** Transcriber's Notes **
The printed edition from which this e-text has been produced retains the
spelling and abbreviations of Hakluyt's 16th-century original. In this
version, the spelling has been retained, but the following manuscript
abbreviations have been silently expanded:
- vowels with macrons = vowel + 'n' or 'm'
- q; = -que (in the Latin)
- y'e = the; y't = that; w't = with
This edition contains footnotes and two types of sidenotes. Most footnotes
are added by the editor. They follow modern (19th-century) spelling
conventions. Those that don't are Hakluyt's (and are not always
systematically marked as such by the editor). The sidenotes are Hakluyt's
own. Summarizing sidenotes are labelled [Sidenote: ] and placed before the
sentence to which they apply. Sidenotes that are keyed with a symbol are
labeled [Marginal note: ] and placed at the point of the symbol, except in
poetry, where they are placed at a convenient point. Additional notes on
corrections, etc. are signed 'KTH'
** End Transcriber's Notes **
THE PRINCIPAL
NAVIGATIONS, VOYAGES, TRAFFIQUES
AND
DISCOVERIES
OF
THE ENGLISH NATION.
COLLECTED BY
RICHARD HAKLUYT. PREACHER
AND
EDITED BY
EDMUND GOLDSMID, F.R.H.S.
VOL. X.
ASIA.
PART III.
NAVIGATIONS, VOYAGES, TRAFFIQUES, AND DISCOVERIES
OF THE
ENGLISH NATION IN ASIA.
The manner of the entring of Soliman the great Turke, with his armie into
Aleppo in Syria, marching towards Persia against the Great Sophie, the
fourth day of Nouember, 1553, noted by Master Anthony Ienkinson, present
at that time.
There marched before the Grand Signior, otherwise called the great Turke,
6000 Esperes, otherwise called light horsemen very brave, clothed all in
scarlet.
After, marched 10000 men, called Nortans, which be tributaries to the Great
Turke, clothed all in yellow veluet, and hats of the same, of the Tartary
fashion, two foote long, with a great role of the same colour about their
foreheads, richly decked, with their bowes in their hands, of the Turkish
fashion.
After them marched foure Captaines, men of armes, called in Turkish
Saniaques, clothed all foure in crimson veluet, euery one hauing vnder his
banner twelue thousand men of armes well armed with their morrions vpon
their heads, marching in good order, with a short weapon by their sides,
called in their language, Simiterro.
After came 16000 Ianizaries, called the slaues of the Grand Signior, all a
foote, euery one hauing his harquebush, who be his gard, all clothed in
violet silke, and apparelled vpon their heads with a strange forme, called
Cuocullucia, fashioned in this sort: the entering in of the forehead is
like a skull made of white veluet, and hath a traine hanging downe behind,
in manner of a French hoode, of the same, colour, and vpon the forepart of
the said skull, iust in the middes of his forehead there is standing bolt
vpright like a trunke of a foote long of siluer, garnished most richly with
Goldsmiths worke, and precious stones, and in the top of the said trunke a
great bush of fethers, which waueth vp and downe most brauely when he
marcheth.
After this, there cam 1000. pages of honour; all clothed in cloth of gold,
the halfe of them carying harquebushes, and the other halfe, Turkish bowes,
with the trusses of arrowes, marching in good order.
Then came three men of armes well armed, and vpon their harnesse coates of
the Turkes fashion, of Libard skinnes, and murrions vpon their heads, their
speares charged, and all the end of their staffe hard by the head of the
speare, a horse taile died in a bloody colour, which is their ensigne: they
be the chalengers for the Turkes owne person.
After them came seuen pages of honour in cloth of siluer, vpon seuen white
horses, which horses were couered with cloth of siluer, all embrodered and
garnished with precious stones, emerauds, diamonds, and rubies most richly.
After them also came sixe more pages of honour, clothed in cloth of gold,
euery one hauing his bowe in his hand, and his fawchine of the Turkes
fashion by his side.
Immediately after them came the great Turke himselfe with great pompe and
magnificence, vsing in his countenance and gesture a wonderfull maiestie,
hauing onely on each side of his person one page clothed with cloth of
gold: he himselfe was mounted vpon a goodly white horse, adorned with a
robe of cloth of gold, embrodered most richly with the most precious
stones, and vpon his head a goodly white tucke, containing in length by
estimation fifteene yards, which was of silke and linnen wouen together,
resembling something Callicut cloth, but is much more fine and rich, and in
the top of his crowne, a litle pinnach of white Ostrich feathers, and his
horse most richly apparelled in all points correspondent to the same.
After him folowed sixe goodly yong ladies, mounted vpon fine white
hackneis, clothed in cloth of siluer, which were of the fashion of mens
garments, embrodered very richly with pearle and precious stones, and had
vpon their heads caps of Goldsmiths worke, hauing great flackets of haire,
hanging out on each side, died as red as blood, and the nailes of their
fingers died of the same colour, euery of them hauing two eunuches on each
side, and litle bowes in their hands, after an Antike fashion.
After marched the great Basha chiefe conductor of the whole army, clothed
with a robe of Dollymant crimson, and vpon the same another short garment
very rich, and about him fiftie Ianizaries afoote, of his owne gard, all
clothed in crimson veluet, being armed as the Turks owne Ianizaries.
