An address on the above interesting subject was delivered by Sir
Frederick Young, K.C.M.G., in the Y.M.C. Association Hall, on
Monday, when the room was filled to its utmost capacity. The chair
was taken by the President of the Association, Mr. E.J. Earp, who,
in introducing the lecturer to the audience, said he was a
gentleman who was well and favourably known to many colonists, who
had received great attention and kindness from him during their
visits to the Old Country. Sir Frederick Young had very kindly
responded to the invitation of the committee to lecture this
evening, and though the subject of Imperial Federation was of a
somewhat political nature, still it was not of such a character as
to preclude its being spoken about within the walls of the
association. The subject of the lecture was one worthy of all
attention, which had recently been occupying the attention of
eminent statesmen of various political opinions. This was an age of
specialists, and he thought that Sir Frederick Young might be well
considered as a specialist on the subject upon which he was now
about to address them. He had for many years been connected with
the Royal Colonial Institute, and his services had received
recognition at the hands of his Sovereign.
Sir Frederick Young, who was most warmly received, said in he first
place he must tender his hearty thanks to the Chairman for the very
kind manner in which he had introduced him. The attention of the
audience this evening would be directed to the desirability of
promoting the unity of the British Empire. Before commencing his
address, he wished to emphasize what the Chairman had already
expressed with regard to the rules of the association on political
subjects. In connection with that, he would say that the subject he
was about to speak upon did not touch upon party politics in any
way, as it was a National question, and might be excepted from
their rigid rule. The subject of Imperial Federation was, to his
mind, of so vast and vital a character, and of such importance to
the whole nation collectively, that it impressed him with the
responsibility he incurred in speaking upon it, and the feeling he
had of being unable to do full justice to it. He spoke with some
confidence on the subject, because he claimed to be one of the
pioneers of the idea of Imperial Federation, which meant "the
government of the Empire by the Empire." He wished to take his
hearers back to the origin of English parliaments, when the first
idea of representation occurred to our early kings, and when the
scattered portions of England were at last drawn into one focus of
representation by Edward III., and gradually that kind of
representation succeeded in effecting the Union of England and
Scotland, and subsequently Ireland, things remaining in that form
until the present day. Latterly, our Colonial Empire had grown up
to wonderful and vast dimensions, but as far as the principle of
representation was concerned there had been no great change, though
it was perfectly true that during the past few years a certain
number of the Colonies had obtained what was called
self-government, or what he called the shadow of English government
on the parliamentary system, as retained in its original principle
and plan up to our own times. The Imperial policy of the British
Empire was entirely conducted at Home, and Imperial Federation
meant that this system should be changed, and that those who were
living outside the borders of the British Isles should have their
true participation in the government of the Empire. This led him to
a point on which there was very much misunderstanding on the part
of those who had heard the subject of Imperial Federation
mentioned, and who thought there must be some idea of those who
advocated it at Home getting some advantage over their colonial
brethren, and draw them into a net, by which they would have to
part with their rights of local self-government. He utterly denied
that there were any such intentions--on the contrary, this was an
invitation to them, a cry from the Old Country, asking them to come
and assist in governing the Empire. This could only be effected by
Imperial Federation, which would mean the termination of what was
called the rule of Downing Street, which would be superseded by
something far different, and, in his opinion, be far more
acceptable to the colonists themselves. They would not have to
suffer, as they had in the past, in many ways, from ignorance,
prejudice, and narrow views, but they would have an opportunity of
taking part in the policy of the Empire, particularly in that which
affected themselves. In consequence of the agitation at Home during
the past few years a successful attempt had been made to establish
what was called the Imperial Federation League, of which he was an
active member, and which took no part in party politics, and was at
the present moment presided over by Lord Rosebery, with the Hon. E.
Stanhope, the present Minister of War, as Vice-President, who, so
far as party politics were concerned, were on totally different
sides. That would prove that in England they did not regard this
great question as one of party politics. One of the most important
results in connection with that League had been the celebrated
Colonial Conference, which the League had been able to induce the
Government to summon two years ago at Westminster. They all knew
what a remarkable gathering that was, which was presided over by
Lord Knutsford (then Sir Henry Holland), the summons being
responded to by the self-governing Colonies of the Empire sending
their foremost men to represent their interests. From South Africa
were sent such men as Sir Thomas Upington, Sir John Robinson, and
Mr. Hofmeyr, and he confessed that, when he had the honour of being
at the first meeting of the Conference, and seeing these men
gathered in the Foreign Office, and having present the Prime
Minister, Lord Salisbury, if his dream of Imperial Federation was
to be anything more than a dream, he felt that these were the first
symptoms of its realization. It was the first time in history that
the Colonies of Great Britain had come to the Mother Country to
consult on great National questions. He had read nearly the whole
of the large Blue Book which contained the reports of the
Conference, and all he could say was that he challenged any
assembly of public men to meet together and show more ability and
statesmanlike thought in the discussion of the questions submitted
to them than was shown by that Conference during its short reign.
