By ASA GRAY

(1807-1873)

[Footnote 15: Written in 1886, on the publication of "Louis

Agassiz, His Life and Correspondence." Reprinted, by permission

of Messrs. Houghton, Mifflin & Co., from "The Scientific Papers

of Asa Gray."]

[Illustration: Louis Agassiz. [TN]]

There is no need to give an abstract of the contents of these

fascinating volumes, for everybody is reading them. Most are probably

wishing for more personal details, especially of the American life; but

the editorial work is so deftly and delicately done, and "the story of

an intellectual life marked by rare coherence and unity" is so well

arranged to tell itself and make its impression, that we may thankfully

accept what has been given us, though the desired "fulness of personal

narrative" be wanting.

Twelve years have passed since Agassiz was taken from us. Yet to some of

us it seems not very long ago that the already celebrated Swiss

naturalist came over, in the bloom of his manly beauty, to charm us with

his winning ways, and inspire us with his overflowing enthusiasm, as he

entered upon the American half of that career which has been so

beneficial to the interests of natural science. There are not many left

of those who attended those first Lowell Lectures in the autumn of

1846--perhaps all the more taking for the broken English in which they

were delivered--and who shared in the delight with which, in a

supplementary lecture, he more fluently addressed his audience in his

mother-tongue.

In these earliest lectures he sounded the note of which his last public

utterance was the dying cadence. For, as this biography rightly

intimates, his scientific life was singularly entire and homogeneous--if

not uninfluenced, yet quite unchanged, by the transitions which have

marked the period. In a small circle of naturalists, almost the first

that was assembled to greet him on his coming to this country, and of

which the writer is the sole survivor, when Agassiz was inquired of as

to his conception of "species," he sententiously replied: "A species is

a thought of the Creator." To this thoroughly theistic conception he

joined the scientific deduction which he had already been led to draw,

that the animal species of each geological age, or even stratum, were

different from those preceding and following, and also unconnected by

natural derivation. And his very last published works reiterated his

steadfast conviction that "there is no evidence of a direct descent of

later from earlier species in the geological succession of animals."

Indeed, so far as we know, he would not even admit that such "thoughts

of the Creator" as these might have been actualized in the natural

course of events. If he had accepted such a view, and if he had himself

apprehended and developed in his own way the now well-nigh assured

significance of some of his early and pregnant generalizations, the

history of the doctrine of development would have been different from

what it is, a different spirit and another name would have been

prominent in it, and Agassiz would not have passed away while fighting

what he felt to be--at least for the present--a losing battle. It is

possible that the "whirligig of time" may still "bring in his revenges,"

but not very probable.

Much to his credit, it may be said that a good share of Agassiz's

invincible aversion to evolution may be traced to the spirit in which

it was taken up by his early associate, Vogt, and, indeed, by most of

the German school then and since, which justly offended both his

scientific and his religious sense. Agassiz always "thought nobly of

the soul," and could in no way approve either materialistic or

agnostic opinions. The idealistic turn of his mind was doubtless

confirmed in his student days at Munich, whither he and his friend

Braun resorted after one session at Heidelberg, and where both

devotedly attended the lectures of Schelling--then in his later

glory--and of Oken, whose "Natur-Philosophie" was then in the

ascendant. Although fascinated and inspired by Oken's _a priori_

biology (built upon morphological ideas which had not yet been

established, but had, in part, been rightly divined) the two young

naturalists were not carried away by it, probably because they were

such keen and conscientious observers, and were kept in close

communion with work-a-day nature. As Agassiz intimates, they had to

resist "the temptation to impose one's own ideas upon nature, to

explain her mysteries by brilliant theories rather than by patient

study of the facts as we find them," and that "overbearing confidence

in the abstract conceptions of the human mind as applied to the study

of nature; although, indeed," he adds, "the young naturalist of that

day who did not share in some degree the intellectual stimulus given

to scientific pursuits by physio-philosophy would have missed a part

of his training." That training was not lost upon Agassiz. Although

the adage in his last published article, "A physical fact is as sacred

as a moral principle," was well lived up to, yet ideal prepossessions

often had much to do with his marshalling of the facts.

Another professor at Munich, from whom Agassiz learned much, and had

nothing to unlearn, was the anatomist and physiologist Doellinger. He

published little, but he seems to have been the founder of modern

embryological investigation, and to have initiated his two famous

pupils, first Von Baer, and then Agassiz, into at least the rudiments of

the doctrine of the correspondence between the stages of the development

of the individual animal with that of its rank in the scale of being,

and the succession in geological time of the forms and types to which

the species belongs: a principle very fertile for scientific zooelogy in

the hands of both these naturalists, and one of the foundations of that

theory of evolution which the former, we believe, partially accepted,

and the other wholly rejected.

