[Footnote 22: It is well known that the history of the troubles of the

Fronde is recounted by a variety of eye-witnesses, no two of which agree

in their account of motives--scarcely of facts. Cardinal de Retz, in his

memoirs, gives a somewhat different account of the adhesion of madame de

Longueville to his party. It is singular to remark how each person in

his relation makes himself the prime mover. Rochefoucauld makes us to

almost understand that he drew over the princess to the Fronde. The

cardinal tells us that, seeing madame de Longueville one day by chance,

he conceived a hope, soon realised, of bringing her over to his party.

He tells us that at that time M. de la Rochefoucauld was attached to

her. He was living at Poitou; but came to Paris about three weeks

afterwards; and thus Rochefoucauld and De Retz were brought together.

The former had been accused of deserting his party, which rendered De

Retz at first disinclined to join with him; but these accusations were

unfounded, and necessity brought them much together. The cardinal allows

that madame de Longueville had no natural love for politics,--she was

too indolent;--anger, arising from her elder brother's treatment, first

led her to wish to oppose his party; gallantry led her onward; and this

causing party spirit to be but the second of her motives, instead of

being a heroine, she became an adventuress.]

[Footnote 23: Rochefoucauld's Mémoires; Mémoires de Gourville; James's

Life and Times of Louis XIV.]

[Footnote 24: Mémoires du duc de Rochefoucauld.]

[Footnote 25: Cardinal de Retz relates a scene in which he spoke

disparagingly of Rochefoucauld. He supposes that this was reported to

the duke: "I know not whether this was the case," he says; "but I could

never discover any other cause for the first hatred that M. de la

Rochefoucauld conceived against me."]

[Footnote 26: Cardinal de Retz, in describing this scene, declares that

Rochefoucauld called out to Coligny and Recousse to kill De Retz, as he

held him pinned in the doorway: they refused; while a partisan of the

coadjutor came to his aid, and, representing that it was a shame and a

horror to commit such an assassination, Rochefoucauld allowed the door

to open. Joly relates the occurrence in the same manner; and, although a

little softened in expression, the duke's account does not materially

differ.]

[Footnote 27: The couplet, written by Rochefoucauld at the bottom of a

portrait of the duchess de Longueville is well known.

"Pour mériter son cœur, pour plaire à ses beaux yeux,

J'ai fait la guerre aux rois: je l'aurois faite aux dieux."

When he quarrelled with her, after his wound in the combat of the

fauxbourg de St. Antoine, he parodied it.

"Pour ce cœur inconstant, qu'enfin je connois mieux,

J'ai fait la guerre aux rois; j'en ai perdu les yeux."

It may here be mentioned, that the prince of Conti and the duchess of

Longueville held out in Bordeaux and Guienne against the royal

authority for several years. Through the interposition of Gourville they

acceded to terms in 1658. The conclusion of madame de Longueville's life

was singular. Cardinal de Retz and Rochefoucauld both describe her as

naturally indolent; but they both so inoculated her with a love of party

intrigue, that, when the war of the Fronde ceased, she found it

impossible to reconcile herself to a quiet life. She became jansenist.

She built herself a dwelling close to the abbey of Port Royal aux

Champs. She put herself forward in all the disputes, and was looked up

to with reverence by the leaders of the party, and contrived, when every

one else had failed, to suspend the disturbances caused by the formula.

"A singular woman," the French biographer writes, "who even became

renowned while working out her salvation, and saved herself on the same

plank from hell and from ennui." Her piety was sincere, for she

submitted to great personal privations, and fasted so strictly, that she

died, it is said, from inanition. She died about a month after the duke

de la Rochefoucauld. The bishop of Autun preached her funeral oration,

as madame de Sévigné says, with all the ability, tact, and grace that

it was possible to conceive. The children and friends of Rochefoucauld

were among his audience, and wept his death anew.]

