most

by them, there are not wanting some good people who seem to

labor under the impression that really the Irish deserve

scarcely any thanks; that every thing which they do comes so

naturally from them, it is only what one could expect as a

matter of course, and that, it being nothing more, after all,

than their simple duty, it becomes a very ordinary thing.

It may be superfluous to say that if all this was expected from

them, and if it be, as it really is, after all only a very

ordinary thing on _their_ part, this fact is precisely what

makes them a most extraordinary people, as expectations of this

nature which may be most natural are of that peculiar kind of

"great expectations" magnificent in prospect, but very delusive

in fact; and certainly they would not be looked for as a matter

of course in any other nation. Let any one reflect on the few

details here furnished, let him add others from his own

information, and the whole thing will appear, as it truly is,

most wonderful, and only to be explained by the great and

merciful designs of God, as Dr. White has just indicated--

designs intrusted on this occasion to faithful servants whose

generous hearts and pure souls opened up to the mission

intrusted to them, to its glorious fulfilment so far, and to a

greater unfolding still in time to come.

In order to understand, as ought to be understood, more fully

the weight of the burden they so cheerfully undertook to bear, a

few reflections on the subject of religious and charitable

institutions will not be considered out of place.

The Romans--those master-organizers, who reduced to a perfect

system every branch of government, legislation, war, and

religion--never abandoned, never intrusted to the initiative of

the people, the care of providing the means for any thing which

the state ought to supply. The public religious establishments

were all endowed, the colleges of the priests enjoyed large

revenues, and the expenses of worship were supplied from the

same source. To the fisc in general belonged the duty of

supporting the armories, the courts of law, and the large

establishments provided for the comfort and instruction of the

people, the baths, libraries, and regular amusements. The

private munificence of emperors, great patricians, and

conquerors, undertook to supply occasional shows of an

extraordinary character in the theatres, amphitheatre, and the

circus.

There was no room left for charity in the whole plan. Indeed,

the meaning of that word was unknown to them; for it cannot be

properly applied to the regular distribution of money or cereals

to the plebs; as this was one of those generosities which are

necessary, and was only practised in order to keep the lower

orders of citizens in idle content and out of mischief, as you

would a wild animal which you dare not chain: you must feed

him. The really poor, the saves, the maimed, the helpless, were

left to their hard fate, they being apparently unworthy of pity

because they excited no fear.

Yet the system was fruitful in its results. As soon as

Christianity was seated on the throne, nothing was easier than

to transfer the immense sums contributed by regular funds, or

which were the product of taxes, from one object to another; and

thus the Christian clergy and churches were supported as had

been the colleges and temples of the pagan priests, by the

revenues derived from large estates attached to the various

corporations. Thus did Constantine and his successors become the

munificent benefactors of the Church in Rome and through-out the

whole empire.

Meanwhile, the 11 collections of money" among the faithful,

which were first organized, as we read in the epistles of the

apostles, and afterward systematized still better in Rome under

the first popes, soon grew into disuse, at least to the extent

to which they once prevailed; the new charitable institutions,

such as the care of the poor, of widows and orphans, being under-

taken by the Church at large, while the expenses of the whole

were defrayed by the revenues accruing from the donations of

princes, or the bequests of wealthy Christians.

The consequence was that, throughout the whole Christian world,

all religious, literary, and charitable institutions enjoyed

large revenues, and there was no need of applying to the

generosity of the common people for contributions.

After the successful invasion of the barbarians, the same system

held good; and history records how richly endowed were the

churches built, the monasteries founded, the universities and

colleges opened, by the once ferocious Franks, Germans, or

Northmen even, tamed and subdued by the precepts and practices

of Christianity.

We know how the immense wealth, which had been devoted to such

holy purposes by the wise generosity of rulers or rich nobles,

became in course of time an eyesore and object of envy to the

worldly, and that the chief incentive to the `~ Reformers" for

doing their work of 11 reformation" thoroughly was the prospect

of the golden harvest to be reaped by the destruction of the

Catholic Church.

But the very large amounts required to satisfy the aspirations

introduced into the heart of humanity, by the religion of Christ,

may give us an adequate idea of what Christian civilization

really costs. It is foolish to imagine a sane man really

believing that those generous founders of pious institutions,

who devote by gift or bequest, such large estates and revenues

to the various

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We cannot afford to transfer any more of his experiences among

the Irish. From all his accounts, they are the same in London as

everywhere else, most firmly attached to Catholicity, and, as a

general rule, most exemplary in the performance of their

religious obligations.