Then after ensued three other Bashas, with slaues about them, being afoote,
to the number of three thousand men.
After came a companie of horsemen very braue, and in all points well armed,
to the number of foure thousand.
All this aforesayd army, most pompous to behold, which was in number foure
score and eight thousand men, encamped about the citie of Aleppo, and the
Grand Signior himselfe was lodged within the towne, in a goodly castle,
situated vpon a high mountaine: at the foote whereof runneth a goodly
riuer, which is a branch of that famous riuer Euphrates.
The rest of his armie passed ouer the mountaines of Armenia called now the
mountaines of Camarie, which are foure dayes iourney from Aleppo, appointed
there to tary the comming of the Grand Signior, with the rest of his army,
intending to march into Persia, to giue battel to the great Sophie. So the
whole armie of the Grand Signior, containing as well those that went by the
mountaines, as also those that came to Aleppo in company with him, with
horsemen and footemen, and the conductors of the camels and victuals, were
the number of 300000 men.
The camels which carried munition and vitailes for the said army, were in
number 200000.
* * * * *
A note of the presents that were giuen at the same time in Aleppo, to the
grand Signior, and the names of the presenters.
First the Basha of Aleppo, which is as a Viceroy, presented 100. garments
of cloth of gold, and 25. horses.
The Basha of Damasco, presented 100. garments of cloth of gold, and twentie
horses, with diuers sorts of comfits, in great quantitie.
The Basha of Aman presented 100. garments of cloth of gold, 20. horses, and
a cup of gold, with two thousand duckets.
The Saniaque of Tripolis presented six camels, charged all with silkes, 20.
horses, and a little clocke of gold, garnished with precious stones,
esteemed worth two hundred duckets.
The Consul of the company of the Venetians in Tripolis, came to kisse the
grand Signiors hand, and presented him a great basin of gold, and therein
4000. duckets Venetians.
* * * * *
The safeconduct or priuiledge giuen by Sultan Solyman the great Turke, to
master Anthony Ienkinson at Aleppo in Syria, in the yeere 1553.
Sultan Solyman, &c. to all Viceroyes, Saniaques, Cadies, and other our
Iusticers, Officers, and subiects of Tripolis in Syria, Constantinople,
Alexandria in Ægypt, and of all other townes and cities vnder our dominion
and iurisdiction: We will and command you, that when you shall see Anthony
Ienkinson, bearer of these present letters, merchant of London in England,
or his factor, or any other bearing the sayd letter for him, arriue in our
ports and hauens, with his ship or ships, or other vessels whatsoeuer, that
you suffer him to lade or vnlade his merchandise wheresoeuer it shall seeme
good vnto him, traffiking for himselfe ['himelfe' in source text--KTH] in
all our countreys and dominions, without hindering or any way disturbing of
him, his ship, his people or merchandise, and without enforcing him to pay
any other custome or toll whatsoeuer, in any sort, or to any persons
whatsoeuer they be, saue onely our ordinarie duties contained in our
custome houses, which when he hath paied, we will that he be franke and
free, as well for himselfe as for his people, merchandise, ship or ships,
and all other vessels whatsoeuer: and in so doing that he may traffike,
bargaine, sell and buy, lade and vnlade, in all our foresayd Countreys,
lands and dominions, in like sort, and with the like liberties and
priuiledges, as the Frenchmen and Venetians vse, and enioy, and more if it
be possible, without the hinderance or impeachment of any man. And
furthermore, wee charge and commaund all Viceroyes, and Consuls of the
French nation, and of the Venetians, and all other Consuls resident in our
Countreys, in what port or prouince soeuer they be, not to constraine, or
cause to constraine, by them, or the sayd Ministers and Officers whatsoeuer
they be, the sayd Anthony Ienkinson, or his factor, or his seruants, or
deputies, or his merchandise, to pay any kind of consullage, or other right
whatsoeuer, or to intermeddle or hinder his affaires, and not to molest nor
trouble him any manner of way, because our will and pleasure is, that he
shall not pay in all our Countreys, any other then our ordinarie custome.
And in case any man hinder and impeach him, aboue, and besides these our
present letters, wee charge you most expressly to defend and assist him
agaynst the sayd Consuls, and if they will not obey our present
commandement, that you aduertise vs thereof, that we may take such order
for the same, that others may take example thereby. Moreouer we commaund
all our Captaines of our Gallies, and their Lieutenants, be they Foister or
other Vessels, that when they shall finde the sayd Ienkinson, or his
factor, his ship or ships, with his seruaunts and merchandise, that they
hurt him not neither in body nor goods, but that rather they assist and
defend him agaynst all such as seeke to doe him wrong, and that they ayde
and helpe him with vitailes, according to his want, and that whosoeuer
shall see these presents, obey the same, as they will auoyd the penaltie in
doing the contrary. Made in Aleppo of Syria, the yeere 961. of our holy
prophet Mahomet, and in the yeere of Iesus, 1553. signed with the scepter
and signet of the grand Signior, with his owne proper hand.
* * * * *
Letters concerning the voyage of M. John Newbery and M. Ralph Fitch, made
by the way of the Leuant Sea to Syria, and ouerland to Balsara, and
thence into the East Indies, and beyond, In the yeere 1583.
