NOTES_The Philippine Islands, 1493-1898, Volume 45, 1736 Explorations by early navigators, descriptions of the islands and their peoples, their history and records of the Catholic missions, as related in contemporaneous books and manuscripts, showing the political, economic, commercial and religious conditions of those islands from their earliest relations with European nations to the close of the nineteenth century

[1] "All the New World was subjected to the alcavala. This is a tax

levied only upon whatever is sold at wholesale, and does not extend to

the articles for daily consumption; it is derived originally from the

Moors. The Spaniards adopted it in 1341, and established it at the

rate of five per cent. It was finally placed at ten, and forced up

even to fourteen per cent; but in 1750 arrangements were made which

brought the rate back to what it was at first. Philip II, after the

disastrous end of that fleet so well known under the pompous title of

'invincible,' in 1591 resolved, on account of his needs, to exact this

aid from all his possessions in America. At the outset, it was only

two per cent; in 1627, it rose to four." (Raynal, Histoire ... des

établissemens et du commerce des Européens, ii, p. 310.)

[2] The italics in this and a few other sentences are the same as in

the printed text of the Extracto.

[3] "This new despatch threw into consternation the commercial

interests here." The governor asked advice from the fiscal, who, as

the order came not as a formal royal decree, thought that it might be

regarded as only the viceroy's expression of opinion, and the governor

might take such measures as he deemed best. The citizens were informed

of the viceroy's requirement, and asked the governor to investigate

the foreign trade then carried on at Canton--saying that they were

informed that "toward the end of the preceding year, 1731, various

large vessels--French, English, and those belonging to the companies

of Olanda and Ostende--entered the port of Canton in China with more

than three millions in wealth, in silver and other commodities; and

the presumption was that those goods [which they bought] could have

no other destination than the Americas, to be introduced there by

way of the Northern Sea [i.e., Atlantic Ocean]." Such investigation

was accordingly made by official authority, and thirteen witnesses

were examined--Armenians, French, and Portuguese. These agreed in

their testimony, as eyewitnesses, that "in the city of Canton, in

the kingdom of China, the French had maintained a factory for the

space of seven years, as also had the English during two years; but

these had been suppressed in the preceding year of 31 by the governor

of Canton, on account of a controversy which the French and English

had with the Chinese traders. Nevertheless, many of their ships, and

[others] from Europa, remained there; and accordingly the witnesses

had seen in the preceding year two French ships, four English, three

Dutch, and one from Denmark, all of great burden and capacity, which

carried thither a great amount of wealth in silver of Mexican and

Peruvian coinage, and some small quantity in bullion. With this the

foreigners bought silks--raw, in bundles, quiña, and others in colors,

and woven fabrics--gold bullion, porcelain, and tea; and the witnesses

were certain that they bought these commodities for the commerce with

Perù and other parts of the Indias, as was evident from the money

[that they used], and as the witnesses knew by having heard it from the

foreigners themselves." The citizens also represented to the governor

their objections to the proposed restriction on their commerce; they

declared that it was not the Acapulco trade which was injuring that

of Spain in America, as Cadiz had claimed, but the importation of

Chinese goods by the European countries--fifteen or more ships at a

time, with more than four millions of pesos, buying these at Canton,

"with no other object than to introduce these into the Americas by

the agency of the Spaniards themselves." "The truth was, that this

complaint did not begin until the foreign ships found their way to

Canton." The Spanish merchants ought not to complain of the small

quantity of Chinese silk traded by Manila, when they themselves formed

the channel for the far greater commerce therein of the other European

nations, "in which the Chinese goods, made in imitation of the European

goods, and folded double like them, occupy the same place." Moreover,

the money returned to the Filipinas Islands did not all go, as Cadiz

claimed, to foreign countries; but the greater part of it was invested

in the obras pias, and in the fortunes of the citizens. It must also

be noted that the Chinese champans carried home considerable cargoes

of sibucao, sugar, and other products of the islands, in exchange

for their stuffs. The royal officials at Manila, consulted by the

governor, declared that the customs and other duties on the commerce

would be greatly diminished by the prohibition of Chinese silks to

the Acapulco trade--to the extent of more than 31,000 pesos a year,

as was the case in the years 1719 and 1720, when the champans failed

to arrive at Manila; besides which, the treasury lost 12,000 pesos,

in the license-fees paid by the Chinese merchants who came to reside

in the islands and sell their wares, and 6,000 more from other incomes

dependent on the Chinese. The governor called together a conference of

the religious superiors and the leading citizens; at which the matter

was discussed pro and con; the sense of the meeting was expressed by

the Dominican Fray Juan de Arrechedera, commissary of the Inquisition,

who was asked to place his opinion in writing, and this was signed

by those present, and attested by the governor, as president of the

assembly. Arrechedera took the ground that the viceroy's notification

was not a formal royal decree; that if carried out it would mean the

ruin of the islands, which surely the king could not intend or mean;

that the matter should properly be decided by the king himself, after

Manila had opportunity to be heard before him; and the viceroy could

only regulate the commerce according to the royal orders, and had no

authority to change the present conditions without those orders. The

Jesuit provincial did not sign this opinion, but rendered his own

separately, warning the Manila merchants that the viceroy might be

offended at their attitude, and confiscate their goods if they did

not obey him. The royal officials advised the governor to allow the

silks to be sent to Acapulco, and meanwhile to secure the good-will

of the viceroy for intercession with the king in Manila's behalf. The

matter was finally settled, however, by the royal decree of 1734,

obtained through the efforts of the Manila agents at the court,

which revoked the viceroy's orders and permitted the silk trade to

continue. (Concepción. Hist. de Philipinas, x, pp. 254-303.) Cf. the

sketch of the Manila-Acapulco trade by Manuel Azcarraga y Palmero

in his Libertad de comercio en las islas Filipinas (Madrid, 1872),

pp. 39-96. Malo de Luque outlines the subject briefly in his

Establecimientos ultramarinos, v, pp. 217-234.

