It has taught many women that a model recipe for cake is not “A few

eggs, a little milk, a lump of butter, a pinch of salt, sweetening

to taste, flour enough to thicken; give a good beating and bake

according to judgment.” More than all this, it has pointed out to

women a means of support that can be carried on within their own

homes, and is perfectly compatible with other work necessarily

performed there. It has in effect opened up a new occupation to

women, in that it has taught them that their accomplishments may

become of pecuniary value, and a talent for the more prosaic

domestic duties be turned into a fine art and made remunerative. It

has enabled many women who have a taste for household employments

in their various forms to take up such occupations as a business,

when they would otherwise have drifted into other occupations for

which they have had no inclination. The exchange thus assumes a not

unimportant place in the history of woman’s occupations. The factory

system of manufactures transferred the labor of many women from the

home of the producer to the business establishment of a corporation.

The anti-slavery agitation and the founding of Mount Holyoke Seminary

and Oberlin College gave women a more prominent place as teachers

and in the professions. The Civil War opened the doors of mercantile

pursuits. It has been through the Woman’s Exchange that women have

been taught that a means of support lies open to them at their own

doors; and thus the exchange has done something to relieve the

pressure in over-crowded occupations.

The advantage that has been taken of this new idea is widespread.

The sixteen thousand consigners on the books of the exchange are

but a part of the still larger number of women who are turning to

practical advantage their tastes for sewing and cooking in all of

their various forms. Before the opening of the exchange, as still,

indeed, women seeking remunerative employment were forced to go into

one of the four great occupations open to women--work in factories,

teaching, domestic service, and work in shops. But it has been

impossible for all women desiring occupation to find it in these four

great classes of employment. Many desire employment, but are forced

to carry it on in their own homes; others have no taste whatever for

any of the lines of work mentioned; and conditions under which many

kinds of work are performed render other occupations obnoxious to

others; still others prefer work which gives greater opportunity for

the exercise of individual taste and ingenuity than do some of these

occupations. Such women have found through the exchange a means of

support and opportunity for work which they could not find elsewhere.

They are learning that society is coming to respect more the woman

who supports herself by making good bread, cakes, and preserves than

the woman who teaches school indifferently, gives poor elocutionary

performances, or becomes a mere mechanical contrivance in a shop or

factory. They are finding that the stamp of approval is ultimately

to be put on the way work is done rather than on the occupation

itself. Thus it is that hundreds of women from Maine to Texas and

California are obtaining for themselves and others partial or entire

support by making and offering for sale, either through business

houses or private orders, cake, bread, preserved fruit, salads,

desserts, and an innumerable number of special articles, in addition

to the products of artistic needle-work and decorative art-work. Not

only are these articles found in the large cities, but in country

villages many women are engaged in such work and often find a ready

sale for it without the trouble and expense of sending it to the

city markets. In one village of only five hundred inhabitants one

young woman makes and sells daily thirty loaves of bread. In a small

Eastern village another bakes and sells daily from thirty to a

hundred loaves of bread according to the season, and cake and pastry

in the same proportion.

The demand for work of this kind is as yet limited, and therefore the

net profits are in most cases small; yet in some instances a fair

competence has been secured. One person in a country town has made a

hand-some living by making chicken salad which has been sold in New

York City. Another has cleared four hundred dollars each season by

making preserves and jellies on private orders. A third has built

up a large business, employing from three to five assistants, in

making cake. Still another, living near a Southern city, has built

up “an exceedingly remunerative business” by selling to city grocers

pickles, preserves, cakes and pies. One cause given for her success

has been the fact that “she has allowed no imperfect goods to be

sold; everything has been the best, whether she has gained or lost

on it.” A fifth has netted one thousand dollars a year by preparing

mince-meat and making pies of every description; and a sixth has,

with the assistance of two daughters, netted yearly one thousand five

hundred dollars above all expenses, except rent, in preparing fancy

lunch dishes on shortest notice and dishes for invalids. Still one

more began by borrowing a barrel of flour, and now has a salesroom

where she sells daily from eighty to a hundred dozen Parker House

rolls, in addition to bread made in every conceivable way, from every

kind of grain. More moderate incomes are made by others in putting

up pure fruit juices and shrubs, in preparing fresh sweet herbs, in

making Saratoga potatoes, and consommé in the form of jelly ready to

melt and serve. So successful have been these ventures that some of

those engaging in them have acquired not only a financial profit,

but a wide reputation for the superiority of their goods. In some

instances the articles made are included in the catalogue of goods

sold by the leading dealers in fine groceries in New York City.

These illustrations have been taken from the single department of

domestic work; similar ones could be given from the class of plain

and fancy needle-work and decorative art work. Surely it is better

for the individual and better for society that these persons should

turn to useful account their various talents, rather than attempt to

enter many of the overcrowded occupations and do work for which they

have neither talent nor inclination.