A letter written from the Queenes Majestie, to Zelabdin Echebar, King of
Cambaia, and sent by Iohn Newbery. In February Anno 1583.
Elizabeth by the grace of God &c. To the most inuincible, and most mightie
prince, lord Zelabdim Echebar king of Cambaya. Inuincible Emperor, &c. The
great affection which our Subjects haue, to visit the most distant places
of the world, not without good will and intention to introduce the trade of
marchandize of al nations whatsoeuer they can, by which meanes the mutual
and friendly trafique of marchandize on both sides may come, is the cause
that the bearer of this letter Iohn Newbery, ioyntly with those that be in
his company, with a curteous and honest boldnesse, doe repaire to the
borders and countreys of your Empire, we doubt not but that your imperiall
Maiestie through your royal grace, will fauourably and friendly accept him.
And that you would doe it the rather for our sake, to make vs greatly
beholding to your Maiestie; wee should more earnestly, and with more wordes
require it, if wee did think it needful. But by the singular report that is
of your imperial Maiesties humanitie in these vttermost parts of the world,
we are greatly eased of that burden, and therefore we vse the fewer and
lesse words: onely we request that because they are our subiects, they may
be honestly intreated and receiued. And that in respect of the hard iourney
which they haue vndertaken to places so far distant, it would please your
Maiestie with some libertie and securitie of voiage to gratifie it, with
such priuileges as to you shall seeme good: which curtesie if your
Imperiall maiestie shal to our subiects at our requests performe, wee
according to our royall honour, wil recompence the same with as many
deserts as we can. And herewith we bid your Imperial Maiestie to farewel.
* * * * *
A letter written by her Maiestie to the King of China, in Februarie 1583.
Elizabeth by the grace of God Queene of England, &c. Most Imperial and
inuincible prince, our honest subiect Iohn Newbery the bringer hereof, who
with our fauour hath taken in hand the voyage which now hee pursueth to the
parts and countreys of your Empire, not trusting vpon any other ground then
vpon the fauour of your Imperiall clemencie and humanitie, is moued to
vndertake a thing of so much difficultie, being perswaded that hee hauing
entered into so many perils, your Maiestie will not dislike the same,
especially if it may appeare that it be not damageable vnto your royall
Maiestie, and that to your people it will bring some profite: of both which
things he not doubting, with more willing minde hath prepared himselfe for
his destinated voyage vnto vs well liked of. For by this meanes we
perceiue, that the profit which by the mutual trade on both sides, al the
princes our neighbors in the West do receiue, your Imperial maiestie and
those that be subiect vnder your dominion, to their great ioy and benefit
shal haue the same, which consisteth in the transporting outward of such
things whereof we haue plenty, and in bringing in such things as we stand
in need of. It cannot otherwise be, but that seeing that we are borne and
made to haue need one of another, and that wee are bound to aide one
another, but that your imperial Maiestie wil wel like of it, and by your
subiects with like indeuor wil be accepted. For the increase whereof, if
your imperial Maiestie shall adde the securitie of passage, with other
priuileges most necessary to vse the trade with your men, your maiestie
shall doe that which belongeth to a most honorable and liberal prince, and
deserue so much of vs, as by no continuance or length of time shalbe
forgotten. Which request of ours we do most instantly desire to be taken in
good part of your maiestie, and so great a benefit towards vs and our men,
we shall endeuor by diligence to requite when time shal serue thereunto.
The God Almighty long preserue your Imperial Maiestie.
* * * * *
A letter of M. Iohn Newbery, written from Alepo, to M. Richard Hakluyt of
Oxford, the 28 of May, Anno 1583.
Right wellbeloued, and my assured good friend, I heartily commend me vnto
you, hoping of your good health, &c. After we set saile from Grauesend,
which was the 13. day of February last, wee remained vpon our coast vntill
the 11. day of March, and that day we set saile from Falmouth, and neuer
ankered till wee arriued in the road of Tripolie in Syria, which was the
last day of Aprill last past, where wee stayed 14. dayes: and the twentie
of this present we came hither to Alepo, and with Gods helpe, within fiue
or sixe dayes goe from hence towards the Indies. [Sidenote: Abilfada Ismael
his Cosmographie.] Since my comming to Tripolis I haue made very earnest
inquirie both there and here, for the booke of Cosmographie of Abilfada
Ismael, but by no meanes can heare of it. Some say that possibly it may be
had in Persia, but notwithstanding I will not faile to make inquirie for
it, both in Babylon, and in Balsara, and if I can finde it in any of these
places, I wil send it to you from thence. The letter which you deliuered me
for to copy out, that came from M. Thomas Steuens in Goa, as also the note
you gaue mee of Francis Fernandas the Portugal, I brought thence with me
among other writings vnawares, the which I haue sent you here inclosed.
Here is great preparation for the warres in Persia, and from hence is gone
the Bassa of a towne called Rahemet, and shortly after goeth the Bassa of
Tripolis, and the Bassa of Damasco, but they haue not all with them aboue
6000. men from hence, and they goe to a towne called Asmerome, which is
three dayes iourney from Trapezunde, where they shal meete with diuers
captaines and souldiers that come from Constantinople and other places
thereabout, which goe altogether into Persia. This yeere many men goe into
the warres, and so hath there euery yeere since the beginning thereof,
which is eight yeeres or thereabouts, but very fewe of them returne againe.