It is fitting, however, to give the conclusion of a long

description of what he saw among them while visiting them in the

company of a clergyman: "The religious fervor of the people whom

I saw was intense. At one house that I entered, the woman set me

marvelling at the strength of her zeal, by showing me how she

continued to have in her sitting-room a sanctuary to pray every

night and morning, and even during the day when she felt weary

and lonesome."

II. Passing from religion to morality, let us look at this

writer again: "Only one-tenth, at the outside, of the couples

living together and carrying on the costermongering trade (among

the English) are married. . . . Of the rights of legitimate or

illegitimate children, the English costermongers understand

nothing, and account it a mere waste of money to go through the

ceremony of wedlock, when a pair can live together, and be quite

as well regarded by their fellows without it. The married women

associate with the unmarried mothers of families without scruple.

There is no honor attached to the married state and no shame to

concubinage.

"As regards the fidelity of these women, I was assured that in

any thing like good times they were rigidly faithful to their

paramours; but that, in the worst pinch of poverty, a departure

from this fidelity--if it provided a few meals or a fire--was

not considered at all heinous."

Further details may be read in the book quoted from, which would

scarcely come well in these pages, though quite appropriate to

the most interesting work in which they appear. From the whole,

it is only too clear that the class of people referred to is

profoundly immoral and corrupt, their very poverty only

hindering them from indulging in an excess of libertinism.

On the other hand, when Mr. Mayhew speaks of the street Irish in

London, he is most emphatic in his praise of the purity of the

women in particular, and the care of the parents in general to

preserve the virtue of their daughters, in the midst of the

frightful corruption ever under their eyes. The only remark he

passes of a disparaging character is the following:

"I may here observe"--referring to the statement that Irish

parents will not expose their daughters to the risk of what they

consider corrupt influences--"that, when a young Irish woman

_does_ break through the pale of chastity, she often becomes, as

I was assured, one of the most violent and depraved of, perhaps,

the most depraved class."

It is evident, from the mere form in which this phrase is put,

that such a thing is of very rare occurrence, and that the

violence and depravity spoken of offer all the stronger contrast

to the general purity of the whole class, and are merely the

result of the open and unreserved character of the race.

But the whole world knows that chastity is the rule, and perhaps

the most special virtue of the Irish, a fact which their worst

enemies have been compelled to confess. In this same work of Mr.

Mayhew's a still more surprising fact than the last--for that is

acknowledged by all--is brought into astonishing prominence; a

fact opposed to the general opinion of their friends even, and

yet supported by incontrovertible evidence. It relates to

another contrast between the English and Irish costermongers on

the score of temperance.

III. The result arrived at by his inquiries among liquor-dealers

in that part of London inhabited by about equal numbers of both

nationalities, Mr. Mayhew gives us as twenty to one in favor of

the Irish with respect to the consumption of liquor. In most

"independent," that is to say, "not impoverished" Irish families,

water is the only beverage at dinner, with punch afterward; and

estimating the number of teetotallers, among the English at

three hundred, there are six hundred among the Irish, who

constitute, it may be remembered, only one-third of the whole

costermonger class, and those Irish teetotallers, having taken

the pledge under the sanction of their priests, look upon it as

a religious observance and keep it rigidly. The number of Irish

teetotallers has been considerably increased since Mr. Mayhew

made his returns, in consequence of the energetic crusade

entered upon against drink by the zealous London clergy, under

the powerful lead of Archbishop Manning.

It is true that an innkeeper told Mr. Mayhew that "he would

rather have twenty poor Englishmen drunk in his tap-room than a

couple of poor Irishmen, who will quarrel with anybody, and

sometimes clear the room." But this remark, if it shows any

thing, shows only how and why the Irish have obtained that

reputation of being a nation of drunkards, which is slanderous

and false.