[4] "Although the silks which Spain furnishes are in general very

choice, those of Valencia are far superior [to the rest]; and both are

suitable for all uses. Their only defect is that they are a little too

oily, which causes much difficulty in dyeing them." "The diversity of

silks which Europe produces has not enabled us to dispense with that

from China. Although in general it may be of heavy quality and uneven

staple, it will always be in demand for its whiteness." "The whiteness

of the Chinese silk, to which nothing else can be compared, renders it

the only suitable kind for the manufacture of blondes and gauzes. The

efforts that have been made to substitute our silks for it in the

manufacture of blondes have always been fruitless, although not only

dressed but undressed silks have been tried for this purpose; but the

results have been somewhat less unsatisfactory in regard to gauzes."

"In the last century, the Europeans brought from China very little

[raw] silk; ours was sufficiently good for the black or colored gauzes,

and for the catgut gauzes [marlis] which then were worn. The taste

which has prevailed during the last forty years (and more generally

during the last twenty-five) for white gauzes and for blondes has

gradually increased the consumption of this Oriental product; the

amount of this rose in modern times to eighty thousand pounds a year,

of which France always used nearly three-fourths; and this importation

has so greatly increased that in 1766 the English alone took a hundred

and four thousand-weight of it. As the gauzes and blondes could not

consume that amount, the manufacturers used part of it in making

watered silks [moires] and hose.... Besides this silk of unique

whiteness--which is chiefly produced in the province of Tche-Kiang,

and which we know in Europe under the name of Nankin silk, from the

place, where it is especially made--China produces ordinary silks,

which we call Canton silks. As these are suitable for only the wefts

of some silk fabrics, and are as expensive as those of Europe which

serve for the same uses, very little of them is imported; and what

the English and Dutch carry away of this Canton silk does not exceed

five or six thousand-weight." (Raynal, Établissemens et commerce des

Européens, i, pp. 660-662.)

"The Chinese are no less skilful in working up their silks than in

producing them; but this praise ought not to extend to those of their

stuffs in which gold and silver are woven. Their manufacturers have

never known how to draw these metals into thread, and their ingenuity

is always confined to rolling their silks in gilded papers, or in

pasting [appliquer] the stuffs to those same papers; both methods

are equally faulty." (Raynal, Étab. et com. des Européens, i, p. 662.)

[5] At the end of the atlas volume of Raynal's Histoire ... des

établissemens et du commerce des Européens (ed. of 1780, Geneva)

are various supplementary sheets, containing tabulated summaries of

the kinds and amounts of trade carried on by the leading European

nations with their colonial possessions, chiefly those of America;

from some of these we abstract items of interest which have some

relation to the scope of our work. The first of these shows the

amount and value of the commerce of the Company of Holland in the

East Indies from 1720 to 1729 inclusive. In these ten years they

sent out an average of 37 or 38 ships each year, manned by about

7,000 men; of these, 30 returned to Europe. The merchandise sold by

the company amounted, in round numbers, to an average of 18,859,000

florins yearly, and the dividends distributed among the partners to

23 3/5 per cent (ranging, in different years, from 12 1/2 to 40 per

cent); the amount of money sent to the Cape of Good Hope and to the

Asian Islands averaged 6,560,000 florins. The average sales of spices

yearly were as follows: Pepper, 4,500,000 pounds, at 11 sols, 2,475,000

florins; cinnamon, 400,000 pounds, at 5 3/4 florins, 2,300,000 florins;

cloves, 400,000 pounds, at 4 1/4 florins, 1,700,000 florins; nutmegs,

250,000 pounds, at 3 3/4 florins, 937,500 florins; mace, 90,000 pounds,

at 6 1/2 florins, 585,000 florins--a total of 7,997,500 florins. The

original capital of the Dutch East India Company was 6,459,840 florins;

about 57 per cent of this was held in Amsterdam, and about 21 per

cent in the province of Zeeland. The number of shares was 2,153,

each of 3,000 florins. During the period 1605 to 1777, the dividends

annually distributed ranged usually from 12 1/2 to 40 per cent; in

the following years they exceeded the latter rate--being in 1606,

75 per cent; in 1610, 50; in 1612, 57 1/2; in 1615, 42 1/2; in 1616,

62 1/2; in 1671, 45 and 15. During 1771-77, they were uniformly 12

1/2 per cent. These were paid usually in money; sometimes, in the

earlier years, in cloves; and, in 1673, 1679, and 1697, in bonds or

in contracts. In the period 1723-74, the prices of shares ranged from

788 per cent (in 1733) to 314 (in 1771).

Another table shows similar figures for the years 1679 to

1774--apparently for the new organization of the company in 1674. The

capital is stated at 8,071,135 florins; there were 1,345 shares, of

6,000 florins each. The dividends, during the above period, ranged from

10 per cent to nothing, the yearly average being 1-21/32 per cent;

neither these figures nor the prices of shares agree with those of

the first table, but the reason for the discrepancy is not obvious.