Notwithstanding, they get of the Persians, and make castles and holds in
their countrey. I pray you make my hearty commendations to master Peter
Guillame, and master Philip Iones, and to M. Walter Warner, and to all the
rest of our friends. Master Fitch hath him heartily commended vnto you: and
so I commit you to the tuition of the Almightie, who blesse and keepe you,
and send vs a ioyfull meeting. From Alepo, the 28. of May 1583.
Your louing friend to command in all that I may.
Iohn Newberie.
* * * *
Another letter of the said M. Newberie, written to Master Leonard Poore of
London from Alepo.
Right welbeloued, my very heartie commendations vnto you, and the rest of
my friends remembred. [Sidenote: March 11.] My last I sent you was the 25.
of February last, from Dele out of the Downes, after which time with
contrary windes wee remained vpon our owne coast, vntill the 11. day of
March, and then wee set saile from Falmouth, and the thirteenth day the
winde came contrary with a very great storme, which continued eight dayes,
and in this great storme wee had some of our goods wette, but God bee
thanked no great hurt done. [Sidenote: The last of April.] After which time
we sailed with a faire wind within the Streights, and so remained at Sea,
and ankered at no place vntil our comming into the roade of Tripolis in
Syria, which was the last day of April. This was a very good passage. God
make vs thankfull for it. The fourteenth day of this present wee came from
Tripolis, and the twentieth day arriued here in Alepo, and with the helpe
of God tomorrowe or next day, wee beginne our voyage towards Babylon and
Balsara, and so into India. Our friend Master Barret hath him commended to
you, who hath sent you in the Emanuel a ball of Nutmegs for the small
trifles you sent him, which I hope long since you haue receiued. Also hee
hath by his letter certified you in what order hee solde those things,
whereof I can say nothing, because I haue not seene the accompt thereof,
neither haue demaunded it: for euer since our comming hither hee hath bene
still busie about the dispatch of the shippe, and our voyage, and I
likewise in buying of things here to cary to Balsara, and the Indies.
[Sidenote: Currall. Amber greese. Sope. Broken glasse.] Wee haue bought in
currall for 1200. and odde ducats, and amber for foure hundreth ducates,
and some sope and broken glasse, with all other small trifles, all which
things I hope will serue very wel for those places that wee shall goe vnto.
All the rest of the accompt of the Barke Reinolds was sent home in the
Emanuel, which was 3600. ducats, which is 200. pound more then it was
rated. For master Staper rated it but 1100. li. and it is 1300. pound, so
that our part is 200. pound, besides such profit as it shall please God to
sende thereof: wherefore you shall doe very well to speake to M. Staper for
the accompt. And if you would content your selfe to trauell for three or
foure yeeres, I would wish you to come hither or goe to Cairo, if any goe
thither. For wee doubt not if you had remained there but three or foure
moneths, you would like so well of the place, that I thinke you would not
desire to returne againe in three or foure yeeres. And, if it should be my
chance to remaine in any place out of England, I would choose this before
all other that I know. My reason is, the place is healthfull and pleasant,
and the gaines very good, and no doubt the profit will bee hereafter
better, things being vsed in good order: for there should come in euery
ship the fourth part of her Cargason in money, which would helpe to put
away our commodities at a very good price. Also to haue two very good ships
to come together, would doe very well: for in so doing, the danger of the
voyage might be accompted as little as from London to Antwerpe. Master
Giles Porter and master Edmund Porter, went from Tripolis in a small barke
to Iaffa, the same day that we came from thence, which was the 14 day of
this present, so that no doubt but long since they are in Ierusalem: God
send them and vs safe returne. At this instant I haue received the account
of M. Barret, and the rest of the rings, with two and twentie duckats, two
medines in readie money. So there is nothing remaining in his hands but a
few bookes, and with Thomas Bostocke I left certaine small trifles, which I
pray you demaund. And so once againe with my hearty commendations I commit
you to the tuition of the almightie, who alwayes preserue vs. From Aleppo
the 29 of May 1583.
Yours assured,
Iohn Newberie.
* * * * *
Another letter of Master Newberie to the aforesaide M. Poore, written from
Babylon.
My last I sent you, was the 29 of May last past from Aleppo, by George Gill
the purser of the Tiger, which the last day of the same moneth came from
thence, and arriued at Feluge the 19 day of Iune, which Feluge is one dayes
iourney from hence. Notwithstanding some of our company came not hither
till the last day of the last moneth, which was for want of Camels to cary
our goods: for at this time of the yeere, by reason of the great heate that
is here, Camels are very scant to be gotten. And since our comming hither
we haue found very small sales, but diuers say that in the winter our
commodities will be very well sold, I pray God their words may prooue true.