The botanical professor, the genial Von Martius, should also be

mentioned here. He found Agassiz a student, barely of age; he directly

made him an author, and an authority, in the subject of his

predilection. Dr. Spix, the zooelogical companion of Martius in Brazilian

exploration, died in 1826; the fishes of the collection were left

untouched. Martius recognized the genius of Agassiz, and offered him,

and indeed pressed him, to undertake their elaboration. Agassiz brought

out the first part of the quarto volume on the "Fishes of the Brazilian

Expedition of Spix and Martius" before he took his degree of doctor of

philosophy, and completed it before he proceeded to that of doctor in

medicine, in 1830. The work opened his way to fame, but brought no

money. Still, as Martius defrayed all the expenses, the net result

compared quite favorably with that of later publications. Moreover, out

of it possibly issued his own voyage to Brazil in later years, under

auspices such as his early patron never dreamed of.

This early work also made him known to Cuvier; so that, when he went to

Paris, a year afterward, to continue his medical and scientific

studies--the one, as he deemed, from necessity, the other from

choice--he was received as a fellow-savant; yet at first with a certain

reserve, probably no more than was natural in view of the relative age

and position of the two men; but Agassiz, writing to his sister, says:

"This extreme but formal politeness chills you instead of putting you at

your ease; it lacks cordiality, and, to tell the truth, I would gladly

go away if I were not held fast by the wealth of material of which I can

avail myself." But only a month later he writes--this time to his

uncle--that, while he was anxious lest he "might not be allowed to

examine, and still less to describe, the fossil fishes and their

skeletons in the Museum, ... knowing that Cuvier intended to write a

work on this subject," and might naturally wish to reserve the materials

for his own use; and when the young naturalist, as he showed his own

sketches and notes to the veteran, was faintly venturing to hope that,

on seeing his work so far advanced, he might perhaps be invited to share

in a joint publication, Cuvier relieved his anxiety and more than

fulfilled his half-formed desires.

"He desired his secretary to bring him a certain portfolio of drawings.

He showed me the contents: they were drawings of fossil fishes, and

notes which he had taken in the British Museum and elsewhere. After

looking it through with me, he said he had seen with satisfaction the

manner in which I had treated this subject; that I had, indeed,

anticipated him, since he had intended at some future time to do the

same thing; but that as I had given it so much attention, and had done

my work so well, he had decided to renounce his project, and to place at

my disposition all the materials he had collected and all the

preliminary notes he had taken."

Within three months Cuvier fell under a stroke of paralysis, and shortly

died. The day before the attack he had said to Agassiz, "Be careful, and

remember that work kills." We doubt if it often kills naturalists,

unless when, like Cuvier, they also become statesmen.

But to live and work, the naturalist must be fed. It was a perplexing

problem how possibly to remain a while longer in Paris, which was

essential to the carrying on of his work, and to find the means of

supplying his very simple wants. And here the most charming letters in

these volumes are, first, the one from his mother, full of tender

thoughtfulness, and making the first suggestion about Neuchatel and its

museum, as a place where the aspiring naturalist might secure something

more substantial than "brilliant hopes" to live upon; next, that from

Agassiz to his father, who begs to be told as much as he can be supposed

to understand of the nature of this work upon fossil fishes, which

called for so much time, labor, and expense; and, almost immediately,

Agassiz's letter to his parents, telling them that Humboldt had, quite

spontaneously and unexpectedly, relieved his present anxieties by a

credit of a thousand francs, to be increased, if necessary. Humboldt had

shown a friendly interest in him from the first, and had undertaken to

negotiate with Cotta, the publisher, in his behalf; but, becoming uneasy

by the delay, and feeling that "a man so laborious, so gifted, and so

deserving of affection ... should not be left in a position where lack

of serenity disturbs his power of work," he delicately pressed the

acceptance of this aid as a confidential transaction between two friends

of unequal age.

Indeed, the relations between the "two friends," one at that time

sixty-three, and the other twenty-five, were very beautiful, and so

continued, as the correspondence shows. Humboldt's letters (we wish

there were more of them) are particularly delightful, are full of wit

and wisdom, of almost paternal solicitude, and of excellent counsel. He

enjoins upon Agassiz to finish what he has in hand before taking up new

tasks (this is in 1837), not to spread his intellect over too many

subjects at once, nor to go on enlarging the works he had undertaken; he

predicts the pecuniary difficulties in which expansion would be sure to

land him, bewails the glacier investigations, and closes with "a touch

of fun, in order that my letter may seem a little less like preaching. A

thousand affectionate remembrances. No more ice, not much of

echinoderms, plenty of fish, recall of ambassadors _in partibus_, and

great severity toward booksellers, an infernal race, two or three of

which have been killed under me."

