MY LORD:--I was particularly attentive in observing the countenances and

demeanour of the company at the last levee which Madame Napoleon

Bonaparte held, previous to her departure with her husband to meet the

Pope at Fontainebleau. I had heard from good authority that "to those

whose propensities were known, Duroc's information that the Empress was

visible was accompanied with a kind of admonitory or courtly hint, that

the strictest decency in dress and manners, and a conversation chaste,

and rather of an unusually modest turn, would be highly agreeable to

their Sovereigns, in consideration of the solemn occasion of a Sovereign

Pontiff's arrival in France,--an occurrence that had not happened for

centuries, and probably would not happen for centuries to come." I went

early, and was well rewarded for my punctuality.

There came the Senator Fouche, handing his amiable and chaste spouse,

walking with as much gravity as formerly, when a friar, he marched in a

procession. Then presented themselves the Senators Sieyes and Roederer,

with an air as composed as if the former had still been an Abbe and the

confessor of the latter. Next came Madame Murat, whom three hours before

I had seen in the Bois de Boulogne in all the disgusting display of

fashionable nakedness, now clothed and covered to her chin. She was

followed by the pious Madame Le Clerc, now Princesse Borghese, who was

sighing deeply and loudly. After her came limping the godly Talleyrand,

dragging his pure moiety by his side, both with downcast and edifying

looks. The Christian patriots, Gravina and Lima, Dreyer and Beust,

Dalberg and Cetto, Malsburgh and Pappenheim, with the Catholic

Schimmelpenninck and Mohammed Said Halel Effendi,--all presented

themselves as penitent sinners imploring absolutions, after undergoing

mortifications.

But it would become tedious and merely a repetition, were I to depict

separately the figures and characters of all the personages at this

politico-comical masquerade. Their conversation was, however, more

uniform, more contemptible, and more laughable, than their accoutrements

and grimaces were ridiculous. To judge from what they said, they

belonged no longer to this world; all their thoughts were in heaven, and

they considered themselves either on the borders of eternity or on the

eve of the day of the Last Judgment. The truly devout Madame Napoleon

spoke with rapture of martyrs and miracles, of the Mass and of the

vespers, of Agnuses and relics of Christ her Saviour, and of Pius VII.,

His vicar. Had not her enthusiasm been interrupted by the enthusiastic

commentaries of her mother-in-law, I saw every mouth open ready to cry

out, as soon as she had finished, "Amen! Amen! Amen!"

Napoleon had placed himself between the old Cardinal de Bellois and the

not young Cardinal Bernier, so as to prevent the approach of any profane

sinner or unrepentant infidel. Round him and their clerical chiefs, all

the curates and grand vicars, almoners and chaplains of the Court, and

the capitals of the Princess, Princesses, and grand officers of State,

had formed a kind of cordon. "Had," said the young General Kellerman to

me, "Bonaparte always been encompassed by troops of this description, he

might now have sung hymns as a saint in heaven, but he would never have

reigned as an Emperor upon earth." This indiscreet remark was heard by

Louis Bonaparte, and on the next morning Kellerman received orders to

join the army in Hanover, where he was put under the command of a general

younger than himself. He would have been still more severely punished,

had not his father, the Senator (General Kellerman), been in so great

favour at the Court of St. Cloud, and so much protected by Duroc, who had

made, in 1792, his first campaign under this officer, then

commander-in-chief of the army of the Ardennes.

When this devout assembly separated, which was by courtesy an hour

earlier than usual, I expected every moment to hear a chorus of

horse-laughs, because I clearly perceived that all of them were tired of

their assumed parts, and, with me, inclined to be gay at the expense of

their neighbours. But they all remembered also that they were watched by

spies, and that an imprudent look or an indiscreet word, gaiety instead

of gravity, noise when silence was commanded, might be followed by an

airing in the wilderness of Cayenne. They, therefore, all called out,

"Coachman, to our hotel!" as if to say, "We will to-day, in compliment to

the new-born Christian zeal of our Sovereigns, finish our evening as

piously as we have begun it." But no sooner were they out of sight of

the palace than they hurried to the scenes of dissipation, all

endeavouring, in the debauchery and excesses so natural to them, to

forget their unnatural affectation and hypocrisy.