I thinke cloth, kersies and tinne, haue neuer bene here at so low prices as
they are now. Notwithstanding, if I had here so much readie money as the
commodities are woorth, I would not doubt to make a very good profite of
this voiage hither, and to Balsara, and so by Gods helpe there will be
reasonable profite made of the voiage. [Sidenote: The best sort of spices
at Babylon. Balsara. Ormus.] But with halfe money and halfe commoditie may
be bought here the best sort of spices, and other commodities that are
brought from the Indies, and without money there is here at this instant
small good to be done. With Gods helpe two days hence, I minde to goe from
hence to Balsara, and from thence of force I must goe to Ormus for want of
a man that speaketh the Indian tongue. At my being in Aleppo I hired two
Nazaranies, and one of them hath bene twise in the Indies, and hath the
language very well, but he is a very lewde fellow, and therefore I will not
take him with me.
Here follow the prices of wares as they are worth here at this instant.
Cloues and Maces, the bateman, 5 duckats.
Cynamon 6 duckats, and few to be gotten.
Nutmegs, the bateman, 45 medins, and 40 medins maketh a duckat
Ginger, 40 medins.
Pepper, 75 medins.
Turbetta, the bateman, 50 medins.
Neel the churle, 70 duckats, and a churle is 27 rottils and a halfe of
Aleppo.
Silke, much better then that which commeth from Persia, 11 duckats and a
halfe the bateman, and euery bateman here maketh 7 pound and 5 ounces
English waight. From Babylon the 20 day of Iuly, 1583.
Yours, Iohn Newberie.
* * * * *
Master Newberie his letter from Ormus, to M. Iohn Eldred and William Shals
at Balsara.
Right welbeloued and my assured good friends, I heartily commend me vnto
you, hoping of your good healths, &c. To certifie you of my voiage, after I
departed from you, time wil not permit: but the 4 of this present we
arriued here, and the 10 day I with the rest were committed to prison, and
about the middle of the next moneth, the Captaine wil send vs all in his
ship for Goa. The cause why we are taken, as they say, is, for that I
brought letters from Don Antonio. But the trueth is, Michael Stropene was
the onely cause, vpon letters that his brother wrote him from Aleppo. God
knoweth how we shall be delt withall in Goa, and therefore if you can
procure our masters to send the king of Spaine his letters for our
releasement, you should doe vs great good: for they cannot with iustice put
vs to death. It may be that they will cut our throtes, or keepe vs long in
prison: Gods will be done. All those commodities that I brought hither, had
beene very well sold, if this trouble had not chanced. You shall do well to
send with all speed a messenger by land from Balsara to Aleppo, for to
certifie of this mischance, although it cost thirtie or fortie crownes, for
that we may be the sooner released, and I shalbe the better able to recouer
this againe which is now like to be lost: I pray you make my heartie
commendations, &c. from out of the prison in Ormuz, this 21 of September,
1583.
* * * * *
His second letter to the foresaid Master Iohn Eldred and William Shales.
The barke of the Iewes is arriued here two daies past, by whom I know you
did write, but your letters are not like to come to my handes. This bringer
hath shewed me here very great courtesie, wherefore I pray you shew him
what fauor you may. About the middle of the next moneth I thinke we shall
depart from hence, God be our guide. I thinke Andrew will goe by land to
Aleppo, wherein I pray you further him what you may: but if he should not
goe, then I pray you dispatch away a messenger with is much speede as
possible you may. I can say no more, but do for me as you would I should do
for you in the like cause, and so with my very hearty commendations, &c.
From out of the prison in Ormuz, this 24 day of September, 1583.
Yours, Iohn Newberie.
* * * * *
His third Letter to Maister Leonard Poore, written from Goa.
[Sidenote: Michael Stropine an Italian accused our men to be spies.] My
last I sent you was from Ormuz, whereby I certified you what had happened
there vnto me, and the rest of my company, which was, that foure dayes
after our arriuall there, we were all committed to prison, except one
Italian which came with me from Aleppo, whom the Captaine never examined,
onely demaunded what countryman he was, but I make account Michael
Stropene, who accused vs, had informed the Captaine of him. The first day
we arriued there, this Stropene accused vs that we were spies sent from Don
Antonio, besides diuers other lies: nothwithstanding if we had beene of any
other countrey then of England, we might freely haue traded with them. And
although we be Englishmen, I know no reason to the contrary, but that we
may trade hither and thither as well as other nations, for all nations doe,
and may come freely to Ormuz, as Frenchmen, Flemmings, Almains, Hungarians,
Italians, Greekes, Armenians, Nazaranies, Turkes and Moores, Iewes and
Gentiles, Persians, Moscouites, and there is no nation that they seeke for
to trouble, except ours: wherefore it were contrary to all iustice and
reason that they should suffer all nations to trade with them, and to
forbid vs. But now I haue as great liberty as any other nation, except it
be to go out of the countrey, which thing as yet I desire not But I thinke
hereafter, and before it be long, if I shall be desirious to go from hence,
that they wil not deny me licence. Before we might be suffered to come out
of prison, I was forced to put in suerties for 2000 pardaus, not to depart
from hence without licence of the viceroy Otherwise except this, we haue as
much libertie as any other nation, for I haue our goods againe, and haue
taken an house in the chiefest streete in the towtte, called the Rue
dreete, where we sell our goods.