IV. Yet another, and perhaps as surprising a result as any, is

the contrast between both classes of people with respect to

economy and foresight: The English street-sellers are found

everywhere spending all their income in the satisfaction often

of brutish appetites; the Irish, on the contrary, save their

money, either for the purpose of transmitting it to their poor

relatives in Ireland, or bringing up their children properly, or-

-if they are young--to provide for their marriage-expenses and

home. Such cares as these never seem to afflict the English

costermonger. So strongly did Mr. Mayhew find these

characteristics marked among the Irish, that he is at times

inclined to accuse them of carrying them too far, even to the

display of a sordid and parsimonious spirit. According to him,

they apply to the various "unions," or to the parish, even when

they have money, or sometimes go with wretched food, dwelling,

or clothing, in order to have a small fund laid by, in case of

any emergency arising.

But the general result of his observations is clear: that the

Irish are most provident and far-seeing; a surprising statement,

doubtless, to the generality of Mr. Mayhew's readers, but one

which, after all, only accords with the testimony of many

unexceptionable witnesses of their life in other countries. And,

if in England, in London especially, they at times appear sordid

in their economy, is not this the very natural result of the

misery they had previously endured in their own impoverished

land, and therefore a proof that, at least, they have profited

by the terrible ordeals through which they were compelled to

pass?

We have spoken only of the Irish in London; the same facts are

most probably true of them in all the large cities of Great

Britain. Unfortunately, Mr. Mayhew's most interesting work has

found no imitators in other parts of the kingdom. F. Perraud's

remarks, however, in his "Ireland under English Rule," extend

almost over the whole country.

After giving his own experience, and that of many others whom he

had consulted, or whose works he had read; after having set

forth the dangers which beset the Irish in that (to them) "most

foreign country"--England--and also the success which had

attended the labors of many proselytizing agents among them, and

even in some cases the progress of immorality in their midst

resulting from the innumerable seductions to which they were

exposed, a success and a progress which Mr. Mayhew's personal

observation would lead us to think the good father has

exaggerated, he concludes as follows:

"We must not overlook the fact that the Irish emigration to

England and Scotland produces in many individual cases results

which cannot be too deeply deplored.

"But there, also, as well as in America and Australia, through

the economy of an admirable providence, God makes use of those

Irish immigrants for the propagation and extension of the

Catholic faith in the midst of English and Scotch Protestantism.

What progress has not the Catholic religion made within the last

thirty years in England? And might not the Catholics say to

their separated brethren what Tertullian said to the Caesars of

the third century: 'Our religion is but of yesterday; and behold,

we fill your towns, your councils, your camps, your tribes,

your decuriae, the palace, the senate, the forum . . . . You

have persecuted us during centuries, and behold, we spring up

afresh from the blood of martyrs!'

"At the beginning of the reign of George III., England and

Scotland scarcely contained sixty thousand Catholics who had

remained true to the faith of their fathers. Their number in

1821 was, according to the official census, five hundred

thousand. In 1842, they were estimated at from two million to

two million five hundred thousand. At present (1864) they number

nearly four million, and of this total amount the single city of

London figures for more than two hundred and fifty thousand."

In a note he adds the following figures, furnished him by Dr.

Grant, the late Bishop of Southwark:

Total No. of Catholics. No. of Irish.

Manchester . . . . . . . . . . . 80,000 . . . . . . 60,000

Liverpool . . . . . . . . . . 130,000 . . . . . . 85,000

Birmingham . . . . . . . . . . . 30,000 . . . . . . 20,000

Preston . . . . . . . . . . . . . 24,000 . . . . . . 4,300

Wigan . . . . . . . . . . . 18,000 . . . . . . 6,000

Bolton . . . . . . . . . . . 12,000 . . . . . . 4,000

St. Helen's (Lancashire) . . . . 10,000 . . . . . . 6,000

Edinburgh . . . . . . . . . . . 50,000 . . . . . . 35,000

Glasgow . . . . . . . . . . 127,000 . . . . . . 90,000

"Finally, we must not forget that about one-half the army and

navy is composed of Irish Catholics.

"In 1792 England and Wales counted no more than thirty-five

chapels; in 1840 the number amounted to five hundred, among

which were vast and splendid churches, such as St. George's,

Southwark, and the Birmingham Cathedral. At present (1864) the

number is nearly one thousand.

"In connection with the movement of individual conversions,

which yearly brings within our ranks from those of Protestantism

the most upright, the sincerest, the best-disposed souls, the

Irish immigration in England is then destined to play an

important part in the so desirable return of that great island

to the faith which she received in the sixth century from St.