He was delighted with the noble words of Lord Salisbury, when he
expressed his satisfaction, and said he hoped this would be only
the first of many similar Conferences, but Lord Salisbury, like
other public men, sometimes saw occasion to change his views,
because not long ago he said, on a public occasion, that all he
knew about Federation was, that it was a word spelt with ten
letters, which was somewhat of a wet blanket to some of those who
had reckoned upon Lord Salisbury as an ardent supporter. More
recently he said, in reply to a question put to him at a public
meeting at the East End of London, that geographical considerations
would prevent the realization of such a scheme; but his allusions
to geographical difficulties vanished before modern science. Was it
not in their cognizance that in South Africa, through the medium of
the telegraph, they were able to know what was taking place in
England within twenty-four hours? Geographical considerations,
indeed! that might have been all very well some years ago, when it
took three or four months to reach the Cape, but now it took only
two or three weeks, and that time would even be probably reduced as
time wore on. Such being the case, geographical considerations had
nothing whatever to do with the matter. He had no desire to speak
unfairly of the gentleman who occupied the position of Prime
Minister of the Empire, but he felt sure the time would come when
Lord Salisbury would think that Imperial Federation was something
more than a word of ten letters; and that his geographical
considerations would vanish also, as having no reason in them. In
contrast to Lord Salisbury, he would read a short extract from a
speech, made only a few months ago at Leeds by Lord Rosebery, when
he said: "For my part, if you will forgive me this little bit of
egotism, I can say from the bottom of my heart that it is the
dominant passion of my public life. Ever since I traversed those
great regions which own the sway of the British Crown outside these
islands, I have felt that there was a cause, which merited all the
enthusiasm and energy that man could give to it. It is a cause for
which any one might be content to live; it is a cause for which, if
needs be, any one might be content to die." Lord Rosebery was at
this moment the President of the Imperial Federation League, and
only recently he addressed a letter, on behalf of the League, to
Lord Salisbury, asking that the Government would summon another
Conference like the one which took place with such wonderful
results two years ago, and which Lord Salisbury had said he hoped
would be the first of many more. The answer he gave, however, was
something to the effect that he did not think it desirable that the
Government should move in the matter, but that the Colonies should
take the initiative. With all humility he would ask how anything of
this kind could be moved, except by some motor? There must be
something to move the colonists, and who could do that so well as
Her Majesty's Government, by inviting, in a courteous and
sympathetic spirit, the Colonies to come again and consult on
Imperial subjects. He would now touch upon some of the errors
prevalent on this great question of Imperial Federation. In some of
the Colonies, New Zealand in particular, something had been said
that in course of time independence must be the inevitable result.
But he asked why should this be the case? He would also like to say
something about what were Imperial questions? Some of the subjects
which would be dealt with by the Imperial Federated Parliament
would be those of National defence, peace and war, and all subjects
in which national interests are concerned. As he had attempted to
explain, it would be a federation in which the Colonies would be
completely and fairly represented. The whole subject resolved
itself into this: Representation. One hundred years ago, one of our
distinguished statesmen in England, Charles James Fox, said that
"representation was the sovereign remedy for all evils," and that
was what was contended for by Imperial Federation. He would now
venture to make some allusion to one of the most distinguished
statesmen in South Africa, who attended the Conference in
London--he alluded to Mr. Hofmeyr--who made a most remarkable
speech. He was sorry it was too long to read, but he would select a
portion of that very statesmanlike address. Referring to the fourth
and eighth subjects proposed for discussion--viz., the feasibility
of promoting a closer union between the various parts of the
British Empire by means of an Imperial tariff of Customs, to be
levied independently of the duties payable under existing tariffs
on goods entering the British Empire from abroad, the revenue
derived from such tariffs to be devoted to the general defence of
the Empire--he said: "I have taken this matter in hand with two
objects, to promote the union of the Empire, and at the same time
to obtain revenue for general defence. It would establish a
connecting link between the Colonies mutually, as well as between
the Colonies, and the Empire also, such as is not at present in
existence, and which might fuller develop, by-and-by, into a most
powerful bond of union." Again, speaking of how this was to be
effected, he said: "A body would be required with legislative, and,
to some extent, administrative powers; in other words, you would
have a limited fiscal Parliament by the side of the British
Parliament and the various Colonial Parliaments. This small body,
which would have to be created, would perhaps be the germ of an
Imperial Federation afterwards." He thought those were most
remarkable, and striking words. If people would think the subject
out in a calm judicial, and fair spirit, they would see in it the
fulfilment of what would not only promote the best interests of the
British Empire, but would also be the handmaiden of civilization to
others as well, because in it there was no idea of aggrandisement.