[Footnote 28: "Il y a toujours eût du je ne sais quoi en tout M. de la

Rochefoucauld. Il a voulu se mêler d'intrigues dès son enfance, et en

un temps où il ne sentait pas les petits intérêts, qui n'ont jamais

été son faible, et où il ne connoissait pas les grands, qui, d'un

autre sens, n'ont pas été son tort. Il n'a jamais été capable

d'aucune affaire, et je ne sais pourquoi; car il avait des qualités qui

eussent suplié, en tout autre celles qu'il n'avait pas. Sa vue n'était

pas assez étendue, et il ne voyait pas même tout ensemble ce qui

était à sa portée; mais son bon sens, très bon dans la speculation,

joint à sa douceur, à son insinuation, et à sa facilité de mœurs,

qui est admirable, devait recompenser plus qu'il n'a fait le défaut de

sa pénétration. Il a toujours eût une irrésolution habituelle; mais

je ne sais même à quoi attribuer cette irrésolution: elle n'a pu

venir en lui de la fécondité de son imagination, qui est rien moins

que vive. Je ne puis la donner à la stérilité de son jugement, car

quoiqu'il ne l'ait pas exquis dans l'action, il à un bon fonds de

raison. Nous voyons l'effect de cette irrésolution, quoique nous n'en

connaissons pas la cause. Il n'a jamais été guérier, quoiqu'il fut

très soldat. Il n'a jamais été par lui même bon courtisan, quoiqu'il

ait eût toujours bonne intention de l'être. Il n'a jamais été bon

homme de parti, quoique toute sa vie il y ait été engagé. Cet air de

honte et de timidité que vous lui voyez dans la vie civile s'était

tourné dans les affaires en air d'apologie. Il croyait toujours en

avoir besoin, ce qui jointes a ses maximes, qui ne marquent pas assez de

foi à la vertu, et à sa pratique, qui a toujours été à sortir des

affaires avec autant d'impatience qu'il y est entré, me fait conclure

qu'il eut beaucoup mieux fait de se connaître et de se réduire à

passer, comme il eût pu, pour le courtisan le plus poli et pour le plus

honnête homme, à l'égard de la vie commune, qui eût paru dans le

siècle."

Such is the character de Retz gives of his rival. Madame de Sévigné

has preserved a portrait of the cardinal by Rochefoucauld. He gives him

high praise for good understanding and an admirable memory. He

represents him as high minded, and yet more vain than ambitious; an easy

temper, ready to listen to the complaints of his followers; indolent to

excess, when allowed to repose, but equal to any exertion when called

into action; and aided on all occasions by a presence of mind which

enabled him to turn every chance so much to his advantage that it seemed

as if each had been foreseen and desired by him. He relates that he was

fond of narrating his past adventures; and his reputation was founded

chiefly on his ability in placing his very defects in a good light. He

even regards his last retreat as resulting from vanity, while his

friend, madame de Sévigné, more justly looks upon it as resulting from

the grandeur of his mind and love of justice.]

[Footnote 29: We doubt the exact truth of these assertions even while we

write them. It is true that Rochefoucauld detects self-love as mingling

in many of our actions and feelings, but he does not advance the opinion

that no disinterested virtue can exist, and, still less, the Helvetian

metaphysical notion that self-love is the spring of every emotion, which

it is, inasmuch as it is we that feel, and that our emotions cause our

pulses to beat, not another's; but is not, inasmuch as we do not consult

our own interest or pleasure in all we feel and do. Madame de Sévigné

relates an anecdote of an officer who had his arm carried off by the

same cannon-ball that killed Turenne, but who, careless of the

mutilation, threw himself weeping on the corpse of the hero. She adds

that Rochefoucauld shed tears when he heard this told. Such tears are a

tribute paid to disinterested virtue; and prove, though the author of

the "Maxims" could trace dross in ore wherever it existed, yet that he

believed that virtue could be found in entire purity.]

[Footnote 30: Bayle's Dictionary, article Cæsar.]

MOLIÈRE

1622-1673

Louis XIV. one day asked Boileau "Which writer of his reign he

considered the most distinguished;" Boileau answered, unhesitatingly,

"Molière." "You surprise me," said the king; "but of course you know

best." Boileau displayed his discernment in this reply. The more we

learn of Molière's career, and inquire into the peculiarities of his

character, the more we are struck by the greatness of his genius and the

admirable nature of the man. Of all French writers he is the least

merely French. His dramas belong to all countries and ages; and, as if

as a corollary to this observation, we find, also, an earnestness of

feeling, and a deep tone of passion in his character, that raises him

above our ordinary notions of Gallic frivolity.

Molière was of respectable parentage. For several generations his

family had been traders in Paris, and were so well esteemed, that

various members had held the places of _judge and consul_ in the city of

Paris; situations of sufficient importance, on some occasions, to cause

those who filled them to be raised to the rank of nobles. His father,

Jean Poquelin, was appointed tapestry or carpet-furnisher to the king:

his mother, Marie Cressé[31], belonged to a family similarly situated;

her father, also, was a manufacturer of carpets and tapestry. Jean

Baptiste Poquelin (such was Molière's real name) was horn on the 15th

January, 1622, in a house in Rue Saint Honoré, near the Rue de la

Tonnellerie. He was the eldest of a numerous family of children, and

destined to succeed his father in trade. The latter being afterwards

appointed _valet de chambre_ to the king, and the survivorship of the

place being obtained for his son, his prospects in life were

sufficiently prosperous. His mother died when he was only ten years of

age, and thus a family of orphans were left on his father's hands.