Gregory the Great and St. Austin of Canterbury," and, let us add,

from Aidan and his Irish monks of Lindisfarne and Iona, as

Montalembert has shown.

If we examine closely the figures just furnished by F. Perraud,

and consider that the number of Catholics in Great Britain was

only five hundred thousand in 1821, which, following his

calculation, mounted to four million in 1864, if we look closely

into the gradations of the increase marked in the various

censuses taken between those dates, we shall find that the Irish

immigration has indeed played a most important part in the

return of England toward Catholicity. We are surprised to find

that he seems to estimate the number of Irish in England at only

one million; there can be no doubt that they and their offspring

compose the majority of Catholics there, and that many of the

Englishmen who come back to the true faith are induced by their

example and influence, particularly among the lower orders, and

that the real work of the conversion of the English nation rests

in the hands of the Irish immigrants. Mr. Mayhew has informed us

of the disposition of the English costermongers on religious matters.

We have now examined the three great waves which bore the Irish

to foreign countries; the lesser streamlets, which wandered away

into other English colonies, may be dismissed, as to trace and

follow up their course would involve more time and trouble than

they really call for. We now see the Irish race disseminated in

large groups over many and vast territories; and, although the

home population has been considerably diminished by that great

exodus, and is now reduced to about five millions, nevertheless,

to count them as they are dispersed throughout the world, their

number is far higher than it has ever been before; and we now

proceed to offer some considerations tending to show the effects

of that vast emigration on the resurrection of the race, and on

the future progress of the country from which the race comes.

First, then, emigration has given Ireland and Irishmen an

importance in the eyes of the world which they and it would

never have acquired unless that emigration had taken place; so

that England, on whom in a great measure their future fate

depends, is now compelled to respect and render them justice;

and justice is all that is wanting to bring about their complete

resurrection.

In order to form a true idea on this point, it is necessary to

consider them in their twofold aspect, as emigrants to the

United States, residing under and citizens of a government

distinct from that of England; and, secondly, in countries which

are under the control of Great Britain, one of these being

England itself.

In the Union they become for the greater part citizens of the

country which they have made their home, and the first condition

necessary for the obtaining of this right of citizenship is the

renunciation of all allegiance to their former English rulers.

The readiness and joy even with which they perform this task

need no mention. But, as Christians, the new obligations under

which they bind themselves involve something more than the mere

oath of allegiance; the spirit no less than the letter of the

oath prescribes that they acknowledge no other country as theirs

than that which offered them a refuge, and consequently, by the

very fact of becoming American citizens, they cease to be

Irishmen.

But their oath does not bind them to forget their former country,

as little as it forbids them to benefit it as far as lawfully

lies in their power. Far otherwise. Their new allegiance would

indeed be a poor thing if, in its very conception, it could only

bind hearts so cold as to renounce at once all affection for the

land of their birth, and banish in a day memories that the day

before were sacred. This is not required of them; and, were it,

they could never so understand their allegiance. They remain,

and justly, firmly attached to Ireland, and look anxiously for

any lawful occasion on which they may manifest their affection

by their acts.

Meanwhile, in their new country, position, influence, wealth,

consideration, often fall to their lot; their numbers swell, and

they become an important factor in the republic. Something of

the power wielded by the great nation of which they are now

citizens attaches to them, and shows them to the astonished gaze

of England under a totally new and unexpected aspect. In war,

the effect is most telling, and, even so far back as 1812, the

part played by "saucy Jack" Barry, for instance, already gave

rise to very grave considerations and forebodings on the part of

British statesmen. But, even in time of peace, the high position

held by many Irishmen in the United States, and the aggregate

voice of a powerful party, where every tongue has a vote, cannot

fail to tell advantageously on questions referring to their

former country.

Can it be imagined that this exercises no influence on the

treatment of Ireland by the ruling power? To afford a true

conception of the alteration brought about by Irish emigration,

suppose for an instant the ruling power using again its old

recklessness in abusing Ireland--not that we imagine the English

statesmen of to-day capable of such a thing and anxious to

restore what, happily, has passed away forever--but merely to

show the utter impossibility of such a contingency again arising,

suppose one of the old penal laws to be again enacted and

sanctioned by a British sovereign, what would the effect be on

the multitude of Irishmen now living in America? What,

independently of the Irish, would be the effect on all the

organs, worthy of the name, of public opinion in America? How

would the great majority of the members, not of Congress only,

but of the Legislature of each State, speak? Public opanion is

now the ruler of the world, and when public opinion declares

against a flagrant and crying injustice, its voice must be heard,

its mandate obeyed, and lawlessness cease. This extreme and, as

we believe, impossible example, is merely adduced as a proof of

the advantage which Ireland has reaped from the dispersion of

her scattered children--an advantage falling back on her own

head, in return, perhaps, for the mission they are working.