[6] In 1731 and 1733 Sevilla and Cadiz "both imagined (and it is rather

surprising that this had not been sooner evident) that it would be

an advantage to Spain to take part directly in the commerce of Asia,

and that the possessions which it had in that part of the world would

be the center of the operations which it would conduct there. In vain

was the objection made against them that, as India furnished silk and

cotton fabrics that were superior to those of Europe in their finish,

in their colors, and (above all) in their cheapness, the national

manufacturers could not support competition with those goods, and

would infallibly be ruined. This objection, which might have some

weight among certain peoples, seemed to them utterly frivolous, in

the position in which their country stood. As a fact, the Spaniards

use for both their clothing and their furniture foreign stuffs and

cloths; and these continual needs necessarily increase the industry,

the wealth, the population, and the strength of their neighbors--who

misuse these advantages, in order to keep in dependence the very

nation which obtains these for them. Would not Spain behave with

more wisdom and dignity if she would adopt the manufactures of the

Indias? Resides the economy and satisfaction which she would find

therein, she would succeed in diminishing a preponderance [of other

nations] of which she will be, sooner or later, the victim." (Raynal,

Établissemens et commerce des Européens, i, p. 606.)

[7] "The settlements, commerce, and conquests of the English in the

East Indies" are related by Raynal in his Établissemens et commerce

des Europeens, i, pp. 261-398. The English East India Company was

founded in 1600, and made a promising beginning in the Oriental trade;

but the opposition of the Dutch and Portuguese, already intrenched

therein, was so great and persistent that the English company--which

was compelled to encounter also, in turn, competition from other

English traders, hindrances arising from the duplicity and avarice

of Charles II of England, losses arising from the civil war in that

country, hostilities (originating from the greed and treachery of one

of the company's own directors) with the Mogul emperor Aurungzebe, and

the capture of many English trading vessels by French privateers--was

several times almost ruined, and all English commercial prestige in

the East was greatly injured. Finally, in 1702, the two rival East

India companies in England united their funds and enterprises, and

thereafter the affairs of the new organization prospered, in the main;

and in 1763 the French were driven out of Asia, leaving the English

masters of both political and commercial interests in India. In 1774

the latter drove out the Mahrattas from Salsette Island, and founded

Bombay, which, although at first an insalubrious locality, on account

of its fine harbor soon became the emporium of English commerce and

center of that nation's power.

[8] Formerly the fardo was 1 1/3 varas long, 3/4 vara high, and

3/4 vara less one pulgada (nearly one English inch) wide; but for a

long time previous to 1726 the bale of this size had not been used,

because it became necessary to break it open at Acapulco, in order to

transfer the goods from the ship to the land, and it was replaced by

the half-bale and half-chest, in order not to break open the package

before selling it or transporting it across the country. These smaller

packages were then called "bales" and "chests" (fardos and caxones);

their dimensions are given in the decree of 1726 (fol. 118 verso

of Extracto, or VOL. XLIV, ante, p. 311). This information appears

in the informatory report furnished by Gabriel Guerrero de Ardila,

accountant of the bureau of accounts in Mexico, to the viceroy,

on March 6, 1730. (Extracto historial, fol. 193 verso, 194.)

[9] Perhaps alluding to the Ribera (i.e., "shore") or navy-yard of

Cavite--that is, the standard of measure used in shipbuilding and

other industries there.

[10] "With this, it may be said, finally came to an end the

celebrated controversies which so persistently and for so long

a time were waged by the merchants of Cadiz against the commerce

of Filipinas, the standard of the [permission of] 500,000 dollars

[duros] remaining permanent until the emancipation of the Americas

[from Spanish rule] put an end to that traffic. It had the same

effect on all the restrictions which for the space of almost three

centuries had weighed down the Filipino commerce--for even in the

year 1810 (as Comyn tells us in his Estado de las islas Filipinas,

speaking of the Acapulco galleon) only one ship, commanded by an

officer of the navy, could make these expeditions, once a year;

and in order to share in that commerce a merchant must have a vote

in the consulate, which presupposed property to the amount of 8,000

dollars and several years of residence in the country. He was [also]

obliged to contribute, in the same proportion as the other shippers,

to the allowance of 15,000 or 20,000 dollars made to the commandant

of the galleon, besides paying 25 to 40 per cent for freight charges,

according to circumstances. [Meanwhile,] the shippers were not able

to make any examination of the condition of the ships in which they

risked a great part of their fortunes; and there were many other

impediments, which now we would suppose could not possibly have ever

existed, if we were not so habituated to stupid proceedings of this

sort." (Azcarraga y Palmero, Libertad de comercio, pp. 64, 65.)

When the galleon of Acapulco ceased its voyages--the last one sailed

from Manila in 1811, and returned from Acapulco in 1815--the commerce

fell into the hands of individuals, to whom in 1820 permission was

granted to export merchandise from Filipinas to the value of 750,000

pesos a year; and their voyages were extended from Acapulco to San

Blas, Guayaquil, and Callao. (Montero y Vidal, Hist. de Filipinas,

i, p. 462, note.)

See Raynal's account of the policy pursued in the New World by Spain,

its results on both that country and the colonies, and the elements

of weakness in it, in Etab. et com. des Européens, ii, pp. 290-356.

[11] Spanish comercio, a word which has numerous meanings, according

to the context; here evidently meaning a chamber of commerce, or an

executive committee to look after the interests of the shippers.