Brought up to trade, Poquelin's education during childhood was

restricted to reading and writing; and his boyish days were passed in

the warehouse of his father. His heart, however, was set on other

things. His paternal grandfather was very fond of play-going, and often

took his grandson to the theatre of the Hôtel de Bourgogne, where

Corneille's plays were being acted. From this old man the youth probably

inherited his taste for the drama, and he owed it to him that his genius

took so early the right bent. To him he was indebted for another great

obligation. The boy's father reproached the grandfather for taking him

so often to the play. "Do you wish to make an actor of him?" he

exclaimed. "Yes, if it pleased God that he became as good a one as

Bellerose[32]," the other replied. The prejudices of the age were

violent against actors. We almost all take our peculiar prejudices from

our parents, whom, in our nonage (unless, through unfortunate

circumstances, they lose our respect), we naturally regard as the

sources of truth. To this speech, to the admiration which the elder

Poquelin felt for actors and acting, no doubt the boy owed his early and

lasting emancipation from those puerile or worse prejudices against the

theatre, which proved quicksands to swallow up the genius of Racine.

[Sidenote: 1637.

Ætat.

14.]

The youth grew discontented as he grew older. The drama enlightened him

as to the necessity of acquiring knowledge, and to the beauty of

intellectual refinement: he became melancholy, and, questioned by his

father, admitted his distaste for trade, and his earnest desire to

receive a liberal education. Poquelin thought that his son's ruin must

inevitably ensue: the grandfather was again the boy's ally; he gained

his point, and was sent as an out-student to the college of Clermont,

afterwards of Louis-le-Grand, which was under the direction of the

jesuits, and one of the best in Paris. Amand de Bourbon, prince of

Conti, brother of the grand Condé, was going through the classes at the

same time. After passing through the ordinary routine at this school,

the young Poquelin enjoyed a greater advantage than that of being a

schoolfellow of a prince of the blood. L'Huilier, a man of large

fortune, had a natural son, named Chapelle, whom he brought up with

great care. Earnest for his welfare and good education, he engaged the

celebrated Gassendi to be Iris private tutor, and placed another boy of

promise, named Bernier, whose parents were poor, to study with him.

There is something more helpful, more truly friendly and liberal, often

in French men of letters than in ours; and it is one of the best traits

in our neighbours' character. Gassendi perceived Poquelin's superior

talents, and associated him in the lessons he gave to Chapelle and

Bernier. He taught them the philosophy of Epicurus; he enlightened their

minds by lessons of morals; and Molière derived from him those just and

honourable principles from which he never deviated in after life.

Another pupil almost, as it were, forced himself into this little circle

of students. Cyrano de Bergerac was a youth of great talents, but of a

wild and turbulent disposition, and had been dismissed from the college

of Beauvais for putting the master into a farce. He was a

Gascon--lively, insinuating, and ambitious. Gassendi could not resist

his efforts to get admitted as his pupil; and his quickness and

excellent memory rendered him an apt scholar. Chapelle himself, the

friend afterwards of Boileau and of all the literati of Paris, a writer

of songs, full of grace, sprightliness, and ease, displayed talent, but

at the same time gave tokens of that heedless, gay, and unstable

character that followed him through life, and occasioned his father,

instead of making him his heir as he intended, to leave him merely a

slight annuity, over which he had no control. Bernier became afterwards

a great eastern traveller.

[Sidenote: 1641.

Ætat.

19.]

Immediately on leaving college Poquelin entered on his service of royal

_valet de chambre_. Louis XIII. made a journey to Narbonne; and he

attended instead of his father.[33] This journey is only remarkable from

the public events that were then taking place. Louis XIII. and cardinal

de Richelieu had marched into Rousillon to complete the conquest of that

province from the house of Austria--both monarch and minister were

dying. The latter discovered the conspiracy of Cinq-Mars, the

unfortunate favourite of the king, and had seized on him and his

innocent friend De Thou--they were condemned to death; and conveyed from

Tarrascon to Lyons in a boat, which was towed by the cardinal's barge in

advance. Terror at the name of the cardinal, contempt for the king, and

anxiety to watch the wasting illnesses of both, occupied the court: the

passions of men were excited to their height; and the young and ardent

youth, fresh from the schools of philosophy, witnessed a living drama,

more highly wrought than any that a mimic stage could represent.

The cardinal had a magnificent spirit; he revived the arts, or rather

nursed their birth in France. It has been mentioned in the life of

Corneille, that he patronised the theatre; and even wrote pieces for it.

The tragedy of the "Cid," while it electrified France, by what might be

deemed a revelation of genius, gave dignity as well as a new impulse to

the drama. Acting became a fashion, a rage; private theatricals were the

general amusement, and knots of young men formed themselves into

companies of actors.

[Sidenote: 1643.

Ætat.

21.]

Poquelin, having renounced his father's trade, and having received a

liberal education, entered, it is believed, on the study of the law;

having been sent to Orleans for that purpose.

[Sidenote: 1645.

Ætat.

23.]