But, over and above the supposition of such an extreme case,

there is surely a silent power in the mere standing of millions

of free men who would resent, as done to themselves, a

recurrence of an attack on their old country. And there are,

beyond question, three millions of former Irishmen, citizens to-

day of the United States, on whom the glance of many an English

statesman, with any just pretension to the name, must fall.

Therefore do we say that now England must respect Ireland.

That respect is daily heightened by the greater comfort and

easier circumstances, though still far too wretched on the whole,

of the Irish at home, which have been mainly brought about by

the help received from their exiled countrymen. As was seen, the

old policy of their oppressors had for chief object the

pauperization of the country, and, as was also seen, that policy

was eminently successful. We know how deeply the effects of that

former policy are still felt, and how far from completion still

is justice in that regard; how they still complain, and with

only too much reason, of many laws which are as so many gyves

still binding them down in their old degradation; but, of this,

the following chapter will speak.

Yet, it is undeniable that their situation is considerably

improved, and that the excessive sufferings which formerly

seemed their privilege, are scarcely possible in our days. This

change in their circumstances for the better may be ascribed to

a variety of causes, one of which, we acknowledge, has been the

repairing of many previous injustices. But we must acknowledge

also that the main lever in a nation's resurrection, once the

ground is cleared round about--her treasury--has, as far as

Ireland is concerned, been chiefly replenished from abroad.

Absentee landlords still drain the country; but the money which

has gone into it has been certainly owing greatly to the immense

sums transmitted yearly from America by the exiles, all of which

has certainly not returned to the place from which it went out.

It is impossible to estimate the amount which was kept in

Ireland and that which floated back, but the balance must be

considerably on the side of what remained, as the distress at

home was so great, and in millions of instances immediate relief

came from the distant friends who had acquired a competency in

their new country, and, knowing the dire distress of their

relatives at home, sent generally what they could spare, by the

speediest means at their command.

There is no doubt that thousands of families have thus been

benefited by that first sad emigration of their friends, and

that the visible improvement in the condition of the Irish at

home is in a great measure due to it. We hear, moreover, that

the working of the new "Encumbered Estates Court " has already

placed in the hands of native Irishmen many parcels of the lands

of their fathers, and probably many of the ample estates

belonging to what was the Irish Church Establishment, which are

to be sold, will find their way back in the same manner.

The Irish are thus being slowly reinstated in possession of

their own soil, and, that once accomplished, the respect of

England is secured--respectability in England being in its

essence equivalent to real estate.

Thus is the uprising of the nation being gradually, silently,

but surely brought about by the emigration to the United States;

and this effect is considerably heightened when the emigration

to countries under English control is taken into consideration--

Canada, Australia, England itself.

In those places the same results followed which we have just

witnessed in the United States, but another and far greater

result remains for them. Not only did they slowly aid in

awakening the respect for their countrymen at home in the

English breast by their own rising importance and improved

condition, but in Canada and Australia they possess a privilege

which, in the British Isles, is theirs only in theory, but

abroad becomes a very powerful fact.

Ever since the Union of 1800, the Irish are supposed to form a

part and parcel of the empire at home, and to have fair

representation of their native country in the members they

return to the Imperial Parliament. But it is well known that the

Irish influence in that Parliament is almost null, and that

their presence there frequently is productive of no other result

than to countenance laws injurious to their own country. Does,

can Ireland hope to derive any political or social benefit from

her representatives in London beyond whatever may accrue to her

from their vain remonstrances and ineffective speeches? But in

the colonial Parliaments the case is very different.

It is not our desire to be understood as saying that Irishmen,

by meddling with politics, can effect a certain improvement in

their condition and that of their country, beyond giving tokens

of the life which is in them. We believe, on the contrary, that

too great an eagerness in such pursuits has injured them on many

occasions; and they ought to beware of flattering themselves

that they are rising because their votes are clamored for, and

they themselves exhorted to enter into the contest as fierce

partisans. This, too often, leads them into making themselves

the mere tools of shrewd men.