But not only is the exchange directly and indirectly of value to

producers, it is of equal importance to consumers. It simplifies

many housekeeping problems in families where there is more work than

can be performed by one domestic employee and not enough for two, by

making it possible to purchase for the table and other household

purposes many articles made out of the house of the consumer. In

a similar way it is of assistance in all families who do “light

housekeeping.” It also enables them to purchase articles ready for

use which have been made under the most favorable conditions. A

specific example of this is seen in the preparation of fruit for

winter use. This is at present done in the family of each consumer,

but the canning in cities, by individual families, of fruit, often

in an over-ripe or a half-ripe condition, is as anomalous as would

be the making to-day of dairy products in the same localities. The

canning factory has come into existence to meet the demand, but the

canning factory cannot meet the needs of private families, since the

great perfection as regards results is secured only when articles

are handled in small quantities. If all fruits could be preserved in

the localities where they are produced, the consumer would gain not

only in securing a better article than can now be produced after

shipment, but the cost would ultimately be lessened, since fruit

could be thus preserved at less expense than when it is shipped to

cities and there sold at a price including cost of transportation and

high rents. Ripe fruit demands the most speedy and therefore the most

expensive modes of transportation; preserved fruits can be shipped at

leisure, by inexpensive methods. The consumer must also be indirectly

benefited as well as the producer, from the fact that such a policy

would prevent a glut in the market of such perishable articles and

the consequent discouragement on the part of the producer, sometimes

ending in a resolution to grow no more fruit for market, owing to the

loss entailed. What is true of the purchase of fruit thus prepared

is true also of numerous other articles. Scores of articles such

as boned turkey, calf’s-foot jelly, chicken jelly, chicken broth,

chicken croquettes and chicken salad, pressed veal, mince-meat,

bouillon, plum pudding and many miscellaneous articles could be

thus produced under more advantageous conditions than at present.

Moreover, many abandoned farms could be utilized as fruit farms, or

for other purposes, which are now too remote from shipping centres

to permit the transportation of ripe fruit, but could be made of use

through the exchange.

Another advantage gained by the consumers is that they are thus able

to take advantage of specialized labor. This, again, is evident in

the domestic department. The consumer is usually obliged to depend on

the skill of a single cook or baker, while through the exchange the

works of many producers are placed side by side in competition, and

thus in the end the highest standard is secured. For both producer

and consumer, therefore, the exchange is of advantage in thus

affording an avenue for specialized work. It thus makes possible to

a certain extent the division of labor which has been but partially

accomplished in the household.

Another field of work open to the exchange is in becoming a medium

for the exchange of workers as well as of work--of affording a means

of communication between workers in different lines or between

the producer and consumer. Very much of the work now done in the

house by those living there could be done to better advantage by

those coming in from outside. Special skill in arranging rooms,

hanging pictures, preparing for lunches, teas, or other social

entertainments, repairing furniture and wardrobes, fine laundry-work,

special table-service, etc., could be performed for housekeepers by

those who retain their own homes and yet are able and anxious to give

a few hours daily to outside work. The exchange, through a bureau

of information, could accomplish much for both those wishing work

and those wishing workers, as well as in a business way for itself.

In many ways, it is thus seen, the exchange is in harmony with the

economic and industrial development of the time. As far as this

is true it has in it the elements of permanence. Wherever it runs

at right angles to present economic tendencies, it must be open to

criticism and also contain in itself the germs of subsequent failure.

If all idea of charity _per se_ could be eliminated from the

exchange, if the word “gentlewoman” could be dropped from the pages

of its reports, the by-law limiting consigners to self-supporting

women stricken out, its consigners known by name instead of by

number, and the idea abandoned that it is to help women to help

themselves only “when misfortune comes;” if it could cease to be

supported by donations, kermesses, charity balls, and miscellaneous

entertainments; if it could refuse to constitute itself a judge

of its consigners’ necessities; if the name could be changed to

Household Exchange, or one signifying the character of the goods

sold rather than the nature of the makers; if, in other words, the

Woman’s Exchange could be put on a purely business basis and become

self-supporting, it would cease to be what it now is, “a palliative

for the ills of the few,” and become what it aims to be, “a curative

for the sufferings of the many.”

FOOTNOTES:

[14] This article was first published in _The Forum_, May, 1892. It

is now republished without alteration from the original manuscript.

In the intervening years some exchanges then existing have been

abandoned, and new ones have been organized, but a somewhat careful

inquiry has disclosed no essential modifications of the principles

for which the Woman’s Exchange stood in 1892. The conclusions reached

at that time therefore remain unchanged.

[15] Annual Report of the Board of Managers of the Ladies’ Depository

Association for 1890.

[16] Annual Report for 1890.

[17] A very full list is given by F. A. Lincoln, _Directory of

Exchanges for Woman’s Work_, pp. 24-26.

[18] “But it is not to be understood, because of this surplus, that

the Woman’s Exchange is in any sense self-supporting. Such is not to

be expected, and has never been any part of our scheme. The surplus

comes, as was always anticipated, from public benevolence.” _Third

Annual Report Woman’s Exchange_, San Francisco, California.

[19] How difficult the task is may be inferred from the following

extracts from annual reports of two exchanges.

“While we can by watchfulness avoid any considerable number of

such transactions (consignment of goods by other than needy and

distressed gentlewomen) on the part of the residents of this coast,

we are utterly helpless in cases coming from the other side of the

continent, for which reason I think it is just and prudent to stop

such exhibits altogether.”

“A prevalent opinion in the community, and one that does us no little

harm, is that we help many well-to-do women. It is a very difficult,

as well as a very delicate matter to learn just how needy our

depositors are; we do not attempt to do so. We assume that they need

to earn money from the fact that they desire to become depositors.

But we gradually become more or less familiar with their lives, and

we can assure you, as a rule, our money is well paid out.”

“Sometimes people unwittingly make very damaging statements. A

short time ago a lady remarked to a friend that the exchange was

not accomplishing any good--it only helped well-to-do women to earn

pin-money, and verified her statement by giving the name of a wealthy

lady who said she was a depositor. The matter was inquired into and

the said name was found, but we also learned that the ticket had been

bought to give to a needy woman, who became the depositor.”

The Riverside Press

_Electrotyped and printed by H. O. Houghton & Co._

_Cambridge, Mass., U. S. A._

Progress in the household · 第 7 / 7 段