He returned to Paris, to commence his career of advocate; here he was

led to associate with a few friends of the same rank, in getting up

plays: by degrees he became wedded to the theatre; and when the private

company resolved to become a public one, and to derive profit from their

representations, he continued belong to it; and, according to the

fashion of actors in those days assumed a new name--that of Molière.

His father was displeased, and took every means to dissuade him from his

new course; but the enthusiasm of Molière overcame all opposition.

There is a story told, that one respectable friend, who was sent by his

father to argue against the theatre, was seduced by the youth's

arguments to adopt a taste for it, and led to turn comedian himself. His

relations did not the less continue their opposition; they exiled him as

it were from among them; and erased the most illustrious name in France

for their genealogical tree. What would their tree be worth now did it

not bear the name of Molière as its chief bloom, which more rare than

the flower of the aloe, which blossoms once in a hundred years, has

never had its match.

There were many admirable actors in Molière's time, chiefly however in

comedy. There were the three, known in farce under the names of Gauthier

Garguille, Turlupin, and Gros Guillaume, who in the end died tragically,

through the effects of fear. Arlechino (Harlequin) and Scaramouche, both

Italians, were however the favourites: the latter is said to have been

Molière's master in the art of acting; and he never missed a

representation at the Italian theatre when he could help it. The native

comedy of the Italians gave him a taste for the true humour of comic

situation and dialogue; and we owe to his well-founded predilection what

we and the German cities (in contradistinction to the French, who judge

always by rule and measure, and not by the amusement they receive, nor

the genius displayed) prefer to his five act pieces. Nor was this the

only source whence he derived instruction. The bustle and intrigue of

the Spanish comedies had been introduced by Corneille in his translation

of Lope de Vega's "Verdad Sospechosa." Corneille, however, made the

character of the _Liar_, who is the hero, more prominent. Molière is

said to have declared, that he owed his initiation into the true spirit

of comedy from this play. He took the better part; rejecting the

intrigue, disguises, and trap-doors, and discerning the great effect to

be produced by a character happily and truly conceived, and then thrown

into apposite situations.

There is much obscurity thrown over the earlier portion of Molière's

life. We know the names of some of his company. There was Gros René,

and his beautiful wife; there were the two Bejarts, brothers, whose

excellent characters attached Molière to them, and Madeleine Bejart,

their sister, a beautiful girl, the mistress of a gentleman of

Modena--to whom Molière was also attached. Molière himself succeeded

in the more farcical comic characters.

The disorders of the capital during the regency at the beginning of

Louis XIV.'s reign, and the war of the Fronde, replunged France in

barbarism; and torn by faction, the citizens of Paris had no leisure for

the theatre.

[Sidenote: 1646.

Ætat.

24.]

Molière and his troop quitted the city for the provinces, and among

other places visited Bordeaux, where he was powerfully protected by the

duc d'Epernon, governor of Guienne. It is said, that Molière wrote and

brought out a tragedy, called "The Thebaid," in this town, which

succeeded so ill, that he gave up the idea of composing tragic dramas,

though his chief ambition was to succeed in that higher walk of his art.

When we consider the impassioned and reflective disposition of Molière,

we are not surprised at his desire to succeed in impersonating the

nobler passions; we wonder rather how it was that he should have wholly

failed in delineating such, while his greatest power resided in the

talent for seizing and portraying the ridiculous.

After a tour in the provinces he returned to Paris. His former

schoolfellow, the prince of Conti, renewed his acquaintance with him;

and caused him and his company to bring out plays in his palace: and

when this prince went to preside at the states of Languedoc, he invited

them to visit him there.

[Sidenote: 1653.

Ætat.

31.]

Finding Paris still too distracted by civil broils to encourage the

theatre, Molière and his company left it for Lyons. Here he brought out

his first piece, "L'Etourdi," which met with great and deserved success.

We have an English translation, under the name of "Sir Martin Marplot,"

originally written by the celebrated duke of Newcastle, and adapted for

the stage by Dryden; the French play, however, is greatly superior. In

that the lover, _Lelie_, is only a giddy coxcomb, full of conceit and

gaiety of heart. _Sir Martin_ is a heavy plodding fool; and the mistakes

we sympathise with, even while we laugh, when originating in mere

youthful levity, excite our contempt when occasioned by dull obesity.

Thus in the English play, the master appears too stupid to deserve his

lady at last--and she is transferred to the servant; a catastrophe which

must shock our manners; and we are far more ready to rejoice in the

original, when the valet at last presents _Celie_, with her father's

consent, to his master, asking him whether he could find a way even then

to destroy his hopes.

The "Dépit Amoureux" followed, which is highly amusing. Although

Molière improved afterwards, these first essays are nevertheless worthy

his genius.

Lives of the most eminent literary and scientific men of France, Vol. 1 (of 2) · 第 8 / 33 段