But, in the colonies, they muster in considerable force, and,

with prudence and sagacity, may have their desires and measures

fairly considered and conceded; for, unfortunately, the style of

measures fair and favorable to them as Irishmen and Catholics,

is completely at variance with that of those opposed to them,

whom, go where they will, they encounter, and always in the same

form. In Ireland, they are at liberty, apparently, to do the

same by reason of their superiority in point of numbers; the

result of the late Galway elections proves what a farce is this

show of liberty, and even the members whom they would and do

sometimes elect possess a very feeble influence, or none, in

what is called the Imperial Parliament. But, in the colonies, if

they, as electors, outnumber their political opponents, they can

and must return the majority to the House of Representatives and

of officers to the various departments of the colonial

administration. Such is the law of election in really

representative governments which are truly free; the majority of

electors returns the majority to the government; and rightly so.

Of course, there is room here, particularly where the majority

happens to be Irish, for a vast quantity of frothy bluster about

drilled and intimidated voters, and all that sort of thing. With

that we have no concern at present, and merely remark en passant

that it is a pity a little more of it was not wasted on the

recent Galway elections, already alluded to, on both sides; and

for the rest, that the world has not yet been apprised of Irish

majorities in the Australian Parliament abusing their power by

either accidental or systematic misrule; and it may, therefore,

be safely conceded that, on the whole, the government has rested

in safe hands. However, what concerns us at present is the state

of Canada and Australia, where, among the highest public

dignitaries, are found men who are Irish, not simply by birth,

but in feeling and in truth. And the conclusion which we wish to

draw from that fact is, that Ireland is greatly benefited by the

high positions which her sons assume in those distant colonies;

and probably no one will be rash enough to deny or controvert in

any way this point.

The truth is, that by emigration Ireland has suddenly expanded

into vast regions formerly ignorant of her name; regions which

swell the power and wealth of England, and which are destined to

play a very important part in her future history. In these

districts Irishmen have found a new country; something of the

ubiquity of the English belongs to them, and the influence,

power, and weight, thus thrown into their hands, need no further

comment. To show this in extenso would be only to travel over

ground already trodden in previous pages, enumerating the

various countries they have touched upon in their Exodus. Thus

have our seemingly long digressions had a very direct object in

view, and served powerfully to solve our original question. We

may now see that the resurrection of Ireland was intimately

involved in the emigration of her children; that much of what

has already taken place to aid in that resurrection may be

ascribed to this emigration, and that much brighter days are yet

in store for the nation, resulting mainly from this constant and

powerful cause. Let no one, then, lament the perseverance of

those hardy wanderers who, though their country has already been

depleted by millions, still leave her to the figure of seventy

thousand annually. It seems that in Ireland much surprise is

expressed at the movement never ceasing. Providence will end it

in its own good time; if God still allows it, it is surely for

the accomplishment of his own mighty and benevolent designs.

To conclude, then, this long chapter, there is only one question

to be put, which demands a few words, but words, in our opinion

at least, of vast importance, and which we would give all that

is ours to give, to see promptly and energetically attended to:

Has Ireland profited by this so-often mentioned emigration to

the extent she should have profited? And what ought Irishmen to

do in order to increase the advantages derived from it?

We must confess that, up to the present, the benefit is far from

what it ought to have been, and the cause of this lies in want

of organization and association. They have seemed to let God

work for them without any cooperation on their part; for God's,

as we saw, was the plan, and he forced them, as it were, to

carry out his design. They went at the work blindly, merely

following the impulse of circumstances, with no preparatory

organization, and less still of association. And even now, when

they are spread out over such vast territories in such mighty

multitudes, as yet they have given no sign of the least desire

of attempting even something like a combined effort to

accelerate the work of Providence. The only signs of life so far

given have been violent and spasmodic, directly opposed to the

genius of the race, which, as we have endeavored to prove, has

nothing revolutionary in its character, and is not given to dark

plots and godless conspiracies.

Unfortunately, also, they do not seem naturally adapted to a

spirit of steady and long-continued or systematic association.

In this, chiefly, does their race differ from the Scandinavian

stock, which is grafted on system, combination, and steadiness,

in pursuit of the object in hand.