Well you know the standard of the faith even of the members of the

Bonaparte family. Two days before this Christian circle at Madame

Napoleon's, Madame de Chateaureine, with three other ladies, visited the

Princesse Borghese. Not seeing a favourite parrot they had often

previously admired, they inquired what was become of it.

"Oh, the poor creature!" answered the Princess; "I have disposed of it,

as well as of two of my monkeys. The Emperor has obliged me to engage an

almoner and two chaplains, and it would be too extravagant in me to keep

six useless animals in my hotel. I must now submit to hearing the

disgusting howlings of my almoner instead of the entertaining chat of my

parrot, and to see the awkward bows and kneelings of my chaplains instead

of the amusing capering of my monkeys. Add to this, that I am forced to

transform into a chapel my elegant and tasty boudoir, on the

ground-floor, where I have passed so many delicious tete-a-tetes. Alas!

what a change! what a shocking fashion, that we are now all again to be

Christians!"

LETTER IX.

PARIS, August, 1805.

MY LORD:--Notwithstanding what was inserted in our public prints to the

contrary, the reception Bonaparte experienced from his army of England in

June last year, the first time he presented himself to them as an

Emperor, was far from such as flattered either his vanity or views. For

the first days, some few solitary voices alone accompanied the "Vive

l'Empereur!" of his generals, and of his aides-de-camp. This

indifference, or, as he called it, mutinous spirit, was so much the more

provoking as it was unexpected. He did not, as usual, ascribe it to the

emissaries or gold of England, but to the secret adherents of Pichegru

and Moreau amongst the brigades or divisions that had served under these

unfortunate generals. He ordered, in consequence, his Minister Berthier

to make out a list of all these corps. Having obtained this, he

separated them by ordering some to Italy, others to Holland, and the rest

to the frontiers of Spain and Germany. This act of revenge or jealousy

was regarded, both by the officers and men, as a disgrace and as a doubt

thrown out against their fidelity, and the murmur was loud and general.

In consequence of this, some men were shot, and many more arrested.

Observing, however, that severity had not the desired effect, Bonaparte

suddenly changed his conduct, released the imprisoned, and rewarded with

the crosses of his Legion of Honour every member of the so lately

suspected troops who had ever performed any brilliant or valorous

exploits under the proscribed generals. He even incorporated among his

own bodyguards and guides men who had served in the same capacity under

these rival commanders, and numbers of their children were received in

the Prytanees and military free schools. The enthusiastic exclamation

that soon greeted his ears convinced him that he had struck upon the

right string of his soldiers' hearts. Men who, some few days before,

wanted only the signal of a leader to cut an Emperor they hated to

pieces, would now have contended who should be foremost to shed their

last drop of blood for a chief they adored.

This affected liberality towards the troops who had served under his

rivals roused some slight discontent among those to whom he was chiefly

indebted for his own laurels. But if he knew the danger of reducing to

despair slighted men with arms in their hands, he also was well aware of

the equal danger of enduring licentiousness or audacity among troops who

had, on all occasions, experienced his preference and partiality; and he

gave a sanguinary proof of his opinion on this subject at the grand

parade of the 12th of July, 1804, preparatory to the grand fete of the

14th.

A grenadier of the 21st Regiment (which was known in Italy under the name

of the Terrible), in presetting arms to him, said: "Sire! I have served

under you four campaigns, fought under you in ten battles or engagements;

have received in your service seven wounds, and am not a member of your

Legion of Honour; whilst many who served under Moreau, and are not able

to show a scratch from an enemy, have that distinction."

Bonaparte instantly ordered this man to be shot by his own comrades in

the front of the regiment. The six grenadiers selected to fire, seeming

to hesitate, he commanded the whole corps to lay down their arms, and

after being disbanded, to be sent to the different colonial depots. To

humiliate them still more, the mutinous grenadier was shot by the

gendarmes. When the review was over, "Vive l'Empereur!" resounded from

all parts, and his popularity among the troops has since rather increased

than diminished. Nobody can deny that Bonaparte possesses a great

presence of mind, an undaunted firmness, and a perfect knowledge of the

character of the people over whom he reigns. Could but justice and

humanity be added to his other qualities, but, unfortunately for my

nation, I fear that the answer of General Mortier to a remark of a friend

of mine on this subject is not problematical: "Had," said this Imperial

favourite, "Napoleon Bonaparte been just and humane, he would neither

have vanquished nor reigned."