[Sidenote: Two causes of our mens imprisonment at Ormus.] There were two
causes which moued the captaine of Ormus to imprison vs, and afterwards to
send vs hither. The first was, because Michael Stropene had accused vs of
many matters, which were most false. And the second was for that M. Drake
at his being at Maluco, caused two pieces of his ordinance to be shot at a
gallion of the kings of Portugall, as they say. But of these things I did
not know at Ormus: and in the ship that we were sent in came the chiefest
justice in Ormus, who was called Aueador generall of that place, he had
been there three yeeres, so that now his time was expired: which Aueador is
a great friend to the captaine of Ormus, who, certaine dayes after our
comming from thence, sent for mee into his chamber, and there beganne to
demaund of me many things, to the which I answered: and amongst the rest,
he said, that Master Drake was sent out of England with many ships, and
came to Maluco, and there laded cloues, and finding a gallion there of the
kings of Portugall, hee caused two pieces of his greatest ordinance to be
shot at the same: and so perceiuing that this did greatly grieue them, I
asked, if they would be reuenged of me for that which M. Drake had done: To
the which he answered, No: although his meaning was to the contrary.
He said moreouer, that the cause why the captaine of Ormus did send me for
Goa, was, for that the Viceroy would vnderstand of mee, what newes there
was of Don Antonio, and whether he were in England, yes or no, and that it
might be all for the best that I was sent hither, the which I trust in God
wil so fall out, although contrary to his expectation: for had it not
pleased God to put into the minds of the archbishop and other two Padres or
Iesuits of S. Pauls college to stand our friends, we might haue rotted in
prison. The archbishop is a very good man, who hath two yong men to his
seruantes, the one of them was borne at Hamborough, and is called Bernard
Borgers: [Sidenote: The author of the book of the East Indies.] and the
other was borne at Enchuysen, whose name is Iohn Linscot, who did vs great
pleasure; for by them the archbishop was many times put in minde of vs.
[Footnote: He was really born at Haarlem about 1563, and left the Texel in
1579 to go to Seville. Thence he went to Lisbon, where he entered the
service of Vicenzo Fonseca, archbishop of Goa, where he arrived in 1583. He
returned to Europe in 1589, having visited most of Southern Asia. His
principal work is his "Relation", published first in Dutch at the Hague in
1591. Curiously enough, the place erroneously named as his birth place in
the text, is where he died in 1611.] And the two good fathers of S. Paul,
who trauelled very much for vs, the one of them is called Padre Marke, who
was borne in Bruges in Flanders, and the other was borne in Wiltshire in
England, and is called [Marginal note: This is he whose letters to his
father from Goa are before put downe, and he was sometimes of New colledge
in Oxford.] Padre Thomas Steuans.
Also I chaunced to finde here a young man, who was borne in Antwerpe, but
the most part of his bringing vp hath beene in London, his name is Francis
de Rea, and with him it was my hap to be acquainted in Aleppo, who also
hath done me great pleasure here.
In the prison at Ormus we remained many dayes, also we lay a long time at
sea comming hither, and forthwith at our arriual here were caried to
prison, and the next day after were sent for before the Aueador, who is the
chiefest justice, to be examined: and when we were examined, he presently
sent vs backe againe to prison.
[Sidenote: Iames Storie their painter.] And after our being here in prison
13. dayes, Iames Storie went into the monastery of S. Paul, where he
remaineth, and is made one of the company, which life he liketh very well.
[Sidenote: They arriued at Goa the 20 of Nouember 1583.] And vpon S. Thomas
day (which was 22 dayes after our arriuall here) I came out of prison, and
the next day after came out Ralph Fitch, and William Bets.
If these troubles had not chanced, I had beene in possibility to haue made
as good a voyage as euer any man made with so much money. Many of our
things I haue solde very well, both here and at Ormus in prison,
notwithstanding the captaine willed me (if I would) to sell what I could
before we imbarked: and so with officers I went diuers times out of the
castle in the morning, and solde things, and at night returned againe to
the prison, and all things that I solde they did write, and at our
imbarking from thence, the captain gaue order that I should deliuer all my
mony with the goods into the hands of the scriuano, or purser of the ship,
which I did, and the scriuano made a remembrance, which he left there with
the captaine, that my selfe and the rest with money and goods he should
deliuer into the hands of the Aueador generall of India: but at our
arriuall here, the Aueador would neither meddle with goods nor money, for
that he could not proue any thing against vs: wherefore the goods remained
in the ship 9 or 10 daies after our arriual, and then, for that the ship
was to saile from thence, the scriuano sent the goods on shore, and here
they remained a day and a night, and no body to receiue them. In the end
they suffered this bringer to receiue them, who came with me from Ormus,
and put them into an house which he had hired for me, where they remained
foure or fiue daies. But afterward when they should deliuer the money, it
was concluded by the justice, that both the money and goods should be
deliuered into the positors hands, where they remained fourteene dayes
after my comming out prison. At my being in Aleppo, I bought a fountaine of
siluer and gilt, sixe kniues, sixe spoones, and one ['oue' in source
text--KTH] forke trimmed with corall for fiue and twentie chekins, which
the captaine of Ormus did take, and payed for the same twentie pardaos,
which is one hundred larines, and was worth there or here one hundred
chekins. Also he had fiue emrauds set in golde, which were woorth fiue
hundred or sixe hundred crownes, and payed for the same an hundred pardaos.