[12] At the outset, Pintado makes some statements to the effect that

the Council of the Indias had taken the action which led to the decree

of 1734, without consulting Cadiz, and had made certain inquiries

and consultations with the Manila deputies alone. A marginal note by

Abreu corrects this, saying, "Not only with the deputies; for the

fiscal of the Council was heard [on the subject], who is impartial

between the two commercial bodies."

[13] The Manila deputies, however, claimed that the decree of 1726

did not reach the islands until 1730, so that it was first put into

practice in that year, the five years' term, therefore, including

the shipment of 1734. (Extracto, fol. 150, 185 and verso, 190 verso.)

[14] One of the tables at the end of Raynal's atlas volume gives

an itemized list of the cargoes carried by the "last eight Spanish

trading-fleets to Vera Cruz"--that is, the last eight preceding

Raynal's work. Their cargoes were of the following amounts: in 1733

(under command of Torrez), 618,595 cubic palmos; 1735 (Pintado's),

620,000; 1757 (Villena's), 618,557; 1760 (Reggio's), 841,717; 1765

(Idiaques's), 486,943; 1768 (Tilly's), 452,282; 1772 (Cordova's),

914,807; 1776 (Ulloa's), 934,366. But one of these fleets carried

cinnamon, that of 1735; and cloves appear only in the trifling amount

of 50 quintals, in 1768. The chief articles enumerated--which appear in

every year's list--are paper, wax, iron, steel; brandy, wine, and oil;

and unbleached stuffs [linens?] from Brabant. Quicksilver was carried

in only 1765 and 1768, 7,506 and 8,000 quintals respectively. Wrought

iron was sent in five of these shipments, but in no considerable

quantity except in 1765, when also was sent 2,724 barrels of tin-plate

(in other cargoes, in but trifling amounts). Silk ribbons made

a solitary appearance in 1757, to the extent of 1,000 pieces--as

did 1,000 "swords to be mounted with hilts," in 1765. The last two

fleets carried consignments of gun-flints, respectively 650 and 386

thousand-weight.

It is evident, however, from another table (which follows the above),

that Spanish commerce had much activity outside the trading-fleets;

this shows the amounts of "merchandise which left the ports of Spain

each year from 1748 to 1753 for its colonies on the continent of

America; duties which they have paid; their current value in the

New World; expenses which they have borne; their net product for the

metropolis [i.e., Cadiz]." Of these goods, the only one monopolized

by the crown was quicksilver, to the amount of 3,600,000 livres'

worth. The greater part of this merchandise consisted of cloth and

stuffs, of silk, linen, and wool; there was a considerable amount

of iron, paper, wax, brandy, wine, and oil; and to Nueva España

was sent 1,000,000 livres' worth of cinnamon, and to Caracas 10,000

barrels of flour. Of the goods sent to Nueva España (not counting the

quicksilver), 6,367,297 livres' worth were of Spanish production,

and 14,401,815 of foreign. The import duties levied on the latter

at Cadiz amounted to 1,185,343 livres, and the export duties on

both Spanish and foreign to 1,245,059; and admiralty and avería

duties besides came to 419,623. The goods on board, then, cost

23,619,137 livres, to which must be added the following charges:

transportation to America, 3,617,623; import duties and alcavala

in America, 4,327,473; commissions on sales and return freight,

3,231,296--a total of 34,795,529 livres. The value of this merchandise

in America was arbitrated at 43,274,787 livres; deducting the above

costs, a profit of 8,479,258 livres remains from the merchandise sent

from Spain to Nueva España. On the return voyage, the main part of

the cargoes was in gold and silver--6,480,000 livres' worth for the

king, and 37,716,047 for the merchants; the crown monopolized copper

and cacao, 259,200 and 12,960 respectively; the cochineal was worth

6,426,000 livres, and the indigo 4,160,160; and various drugs, dyes,

etc. made with these a total of 56,216,533 livres (all these values

being those estimated in America). To this cost must be added freight

charges, 1,491,543 livres; and various duties to the crown (including

customs, admiralty, church, etc., the largest being for "indult and

coast-guards"), amounting to 6,428,987. Consequently, when the ships

arrived at Cadiz the value of the gold and silver had been reduced

to 5,625,607 livres for the king, and 32,775,345 for the merchants;

while the cost of the other commodities had increased from 12,020,486

livres to 14,145,922. The current value in Europe of these goods (not

including the gold and silver) was 18,465,419 livres, a gain over the

entire cost of 4,319,497 livres (30 1/2 per cent)--of which 124,527

belonged to the king, and the remainder to the merchants, as the net

proceeds on the commerce between Spain and Nueva España, outside of

the precious metals, in both the outward and return voyages each year.

[15] Churlo (or churla; from the Latin culeo, ablative of culeus):

a sack made of pita (i.e., agave) fiber-cloth, covered with another

sack of leather, for carrying cinnamon and other articles from one

region to another without losing their strength (Echegaray).

[16] Palmeo: measure by palmos; evidently referring to the usual

estimate of lading-space in a ship by cubic palmos.

[17] That is, the spice trade with Nueva España, offered by Cadiz to

Manila as an equivalent for the latter's traffic in Chinese silks.

[18] This letter appears to have been directed against the Jesuits,

who founded their college of San José in 1601, through the efforts

of Diego Garcia, their visitor. See post.

[19] See also Colin's statement regarding the college for 1656,

VOL. XXIII, pp. 83, 84; and San Antonio's brief remarks on the college,

in the same volume, pp. 134, 135.