He had recently made a most remarkable tour through this
interesting country, and since he landed in Cape Town, on the 24th
May, had seen a great deal of it. He had visited Kimberley, and
gone down in a bucket to see one of the diamond mines; he had
travelled to Vryburg, and across the treeless desert in the
south-western portion of the Transvaal to Klerksdorp; thence on to
Johannesburg and down the gold mines, and further on to Pretoria,
where he had an interview with President Kruger, and attended
meetings of the Volksraad. He had been 150 miles north of Pretoria,
and dwelt for a fortnight in the open veldt, without going near a
house, and had seen the Kafirs in their kraals. He had crossed the
Transvaal, through Heidelburg and Newcastle, in Natal, down to
Durban, he had visited Port Elizabeth and Grahamstown, and had now
returned to Cape Town. What he had seen of this great country had
astonished him, and he thought it had a vast future before it; but
it required to be governed in the most enlightened and satisfactory
manner, and he appealed to both races--Dutch and English--to
co-operate and unite in developing its wonderful resources. It was
by this way alone--by cordial co-operation and a generous feeling
towards one another, that this would be realized. He believed that
Imperial Federation would be the best solution of the difficulties
which had arisen. He had heard whispers of what was called
Republicanism. We worshipped words rather than things; but the
British Constitution, especially when it would be expanded by
Federation, would be practically a Republic with a Queen as
President. He would, therefore, appeal once more to the judgment of
thoughtful men to weigh the principles contended for, calmly,
wisely, and without prejudice or passion. The flippant, the
superficial, the thoughtlessly ambitious, and those who did not
take a fair, judicial, and comprehensive view of the great issues
involved in it to each portion of the Empire over which the British
Crown held sway, might deride and condemn it, but he, as one of its
most ardent pioneers and supporters, recommended it to all
colonists as well as to his countrymen at home, as the best
preservation of their commercial, social, and political interests
in the future, which they would lose altogether if they abandoned
it in favour of the disintegration of the British Empire. He had
studied this question for some years, and by a sort of instinct he
felt that it was the right thing to be brought about. He had
brought before them proofs that some distinguished men were already
feeling the desirability of some such thing being effected, and he
could not but help thinking that their ranks would be augmented by
other people of influence and power, who may hereafter be brought
to think seriously and carefully over this great question. He took
the opportunity himself, some three years ago, to put a letter in
the London _Times_ suggesting that as the question had now been
some years before the public, both in the Colonies and the Mother
Country, it would be very desirable indeed if a Royal Commission of
Inquiry were sent out, under distinguished auspices, for the
purpose of ascertaining the opinions of the various Colonies. This
could be carried out on parallel lines to the celebrated Commission
sent to Canada, and which resulted in the consolidation of the
Dominion. The obtaining of these opinions would be invaluable
evidence as to the consensus of feeling in the Colonies on the
subject. If the question was to be more than a dream, and became
one of practical politics, it would require all the Colonies to
express an opinion on the subject. He could not conceive that
anything could be more desirable than to take the evidence of
distinguished representative men on such a great National question.
Those were the views he expressed in the leading journal; they were
individual ideas, which did not yet appear to be acceptable, though
he could not help hoping that the day would arrive when some such
Royal Commission might be appointed, which would give an impetus to
the question--and, at all events, afford all those who took such a
deep interest in it an opportunity of seeing how far, in the
opinion of the various Colonies, such a change in the British
Constitution could be effected, to the entire satisfaction of all
concerned. There was no desire on the part of the Mother Country,
in propounding questions like this, to take any advantage of the
Colonies, or do anything which would not be for their benefit.
There was no hurry on the part of the Mother Country, which simply
asked the Colonies to help to govern and take part in the National
politics of the British Empire.
Mr. J.A. BAM proposed a vote of thanks to Sir Frederick Young for
his able and instructive lecture, which was heartily accorded.
SIR FREDERICK YOUNG having acknowledged the compliment, the
proceedings closed with a vote of thanks to the President.
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