Also he had nineteene and a halfe pikes of cloth, which cost in London
twenty shillings the pike, and was worth 9 or 10 crownes the pike, and he
payed for the same twelue larines a pike. Also he had two pieces of greene
Kersies, which were worth foure and twentie pardaos the piece, and payd for
them sixteene pardaos a piece: besides diuers other trifles, that the
officers and others had in the like order, and some for nothing at all. But
the cause of all this was Michael Stropene, which came to Ormus not woorth
a penie, and now hath thirtie or fortie thousand crownes, and he grieueth
that any other stranger should trade thither but himselfe. But that shall
not skill, for I trust in God to goe both thither and hither, and to buy
and sell as freely as he or any other. Here is very great good to be done
in diuers of our commodities, and in like manner there is great profite to
be made with commodities of this countrey, to be carried to Aleppo.
It were long for me to write, and tedious for you to read of all things
that haue passed since my parting from you. But of all the troubles that
haue chanced since mine arrinal in Ormus, this bringer is able to certifie
you. I mind to stay here: wherefore if you will write vnto me, you may send
your letters to some friend at Lisbone, and from thence by the ships they
may be conueyed hither. Let the direction of your letters be either in
Portuguise or Spanish, whereby they may come the better to my hands. From
Goa this 20 day of Januarie. 1584.
* * * * *
A Letter written from Goa by Master Ralph Fitch to Master Leonard Poore
abouesaid.
Louing friend Master Poore, &c. Since my departure from Aleppo, I haue not
written vnto you any letters, by reason that at Babylon I was sicke of the
fluxe, and being sicke, I went from thence for Balsara, which was twelue
dayes joumey downe the riuer Tygris, where we had extreame hot weather,
which was good for my disease, ill fare, and worse, lodging, by reason our
boat was pestered with people. In eight daies, that which I did eate was
very small, so that if we had stayed two dayes longer vpon the water, I
thinke I had died: but comming to Balsara, presently I mended, I thanke
God. There we stayed 14 dayes, and then we imbarked our selues for Ormuz,
where we arriued the fifth of September, and were put in prison the ninth
of the same moneth, where we continued vntill the 11 of October, and then
were shipt for this citie of Goa in the captaines ship, with an 114 horses,
and about 200 men: [Sidenote: Diu. Chaul.] and passing by Diu and Chaul,
where we went on land to water the 20 of Nouember, we arriued at Goa the 29
of the said moneth, where for our better intertainment we were presently
put into a faire strong prison, where we continued vntill the 22 of
December. It was the will of God that we found there 2 Padres, the one an
Englishman, the other a Flemming. The Englishmans name is Padre Thomas
Steuens, the others Padre Marco, of the order of S. Paul. These did sue for
vs vnto the Viceroy and other officers, and stood vs in as much stead, as
our liues and goods were woorth: for if they had not stucke to vs, if we
had escaped with our liues, yet we had had long imprisonment.
After 14 dayes imprisonment they offered vs, if we could put in sureties
for 2000 duckats, we should goe abroad in the towne: which when we could
not doe, the said Padres found sureties for vs, that we should not depart
the countrey without the licence of the Viceroy. [Sidenote: The Italians
our great enemies for the trade in the East.] It doth spite the Italians to
see vs abroad: and many maruell at our deliuery. The painter is in the
cloister of S. Paul, and is of their order, and liketh there very well.
While we were in prison, both at Ormuz and here, there was a great deale of
our goods pilfered and lost, and we haue beene at great charges in gifts
and otherwise, so that a great deale of our goods is consumed. There is
much of our things which wil sell very well and some we shall get nothing
for. I hope in God that at the returne of the Viceroy, which is gone to
Chaul and to Diu, they say, to winne a castle of the Moores, whose returne,
is thought will be about Easter, then we shall get our libertie, and our
sureties discharged. Then I thinke it will be our best way, either one or
both to returne, because our troubles haue bene so great, and so much of
our goods spoyled and lost. But if it please God that I come into England,
by Gods helpe, I will returne hither againe. It is a braue and pleasant
countrey, and very fruitfull. The summer is almost all the yeere long, but
the chiefest at Christmas.
The day and the night are all of one length, very litle difference, and
marueilous great store of fruits. For all our great troubles, yet are we
fat and well liking, for victuals are here plentie and good cheape. And
here I will passe ouer to certifie you of strange things, vntill our
meeting, for it would be too long to write thereof. And thus I commit you
to God, who euer preserue you and vs all. From Goa in the East Indies the
25 of Ianuarie 1584.
Yours to command, Ralph Fitch.
* * * * *
The voyage of M. Ralph Fitch marchant of London by the way of Tripolls in
Syria, to Ormus, and so to Goa in the East India, to Cambaia, and all the
kingdome of Zelabdim Echebar the great Mogor, to the mighty riuer Ganges,
and downe to Bengala, to Bacola, and Chonderi, to Pegu, to Imahay in the
kingdome of Siam, and backe to Pegu, and from thence to Malacca, Zeilan,
Cochin, and all the coast of the East India: begunne in the yeere of our
Lord 1583, and ended 1591, wherin the strange rites, maners, and customes
of those people, and the exceeding rich trade and commodities of those
countries are faithfully set downe and diligently described, by the
aforesaid M. Ralph Fitch.