[20] The congregation of the Virgin, which was promoted by the visitor,

Diego Garcia. It was formed from six students on St. Francis's day,

1600. So many people soon joined that it became necessary to split the

congregation into two parts, one of students and the other of laymen,

the latter of which had one hundred members in two years. Their objects

were charity and devotion. The first to initiate the congregations

of the Virgin in the Jesuit order was Juan de León, a Flemish priest,

who established the first in the Roman college in 1563, giving it the

title of Anunciada. It was given papal approval in 1564. See Colin's

Labor evangélica, pp. 411-413; and Pastells's Colin, ii, pp. 243-246.

[21] See VOL. XI, p. 225, note 44.

[22] See VOL. XIII, pp. 64-71.

[23] Luis Gomez, S.J., was born at Toledo, in 1569, and entered upon

his novitiate in 1588. In 1598 he reached the Philippines, where he

professed theology, and became rector of the college of San José,

and afterwards of the college of Cebú and Antipolo. He died at Manila,

March 1, 1627, or 1628, according to Murillo Velarde. See Sommervogel's

Bibliothèque.

[24] See VOL. XXXIV, pp. 366, 367. This refers rather to what became

known afterward as the San Ignacio college than to the college of San

José. Of the so-called Jesuit college of Manila, known as Colegio

Máximo [i.e., Chief college] de San Ignacio y el real de San José,

Archipiélago Filipino says (i. p. 346): "In the seventeenth and

eighteenth centuries there also existed in Manila the university

directed by the fathers of the Society of Jesus, who had arrived in

Filipinas for the first time in 1581. It was elevated to a pontifical

institution by a bull of Gregory XV in 1621, and given the title of

"royal" by royal decrees of Felipe IV the same year, and in 1653. It

conferred degrees on the pupils of the colleges of San Ignacio and

San José; and there was also in it, in addition to the school for

reading and writing, two chairs of theology, one of philosophy, one of

rhetoric and the Latin language, one of canons, another of civil law,

and from 1740, one of mathematics. It existed until May 21, 1768,

when the Jesuits were expelled from these islands by a royal decree

of Carlos III, which placed the edifice and the furnishings at the

disposal of the State." See also VOL. XXVIII, pp. 123, 131-134.

[25] Original decree in Calderon's El Colegio de San José (Manila,

1900), appendix, document no. 1, pp. vii, viii.

[26] Nozaleda's Colegio de S. José, p. 43.

[27] See this will in Pastells's Colin, ii, pp. 483, 484, note;

Nozaleda's Colegio de S. José, appendix, document no. 1, pp. iii-v;

and Senate Document, no. 190, 56th Congress, 2d session, p. 29. The

portion of this document (pp. 26-46) treating of San José college has

been reprinted in pamphlet form under the name San José College Case.

[28] Nozaleda's Colegio de S. José, p. 44, and appendix, document

no. 2, pp. v, vi; and Pastells's Colin, ii, pp. 482, 483, note.

[29] Pastells's Colin, ii, p. 253, note; Nozaleda's Colegio de S. José,

p. 45; and Senate Document, no. 190, pp. 29, 30.

[30] This decree is given by Colin; see ante, pp. 108-110.

[31] See this confirmation, ante, pp. 105-107; see also Pastells's

Colin, ii, pp. 482, 483, 486; and Senate Document, no. 190, p. 30.

[32] Pastells's Colin, ii, pp. 254, 255, note.

[33] Pastells's Colin, ii, p. 487.

[34] Nozaleda's Colegio de San José, p. 46.

[35] See post, pp. 170-181.

[36] Nozaleda, ut supra, pp. 48, 49.

[37] See also Concepción's Historia, vi, pp. 282-293.

[38] Pastells's Colin, ii, pp. 494-496.

[39] Nozaleda's Colegio de San José, pp. 49, 50.

[40] See Pastells's Colin, iii, pp. 759-763.

[41] Nozaleda's Colegio de San José, p. 53.

[42] Nozaleda, ut supra, appendix, document no. 6, pp. xi, xii.

[43] This decree is taken from Nozaleda's Colegio de San José,

appendix, document no. 7, pp. xii, xiii. It is also given by Pastells

in his Colin, ii, pp. 496, 497.

[44] Pastells's Colin, ii, p. 496.

[45] Census of Philippines, iii, p. 610, an extract from the report

submitted by the Dominican friars at the exposition of Amsterdam, 1883.

[46] Pastells's Colin, ii, pp. 491, 492.

[47] Montero y Vidal, ii, p. 163.

[48] Montero y Vidal, ut supra, p. 185; Nozaleda's Colegio de San José,

pp. 53, 54.

[49] Nozaleda, appendix, document no. 9, pp. xiv, xv; and Senate

Document, no. 190, p. 30.