All these scenes occurred before Bonaparte, seated on a throne, received

the homage, as a Sovereign, of one hundred and fifty thousand warriors,

who now bowed as subjects, after having for years fought for liberty and

equality, and sworn hatred to all monarchical institutions; and who

hitherto had saluted and obeyed him only as the first among equals. What

an inconsistency! The splendour and show that accompanied him

everywhere, the pageantry and courtly pomp that surrounded him, and the

decorations of the stars and ribands of the Legion of Honour, which he

distributed with bombastic speeches among troops--to whom those political

impositions and social cajoleries were novelties--made such an impression

upon them, that had a bridge been then fixed between Calais and Dover,

brave as your countrymen are, I should have trembled for the liberty and

independence of your country. The heads and imagination of the soldiers,

I know from the best authority, were then so exalted that, though they

might have been cut to pieces, they could never have been defeated or

routed. I pity our children when I reflect that their tranquillity and

happiness will, perhaps, depend upon such a corrupt and unprincipled

people of soldiers,--easy tools in the hands of every impostor or

mountebank.

The lively satisfaction which Bonaparte must have felt at the pinnacle of

grandeur where fortune had placed him was not, however, entirely unmixed

with uneasiness and vexation. Except at Berlin, in all the other great

Courts the Emperor of the French was still Monsieur Bonaparte; and your

country, of the subjugation of which he had spoken with such lightness

and such inconsideration, instead of dreading, despised his boasts and

defied his threats. Indeed, never before did the Cabinet of St. James

more opportunely expose the reality of his impotency, the impertinence of

his menaces, and the folly of his parade for the invasion of your

country, than by declaring all the ports containing his invincible armada

in a state of blockade. I have heard from an officer who witnessed his

fury when in May, 1799, he was compelled to retreat from before St. Jean

d'Acre, and who was by his side in the camp at Boulogne when a despatch

informed him of this circumstance, that it was nothing compared to the

violent rage into which he flew upon reading it. For an hour afterwards

not even his brother Joseph dared approach him; and his passion got so

far the better of his policy, that what might still have long been

concealed from the troops was known within the evening to the whole camp.

He dictated to his secretary orders for his Ministers at Vienna, Berlin,

Lisbon, and Madrid, and couriers were sent away with them; but half an

hour afterwards other couriers were despatched after them with other

orders, which were revoked in their turn, when at last Joseph had

succeeded in calming him a little. He passed, however, the whole

following night full dressed and agitated; lying down only for an

instant, but having always in his room Joseph and Duroc, and deliberating

on a thousand methods of destroying the insolent islanders; all equally

violent, but all equally impracticable.

The next morning, when, as usual, he went to see the manoeuvres of his

flotilla, and the embarkation and landing of his troops, he looked so

pale that he almost excited pity. Your cruisers, however, as if they had

been informed of the situation of our hero, approached unusually near, to

evince, as it were, their contempt and, derision. He ordered instantly

all the batteries to fire, and went himself to that which carried its

shot farthest; but that moment six of your vessels, after taking down

their sails, cast anchors, with the greatest sang-froid, just without the

reach of our shot. In an unavailing anger he broke upon the spot six

officers of artillery, and pushed one, Captain d' Ablincourt, down the

precipice under the battery, where he narrowly escaped breaking his neck

as well as his legs; for which injury he was compensated by being made an

officer of the Legion of Honour. Bonaparte then convoked upon the spot a

council of his generals of artillery and of the engineers, and, within an

hour's time, some guns and mortars of still heavier metal and greater

calibre were carried up to replace the others; but, fortunately for the

generals, before a trial could be made of them the tide changed, and your

cruisers sailed.

In returning to breakfast at General Soult's, he observed the

countenances of his soldiers rather inclined to laughter than to wrath;

and he heard some jests, significant enough in the vocabulary of

encampments, and which informed him that contempt was not the sentiment

with which your navy had inspired his troops. The occurrences of these

two days hastened his departure from the coast for Aix-la-Chapelle, where

the cringing of his courtiers consoled him, in part, for the want of

respect or gallantry in your English tars.