In the yeere of our Lord 1583, I Ralph Fitch of London merchant being
desirous to see the countreys of the East India, in the company of M. Iohn
Newberie marchant (which had beene at Ormus once before) of William Leedes
Ieweller, and Iames Story Painter, being chiefly set fourth by the right
worshipful Sir Edward Osborne knight, and M. Richard Staper citizens and
marchants of London, did ship my selfe in a ship of London called the
Tyger, wherein we went for Tripolis in Syria: and from thence we tooke the
way for Aleppo, which we went in seuen dayes with the Carouan. Being in
Aleppo, and finding good company, we went from thence to Birra, which is
two dayes and an halfe trauaile with Camels.
Birra is a little towne, but very plentifull of victuals: and neere to the
wall of the towne runneth the riuer of Euphrates. Here we bought a boate
and agreed with a master and bargemen, for to go to Babylon. The boats be
but for one voiage: for the streame doth runne so fast downewardes that
they cannot returne. They carie you to a towne which they call Felugia, and
there you sell the boate for a litle money, for that which cost you fiftie
at Birra you sell there for seuen or eight. From Birra to Felugia is
sixteene dayes iourney, it is not good that one boate goe alone, for if it
should chance to breake, you should haue much a doe to saue your goods from
the Arabians, which be alwayes there abouts robbing: and in the night when
your boates be made fast, it is necessarie that you keepe good watch. For
the Arabians that bee theeues, will come swimming and steale your goods and
flee away, against which a gunne is very good, for they doe feare it very
much. In the riuer of Euphrates from Birra to Felugia there be certaine
places where you pay custome, so many Medines for a some or Camels lading,
and certaine raysons and sope, which is for the sonnes of Aborise, which is
Lord of the Arabians and all that great desert, and hath some villages vpon
the riuer. Felugia where you vnlade your goods which come from Birra is a
little village: from whence you goe to Babylon in a day.
Babylon is a towne not very great but very populous, and of great traffike
of strangers, for that it is the way to Persia, Turkia and Arabia: and from
thence doe goe Carouans for these and other places. Here are great store of
victuals, which come from Armenia downe the riuer of Tygris. They are
brought vpon raftes made of goates skinnes blowne full of winde and bordes
layde vpon them: and thereupon they lade their goods which are brought
downe to Babylon, which being discharged they open their skinnes and carry
them backe by Camels, to serue another time. Babylon in times past did
belong to the kingdome of Persia, but nowe is subiecte to the Turke. Ouer
against Babylon there is a very faire village from whence you passe to
Babylon vpon a long bridge made of boats, and tyed to a great chaine of
yron, which is made fast on either side of the riuer. When any boates are
to passe vp or downe the riuer, they take away certaine boates vntill they
be past.
[Sidenote: The tower of Babel.] The tower of Babel is built on this side
the riuer Tygris, towardes Arabia from the towne about seuen or eight
miles, which tower is ruinated on all sides, and with the fall thereof hath
made as it were a litle mountaine, so that it hath no shape at all: it was
made of brickes dried in the sonne, and certain canes and leaues of the
palme tree layed betwixt the brickes. There is no entrance to be seene to
goe into it. It doth stand vpon a great plaine betwixt the riuers of
Euphrates and Tygris.
[Sidenote: Boyling pitch continually issuing out of the earth.] By the
riuer Euphrates two dayes iourney from Babylon at a place called Ait, in a
fielde neere vnto it, is a strange thing to see: a mouth that doth
continually throwe fourth against the ayre boyling pitch with a filthy
smoke: which pitch doth runne abroad into a great fielde which is alwayes
full thereof. The Moores say that it is the mouth of hell. By reason of the
great quantitie of it, the men of that countrey doe pitch their boates two
or three inches thicke on the outside, so that no water doth enter into
them. Their boates be called Danec. When there is great store of water in
Tigris you may goe from Babylon to Basora in 8 or 9 dayes: if there be
small store it will cost you the more dayes.
Basora in times past was vnder the Arabians, but now is subiecte to the
Turke. But some of them the Turke cannot subdue, for that they holde
certaine Ilandes in the riuer Euphrates which the Turke cannot winne of
them. They be theeues all and haue no setled dwelling, but remoue from
place to place with their Camels, goates, and horses, wiues and children
and all. They haue large blew gownes, their wiues eares and noses are
ringed very full of rings of copper and siluer, and they weare rings of
copper about their legs.
Basora standeth neere the gulfe of Persia, and is a towne of great trade of
spices, and drugges which come from Ormus. Also there is great store of
wheate, ryce, and dates growing thereabout, wherewith they serue Babylon
and all the countrey, Ormus, and all the partes of India. I went from
Basora to Ormus downe the gulfe of Persia in a certaine shippe made of
bourdes, and sowed together with cayro, which is threede made of the huske
of Cocoes, and certaine canes or strawe leaues sowed vpon the seames of the
bordes which is the cause that they leake very much. And so hauing Persia
alwayes on the left hande, and the coast of Arabia on the right hande we
passed many Ilandes, and among others the famous Ilande Baharim from whence
come the best pearles which be round and Orient.