[50] A document in the Archivo-historico Nacional, Madrid, bearing

pressmark, A. 18-26-8, from the archbishop of the Philippines, Basilio

Sancho de Santa Justa y Santa Rufina, dated Manila, January 1, 1770, is

as follows: "Sire: Although I have recounted to your Majesty in extenso

the measures which I have considered most suitable for the erection of

a general conciliar seminary for all these most excellent islanders,

and of such seminary being in the college called San Joseph which was

under the charge of the now expelled Jesuits, provided that I could

incline the superior government of these islands to allow me to go

ahead with it, until your Majesty ordered otherwise; and although

hitherto seventy and more seminarists have been supported in this

college, which is elevated to a seminary ad interim, who are being

reared and canons for the exercise of the parish ministry, in addition

to the not small number of those who have already gone forth from it

to occupy themselves in that ministry, with manifest profit even in

the short space of two years since its creation: yet although today,

according to the new measures and plan approved by your Majesty for

the fortification of this place, it is indispensable to demolish,

if not entirely, yet in a very considerable part, the above-mentioned

college, since its location is next the walls and in a district where,

as it is more suitable and better defended, the principal gate of

this city is to be opened; and in order that there may be an open

and free passage to it, as it is the place of most traffic and trade,

nothing else can be done than to level the site occupied by the said

college. On this account, the grace which I have implored from your

Majesty will be frustrated. In consideration of this, I have recourse

a second time to the charity of your Majesty, and humbly petition,

that since the college called San Ygnacio is left alone in this city,

which belonged also to the above-mentioned expelled ones, that your

Majesty will deign to admit my first petition as it was directed for

this end; or should it, perchance, be your royal pleasure that the

said college of San Ygnacio become a public university, which has

been, until the present, maintained in the college of Santo Thomas,

under the direction of the religious of Santo Domingo, those religious

passing to the college of San Ygnacio because of its greater size

and its better arrangement for a public university, and that of

Santo Thomas be used as a conciliar seminary. The consideration that

the college of Santo Thomas, besides being suitable for a seminary,

is almost at the very doors of this holy church, and, consequently,

best suited for the assistance of the seminarists at the choir and

functions of the altar, moves me to this petition. May God our Lord

preserve the holy Catholic person of your Majesty the many years that

I petition, and that Christendom finds necessary."

[51] The Order of the Piarists or Fathers of the Pious Schools, was

founded in 1597 by San José de Calasanz. Their schools resemble those

of the Jesuits, and many of the latter entered the Piarist order on

the suppression of the Society of Jesus. See also VOL. XLVI, note 49.

[52] Nozaleda, ut supra, p. 55; and Senate Document, no. 190, p. 31.

[53] Calderon's Colegio de San José, appendix, document no. 3,

pp. ix-xiii.

[54] Nozaleda's Colegio de San José, appendix, document no. 10,

pp. xv-xix.

[55] Nozaleda, ut supra, pp. 61, 62; and Senate Document, no. 190,

pp. 31, 32.

[56] Census of Philippines, iii, pp. 610, 611.

[57] See post, pp. 163-165, note 81.

[58] Senate Document, no. 190, p. 32, and Montero y Vidal, iii,

pp. 542-547.

[59] Census of Philippines, iii, p. 611.

[60] James A. LeRoy writing in the Political Science Quarterly (p. 674)

for December, 1903, says: "The Dominicans promised to devote the income

of this endowment [i.e., of San José college] to courses in medicine

and pharmacy, never before taught in the islands. In a report on the

medical college made to the American authorities last year, a German

physician of Manila stated that it had no library worth considering,

that some textbooks dated back to 1845, that no female cadaver had

ever been dissected and the anatomy course was a farce, that most

graduates never had attended even one case of confinement or seen

a laparotomy, and that bacteriology had been introduced only since

American occupation and was still taught without microscopes."

[61] Calderon's Colegio de San José, appendix, p. vi; and Senate

Document, p. 34.

[62] Senate Document, no. 190, pp. 27, 28.

[63] St. Joseph's College (Statement of Most Rev. P. L. Chapelle),

p. 50.

[64] Colegio de San José, p. 3.

[65] Ut supra, p. 5.

[66] Senate Document, no. 190.

[67] Two pamphlets, each entitled: El Colegio de San José (Manila,

1900).

[68] See a concise statement of the arguments of each side in Senate

Document, no. 190, pp. 34-39.

[69] See Senate Document, no. 190, pp. 41-46.

[70] We are indebted for considerable material regarding the San

José College case to James A. LeRoy, now (1906) United States consul

at Durango, Mexico, formerly secretary to Hon. Dean C. Worcester

in Manila, and a notable worker in modern Philippine history and

conditions.

[71] See also San Antonio's sketch, VOL. XXVIII, pp. 136-139.

[72] Signatura: a tribunal of the Roman court, composed of several

prelates, in which various matters of grace and justice are

determined. See Novísimo Diccionario.

[73] Hernaez (Colección de bulas, pp. 471, 472) prints a bull by

Clement XII, dated September 2, 1734, granting authority for the

teaching of both canon and civil law to the university established in

the college of Santo Tomás of the Order of St. Dominic at Manila, in

which portions of Innocent's bull are inserted. This bull (translated

by Rev. T. C. Middleton, O.S.A.) is as follows: "Clement XII Pope. In

future remembrance of the affair. Long ago at the instance of Philip

IV, of renowned memory, and during his life Catholic King of the

Spains, letters in the form of a brief, of the following tenor, were

issued by our predecessor, Innocent X, Pope, of happy memory, to wit:

[Here follow the portions of Innocent's bull which are quoted, and

Clement continues:]

"Since moreover, as has been represented to us lately on the part of

our very dear son in Christ, Philip, also Catholic King of the same

Spains, in the academy or university of general study of the said

college, two new chairs have been erected, one indeed of the canons,

to be held by a religious of the said order, the other, however,

of the institutes of civil and canon law, to be held by a doctor in

both laws, the afore named King Philip desires very earnestly that

the letters above inserted be extended by us ... to the two chairs

just erected as said....