But why not begin, at least, to make an effort in that

direction? The Latin races, in which runs so much Celtic blood,

are powerful to organize, as the Romans of old, and the French

and Spaniards of to-day, have so often proved. The Irish have

been infused with plenty of foreign blood, after their many

national catastrophes, although we believe that their primitive

characteristics have always overcome all foreign elements

introduced among them; and, what the race could scarcely attempt

ages ado, is possible now. Moreover, there is nothing in the

leanings of race which may not be overcome, and sure without any

radical change a nation can adapt itself to the necessities of

the time, and to altered circumstances. Let the Irish see what

they might effect toward the resurrection of their native

country, if they only seriously began at last to organize and

associate for that purpose. They would thus turn the immense

forces of their nation, now scattered over the world, to the

real advantage of their birthplace. In union is strength; but

union can only be promoted by association, particularly when the

elements to be united are so far apart.

For such an object do we believe that God gave man in these late

days the destroyers of space--the steam-engine and the electric

telegraph. Those powerful agents of unification were unknown to

mankind until God decreed that his children dispersed through

the earth should be more compactly united. To the Catholic they

were given, in the first place, to serve God's first purpose by

making the Church firmer in her unity and more effective in the

propagation of truth; but, after all, the mission of the Irish

to-day is only a branch of the mission of the Church, and, if

only on that account, are the missionaries deserving of all

honor and respect.

If in the designs of Providence the time has at last arrived for

the dwelling of the children of Japhet in the tents of Sem, and

for putting an end to the terrible evils dating from the

dispersion at Babel and the confusion of tongues, the object of

these great scientific discoveries is still more apparent. At

all events, organization and association are clearly needed for

the resurrection of Ireland, and the sooner a step is taken in

that direction the better.

But, what association would we propose? What should be its

immediate and most practicable objects? These questions we do

not feel competent to answer. Let Irishmen be once convinced

that organization is the great lever to work for the raising up

of their down-trodden nation, and they will know best how to use

this powerful instrument. The leaders of the nation in that holy

enterprise should, in our own opinion, be its spiritual leaders.

They know their country, and they love it; they undoubtedly

possess the confidence of their countrymen: they, then, should

be the natural originators of those great schemes. And what

other leaders does Ireland possess, what body like them,

acceptable to the nation, and neither to be bought by money nor

office?

This first remark naturally presupposes another: that the object

of those associations, being approved of by the religious guides

of the people, cannot be other than holy, and consequently

require no secrecy of any kind. They must be patent to the world,

as not being antagonistic to any established law or authority.

Every man desirous of becoming a member of the association

should know beforehand what is proposed to be done, and how far

his consent is to be given.

One other important point strikes us: the centre of organization

should be in Ireland. Ireland is to be benefited by it, and

there the effort should naturally begin, where its results will

fall. As for the particular direction which those efforts should

take, the detail of the whole enterprise, the plan of the

campaign--all this lies beyond us, and a sketch of it would most

probably be a mere chimera.

One concluding word may be said, however, on a subject which has

often been present to the writer's mind: The fearful oppression

of the nation began by robbing the people of their lands and

making them paupers: one of the first aims of association, then,

should evidently be the raising of the people up by the

restoration, in great part at least, of the soil to the native

race.

It is not our purpose to propose a new confiscation now, by way

of remedying the old ones; but England has allowed them to buy

back the land of their fathers in the "Encumbered Estates Courts,

"and by the law recently passed which disestablished the Irish

Protestant Church? Is there no room for a plan whereby Irishmen,

who have grown rich in foreign countries, may become purchasers

of the land thus offered for sale? And, in reply to the natural

and powerful objection to such a plan on the score of distance

from their native land, and the natural repugnance to return and

live there, and break up new ties, which are now old, and have

made them what they are, could not the fathers spare one son at

least, whom they might devote to the noble purpose of becoming

Irish again, and settling on an Irish estate, and marrying

there? This would seem an easy and simple manner of recreating a

Catholic gentry in the island.

This is merely a hint thrown out to exemplify what we mean by

associations for the purpose of raising Ireland up again; the

many possible objects of national organization will occur to any

mind giving a moment's reflection to it. This subject will

occupy our attention at greater length in the next chapter.

The Irish Race in the Past and the Present · 第 18 / 19 章