The ambassadors _in partibus_ were the artists Agassiz employed and sent

to England or elsewhere to draw fossil fishes for him in various

museums, at a cost which Humboldt knew would be embarrassing. The ice,

which he would have no more of, refers to the glacier researches upon

which Agassiz was entering with ardor, laying one of the solid

foundations of his fame. Curiously enough, both Humboldt and Von Buch,

with all their interest in Agassiz, were quite unable to comprehend the

importance of an inquiry which was directly in their line, and, indeed,

they scorned it; while the young naturalist, without training in physics

or geology, but with the insight of genius, at once developed the whole

idea of the glacial period, with its wonderful consequences, upon his

first inspection of the phenomena shown him by Charpentier in the valley

of the Rhone.

It is well that Humboldt's advice was not heeded in this regard.

Nevertheless he was a wise counsellor. He saw the danger into which his

young friend's enthusiasm and boundless appetite for work was likely to

lead him. For Agassiz it might be said, with a variation of the

well-known adage, that there was nothing he touched that he did not

aggrandize. Everything he laid hold of grew larger under his hand--grew

into a mountain threatening to overwhelm him, and would have overwhelmed

anyone whose powers were not proportionate to his aspirations.

Established at Neuchatel, and giving himself with ardor to the duties of

his professorship, it was surely enough if he could do the author's

share in the production of his great works on the fossil and the

fresh-water fishes, without assuming the responsibilities and cares of

publication as well, and even of a lithographic establishment which he

set up mainly for his own use. But he carried _pari passu_, or nearly

so, his work on fossil mollusca--a quarto volume with nearly a hundred

plates--his monographs of echinoderms, living and fossil, his

investigations of the embryological development of fishes, and that

laborious work, the "Nomenclator Zoologicus," with the "Bibliographia,"

later published in England by the Ray Society. Moreover, of scattered

papers, those of the Royal Society's Catalogue, which antedate his

arrival in this country, are more than threescore and ten. He had help,

indeed; but the more he had, the more he enlarged and diversified his

tasks; Humboldt's sound advice about his zooelogical undertakings being

no more heeded than his fulminations against the glacial theory.

In the midst of all this, Agassiz turned his glance upon the glaciers,

and the "local phenomenon" became at once a cosmic one. So far a happy

divination; but he seems to have believed quite to the last that, not

only the temperate zones, but whole intertropical continents--at least

the American--had been sheeted with ice. The narrative in the first

volume will give the general reader a vivid but insufficient conception

of the stupendous work upon which he so brilliantly labored for nearly a

decade of years.

_Coelum, non animum, mutant_ who come with such a spirit to a wider and,

scientifically, less developed continent. First as visitor, soon as

denizen, and at length as citizen of the American republic, Agassiz rose

with every occasion to larger and more various activities. What with the

Lowell Institute, the college in Charleston, S. C., and Cornell

University, in addition to Harvard, he may be said to have held three or

four professorships at once, none of them sinecures. He had not been two

months in the country before a staff of assistants was gathered around

him, and a marine zooelogical laboratory was in operation. The rude shed

on the shore, and the small wooden building at Cambridge, developed

under his hand into the Museum of Zooelogy--if not as we see it now, yet

into one of the foremost collections. Who can say what it would have

been if his plans and ideas had obtained full recognition, and

"expenditure" had seemed to the trustees, as it seemed to him, "the best

investment;" or if efficient filial aid, not then to be dreamed of, had

not given solid realization to the high paternal aspirations? In like

manner grew large under his hand the Brazilian exploration, so

generously provided for by a Boston citizen and fostered by an

enlightened emperor; and on a similar scale was planned, and partly

carried out, the "Contributions to the Natural History of the United

States," as the imperial quarto work was modestly entitled, which was

to be published "at the rate of one volume a year, each volume to

contain about three hundred pages and twenty plates," with simple

reliance upon a popular subscription; and so, indeed, of everything

which this large-minded man undertook.

While Agassiz thus was a magnanimous man, in the literal as well as the

accepted meaning of the word, he was also, as we have seen, a truly

fortunate one. Honorable assistance came to him at critical moments,

such as the delicate gift from Humboldt at Paris, which perhaps saved

him to science; such as the Wollaston prize from the Geological Society

in 1834, when he was struggling for the means of carrying on the "Fossil

Fishes." The remainder of the deficit of this undertaking he was able to

make up from his earliest earnings in America. For the rest, we all know

how almost everything he desired--and he wanted nothing except for

science--was cheerfully supplied to his hand by admiring givers. Those

who knew the man during the twenty-seven years of his American life, can

quite understand the contagious enthusiasm and confidence which he

evoked. The impression will in some degree be transmitted by these

pleasant and timely volumes, which should make the leading lines of the

life of Agassiz clear to the newer generation, and deepen them in the

memory of an older one.

Great Men and Famous Women. Vol. 4 A series of pen and pencil sketches of the lives of more than 200 of the most prominent personages in History · 第 55 / 72 题