"Accordingly as requested, by the said authority, in virtue of these

presents, the form and arrangement of the same letters inserted above

being maintained however in the others, we extend ... the letters or

indult above inserted to the above-named two new chairs also, until in

the said city of Manila another university be erected. Given at Rome,

at St. Mary Major's under the seal of the Fisherman, September 2, 1734,

the fifth year of our pontificate." A note by Hernaez reads as follows:

"Pope Clement XII conceded authority to grant academical degrees in

the college of the Society of Jesus in Manila, December 6, 1735, as

is mentioned by Father Murillo [Velarde] in his Cursus juris canonici

(Madrid, 1763), book v, título v, no. 62."

[74] The position of these two Latin clauses (Proverbs, xvii, 6) is

reversed in the Vulgate edition. The translation, according to the

Douay version, is: "Children's children are the crown of old men:

and the glory of the children are their fathers."

[75] See VOL. XXXV, pp. 203-208.

[76] Perhaps a reference to the Jesuits, who were expelled in 1768.

[77] See also the following documents regarding the college and

university of Santo Tomás: Foundation of the college, April 28, 1611,

VOL. XVII, pp. 155-171; Royal permission, November 27, 1623, VOL. XX,

pp. 260, 261; and University of Santo Tomás (royal letters in regard

to its elevation into a university), November 9, 1639, VOL. XXIX,

pp. 175-177.

[78] See this brief, ante, pp. 146-147, note 73.

[79] Bowring (Visit to the Philippines, p. 194) says of the condition

of Santo Tomás: "In the university of St. Thomas there are about

a thousand students. The professorships are of theology, the canon

and civil law, metaphysics and grammar; but no attention is given to

the natural sciences, to the modern languages, nor have any of the

educational reforms which have penetrated most of the colleges of

Europe and America found their way to the Philippines."

[80] Of the college of Santo Tomás, the report of the Dominican friars

in 1883 to the colonial exposition of Amsterdam says: "The building

occupied by the university of Santo Tomás has contained since 1611

the college of the same name, which is under the direction of the

Dominican friars, who gratuitously educate therein from 30 to 40

youths, the children of poor families, generally providing all the

expenses for their career, and preparing them so that in the future

they can fill an unembarrassed and suitable place in society. Many of

these youths have become distinguished in scientific circles, and for

their honesty in the legal profession, while others have been honored

with the miter of a bishop, and have occupied venerable positions in

ecclesiastical chapters. The youths educated in this college were not

only Spaniards, but included also natives and mestizos, some of whom

entered as servants, which was an honor solicited by many; and on some

occasions four large dormitories of this college have been completely

filled. There was a period when some entered and paid a moderate

amount, according to the archives in the college, but this period

was a very short one, because the documents on file in the archives

show that at the beginning and at the middle of the seventeenth

century, and during a greater part of the eighteenth century, no

free pupils were admitted, and the few who were admitted paid a

moderate tuition fee in proportion to the means of the family. In

the beginning the only branches of secondary instruction taught in

the college were the so-called philological or grammatical studies,

and after proficiency therein any of the careers established in the

university was followed." See Census of Philippines, iii, pp. 596, 597.

[81] Of the Moret decree, Tomás G. del Rosario, writing on education

in the Philippines, in Census of Philippines, iii, p. 637, says:

"This decree, countersigned by the eminent colonial minister,

Don Segismundo Moret, introducing modern advances in Philippine

legislation, secularizing instruction and giving it all kinds of

guarantees and liberties, this long-awaited provision, caused a great

outburst of enthusiasm throughout the archipelago, as it signified the

manumission of the popular conscience from a slavery bound with the

chains of fanaticism and inimical irreconcilability. In many provinces

and in the city of Manila, this never-to-be-forgotten resolution of

the Spanish government was received with signs of evident joy. Later,

under various pretexts, all those who had expressed joy were cruelly

persecuted, and put in jail, or deported as insurgents, masons,

filibusters, etc., these measures extending even to those who were

merely suspected. This is the history of all theocratic or despotic

governments. It is true that some residents and parents of families

protested against this provision, together with the corporations,

the bishops, and the clergy, but these residents and fathers of

families did so either through fear or because they were debtors to or

members of the families of the friars. Some did so for fear of being

discovered, but most of them to carry out ambitions; no one made a

protest with sincerity and in good faith. Everything was hypocrisy,

as is the case, and must be the case, among all nations oppressed by

absolutism." R. L. Packard's article, "Education in Cuba, Porto Rico,

and the Philippines" included in the Report of the Commissioner of

Education 1897-98, i, pp. 909-983, gives (pp. 976, 977), the plan

of studies of the Moret decree of November 6, which is as follows:

Spanish and Latin grammar; elements of rhetoric and poetry; elements

of physical geography; elements of descriptive geography in general

and the Philippines in particular; universal history--history of

Spain and the Philippine Islands; arithmetic and algebra; geometry

and plane trigonometry; elements of physics and chemistry and of

natural history; psychology, logic, and moral philosophy; general

outline of anatomy, physiology, and hygiene. The studies for the

industrial profession included: mercantile arithmetic; bookkeeping

and accounts; political economy and mercantile and industrial

legislation; geography and commercial statistics; French, English,

Tagálog, and Visayan; surveying; spherical trigonometry; cosmography,

pilotage, and maneuvers; theoretical and applied mechanics; physics and

chemistry applied to the arts; topographical drawing and hydrography;

lineal and ornamental drawing--landscape, figures, and painting. The

university of Santo Tomás, which changed its title to that of the

university of the Philippines by this decree was organized as to its

faculties of law and medicine, and the latter contained the following

studies: descriptive and general anatomy, two courses; exercises

in osteology and dissection, two courses; physiology, one course;