LETTER X.

PARIS, August, 1805.

MY LORD:--According to a general belief in our diplomatic circles, it was

the Austrian Ambassador in France, Count von Cobenzl, who principally

influenced the determination of Francis II. to assume the hereditary

title of Emperor of Austria, and to acknowledge Napoleon Emperor of the

French.

Johann Philipp, Count von Cobenzl, enjoys, not only in his own country,

but through all Europe, a great reputation as a statesman, and has for a

number of years been employed by his Court in the most intricate and

delicate political transactions. In 1790 he was sent to Brabant to treat

with the Belgian insurgents; but the States of Brabant refusing to

receive him, he retired to Luxembourg, where he published a proclamation,

in which Leopold II. revoked all those edicts of his predecessor, Joseph

II., which had been the principal cause of the troubles; and

reestablished everything upon the same footing as during the reign of

Maria Theresa. In 1791 he was appointed Ambassador to the Court of St.

Petersburg, where his conduct obtained the approbation of his own Prince

and of the Empress of Russia.

In 1793 the Committee of Public Safety nominated the intriguer, De

Semonville, Ambassador to the Ottoman Porte. His mission was to excite

the Turks against Austria and Russia, and it became of great consequence

to the two Imperial Courts to seize this incendiary of regicides. He was

therefore stopped, on the 25th of July, in the village of Novate, near

the lake of Chiavenne. A rumour was very prevalent at this time that

some papers were found in De Semonville's portfolio implicating Count von

Cobenzl as a correspondent with the revolutionary French generals. The

continued confidence of his Sovereign contradicts, however, this

inculpation, which seems to have been merely the invention of rivalry or

jealousy.

In October, 1795, Count von Cobenzl signed, in the name of the Emperor, a

treaty with England and Russia; and in 1797 he was one of the Imperial

plenipotentiaries sent to Udine to negotiate with Bonaparte, with whom,

on the 17th of October, he signed the Treaty of Campo Formio. In the

same capacity he went afterwards to Rastadt, and when this congress broke

up, he returned again as an Ambassador to St. Petersburg.

After the Peace of Lunwille, when it required to have a man of experience

and talents to oppose to our so deeply able Minister, Talleyrand, the

Cabinet of Vienna removed him from Russia to France, where, with all

other representatives of Princes, he has experienced more of the frowns

and rebukes, than of the dignity and good grace, of our present

Sovereign.

Count von Cobenzl's foible is said to be a passion for women; and it is

reported that our worthy Minister, Talleyrand, has been kind enough to

assist him frequently in his amours. Some adventures of this sort, which

occurred at Rastadt, afforded much amusement at the Count's expense.

Talleyrand, from envy, no doubt, does not allow him the same political

merit as his other political contemporaries, having frequently repeated

that "the official dinners of Count von Cobenzl were greatly preferable

to his official notes."

So well pleased was Bonaparte with this Ambassador when at

Aix-la-Chapelle last year, that, as a singular favour, he permitted him,

with the Marquis de Gallo (the Neapolitan Minister and another

plenipotentiary at Udine), to visit the camps of his army of England on

the coast. It is true that this condescension was, perhaps, as much a

boast, or a threat, as a compliment.

The famous diplomatic note of Talleyrand, which, at Aix-la-Chapelle

proscribed en masse all your diplomatic agents, was only a slight revenge

of Bonaparte's for your mandate of blockade. Rumour states that this

measure was not approved of by Talleyrand, as it would not exclude any of

your Ambassadors from those Courts not immediately under the whip of our

Napoleon. For fear, however, of some more extravagant determination,

Joseph Bonaparte dissuaded him from laying before his brother any

objections or representations. "But what absurdities do I not sign!"

exclaimed the pliant Minister.

Bonaparte, on his arrival at Aix-la-Chapelle, found there, according to

command, most of the members of the foreign diplomatic corps in France,

waiting to present their new credentials to him as Emperor. Charlemagne

had been saluted as such, in the same place, about one thousand years

before,--an inducement for the modern Charlemagne to set all these

Ambassadors travelling some hundred miles, without any other object but

to gratify his impertinent vanity. Every spot where Charlemagne had

walked, sat, slept, talked, eaten or prayed, was visited by him with

great ostentation; always dragging behind him the foreign

representatives, and by his side his wife. To a peasant who presented

him a stone upon which Charlemagne was said to have once kneeled, he gave

nearly half its weight in gold; on a priest who offered him a small

crucifix, before which that Prince was reported to have prayed, he

bestowed an episcopal see; to a manufacturer he ordered one thousand

louis for a portrait of Charlemagne, said to be drawn by his daughter,

but which, in fact, was from the pencil of the daughter of the

manufacturer; a German savant was made a member of the National Institute

for an old diploma, supposed to have been signed by Charlemagne, who many

believed was not able to write; and a German Baron, Krigge, was

registered in the Legion of Honour for a ring presented by this Emperor

to one of his ancestors, though his nobility is well known not to be of

sixty years' standing. But woe to him who dared to suggest any doubt

about what Napoleon believed, or seemed to believe! A German professor,

Richter, more a pedant than a courtier, and more sincere than wise,

addressed a short memorial to Bonaparte, in which he proved, from his

intimacy with antiquity, that most of the pretended relics of Charlemagne

were impositions on the credulous; that the portrait was a drawing of

this century, the diploma written in the last; the crucifix manufactured

within fifty, and the ring, perhaps, within ten years. The night after

Bonaparte had perused this memorial, a police commissary, accompanied by

four gendarmes, entered the professor's bedroom, forced him to dress, and

ushered him into a covered cart, which carried him under escort to the

left bank of the Rhine; where he was left with orders, under pain of

death, never more to enter the territory of the French Empire. This

expeditious and summary justice silenced all other connoisseurs and

antiquarians; and relics of Charlemagne have since poured in in such

numbers from all parts of France, Italy, Germany, and even Denmark, that

we are here in hope to see one day established a Museum Charlemagne, by

the side of the museums Napoleon and Josephine. A ballad, written in

monkish Latin, said to be sung by the daughters and maids of Charlemagne

at his Court on great festivities, was addressed to Duroc, by a Danish

professor, Cranener, who in return was presented, on the part of

Bonaparte, with a diamond ring worth twelve thousand livres--L 500. This

ballad may, perhaps, be the foundation of future Bibliotheque or Lyceum

Charlemagne.

LETTER XI.

PARIS, August, 1805.

MY LORD:--On the arrival of her husband at Aix-la-Chapelle, Madame

Napoleon had lost her money by gambling, without recovering her health by

using the baths and drinking the waters; she was, therefore, as poor as

low-spirited, and as ill-tempered as dissatisfied. Napoleon himself was

neither much in humour to supply her present wants, provide for her

extravagances, or to forgive her ill-nature; he ascribed the inefficacy

of the waters to her excesses, and reproached her for her too great

condescension to many persons who presented themselves at her

drawing-room and in her circle, but who, from their rank in life, were

only fit to be seen as supplicants in her antechambers, and as associates

with her valets or chambermaids.

The fact was that Madame Napoleon knew as well as her husband that these

gentry were not in their place in the company of an Empress; but they

were her creditors, some of them even Jews; and as long as she continued

debtor to them she could not decently--or rather, she dared not prevent

them from being visitors to her. By confiding her situation to her old

friend, Talleyrand, she was, however, soon released from those

troublesome personages. When the Minister was informed of the occasion

of the attendance of these impertinent intruders, he humbly proposed to

Bonaparte not to pay their demands and their due, but to make them

examples of severe justice in transporting them to Cayenne, as the only

sure means to prevent, for the future, people of the same description

from being familiar or audacious.

When, thanks to Talleyrand's interference, these family arrangements were

settled, Madame Napoleon recovered her health with her good-humour; and

her husband, who had begun to forget the English blockade, only to think

of the papal accolade (dubbing), was more tender than ever. I am assured

that, during the fortnight he continued with his wife at Aix-la-Chapelle,

he only shut her up or confined her twice, kicked her three times, and

abused her once a day.

Memoirs of the Court of St. Cloud (Being secret letters from a gentleman at Paris to a nobleman in London) — Volume 1 · 第 3 / 4 段