public and private hygiene, one course; general pathology, with

clinics and pathological anatomy, one course; therapeutics, materia

medica, and writing prescriptions, one course; surgical pathology,

with operations, bandaging, etc., one course; medical pathology,

one course; obstetrics and special pathology of women and children,

with clinics, one course; medical and surgical clinics, two courses;

legal and toxicological medicine, one course. The pharmaceutical

course was also reorganized by this decree. The same minister had

proposed October 2, 1870, "that instruction should be given at the

university of Madrid in Tagálog and other studies which would give

information about the Philippines and the English and Dutch East India

possessions and their methods of government, especially for the benefit

of those who intended to enter the colonial service." December 5,

1870, in an exposition of the history, conditions, and needs of public

instruction in the Philippines, he recites the early activity of the

Augustinians, Dominicans, and Jesuits, in education. He points out

that by the process of absorption by the religious orders, education

became concentrated in their hands, and while they had done much

good in early times, their narrowness and conservatism rendered

secularization of instruction necessary.

[82] October 29, 1875, a royal order was issued regulating the courses

in the university, and prescribing courses of study. Packard, ut supra,

p. 977.

[83] Of the studies of secondary instruction given in Santo Tomás,

San Juan de Letran, and San José, as well as the private schools, the

Census of Philippines, iii, pp. 601, 602, says: "They had the defects

inherent in the plan of instruction which the friars developed in

the Philippines. It suited their plans that scientific and literary

knowledge should not become general nor be very extensive, for which

reason they took but little interest in the study of those subjects or

in the quality of the instruction. Their educational establishments

were places of luxury for the children of wealthy and well-to-do

families, rather than establishments in which to perfect and develop

the minds of Filipino youth. It is true that they were careful to give

them a religious education, tending to make them respect the omnipotent

power of the monastic corporations, at least three certificates being

required every year, proving that the pupil had gone to confession, in

order to permit him to stand the examination at the end of the term."

[84] See the courses of study for the schools of jurisprudence,

theology, and canons, medicine, pharmacy, and the notarial profession,

in accordance with the royal decree of October 29, 1875, and the

studies given in the school for practitioners in medicine and

practitioners in pharmacy, approved by the general government of

the Philippines on March 4, and December 29, 1879, and afterward

confirmed by the supreme government, in Census of Philippines, iii,

pp. 627-629. A course was also given under the same authority for

midwives. According to a Dominican report submitted at the Exposition

of Madrid, in 1887, the university of Santo Tomás conferred degrees

upon 957 bachelors, 132 licentiates, and 97 doctors in philosophy,

theology, canonical law, and civil law from 1645 to 1820. The

graduations from 1820 to 1850 were as follows: theology, 457; canons,

325; institute, 748; civil law, 203; philosophy, 2,173. From 1850

to 1870, the graduations were: theology, 822; Roman and canonical

law, 1,540; civil law, 658; philosophy, 3,405. The graduations from

1871 to 1886 were as follows: preparatory course in theology and

jurisprudence, 745; preparatory course in pharmacy and medicine,

660; dogmatic theology, 406; moral theology, 104; canonical law,

36; jurisprudence, 1,904; pharmacy, 356; medicine, 1,029. The

report of 1887 contains the following in regard to the university:

"The university of Manila has the titles of royal and pontifical,

which reveal its glorious destiny of propagating in this archipelago

religion and love for Spain. It is under the most special patronage

of the angelical doctor [i.e., St. Thomas Aquinas], presenting in its

name of royal and pontifical university of Santo Tomás the ideals

which have prompted its foundation and directed its development

for a period of almost three centuries. Its organization is simple

without being rudimentary. Having for a basis religious education,

at the same time that it avoids the danger of professors expounding

more or less advanced theories, which in practice sooner or later,

are reduced to moral ruins, both public and private, it contains the

pupil within the circle of a severe discipline, in which, if some

apparently see oppression and a suppression of spirit, this apparent

oppression is softened by the paternal affection which the priests

in charge of the instruction know how to bestow upon the natives of

this archipelago. A constant encouragement to the young, directed by

prudent and affectionate discipline; that is the standard observed by

the university of Manila as to its pupils." It was impossible for the

friars to extend this purely religious education to university studies,

as the persons devoting themselves to such studies were already adult

persons. Graduates from the university, although officially recognized

by the Spanish government, rarely received official aid. The few

Filipinos who were appointed to the notarial and law positions,

received such appointment only temporarily. The same is true also

regarding physicians. This condition was one factor in the development

of the last revolution against Spain. The Dominican report of 1887

also says: "Both secondary and higher instruction cost nothing to

the treasury in the Philippines. The colleges of Santo Tomás and of

San Juan de Letran are supported from the funds of the corporation to

which they belong. The expenses of the university are defrayed with

regard to the studies of medicine and pharmacy by the revenues of the

college of San José, devoted to that purpose by several royal orders,

the balance in the treasury of the college last year [i.e., 1886],

after the deduction of all expenses, having been only $173.94. The

other expenses of the university are defrayed by the Order of

St. Dominic, which has assigned for this purpose, a large personnel

serving without charge. Furthermore, the building of the college of

Santo Tomás, its library, museum, cabinet, and other equipment, are

devoted to educational purposes, with all the personnel and supplies

necessary for its preservation and improvement. The only university

receipts are those from the payment of matriculations, examination

fees, and diplomas. The average receipts, deducting therefrom what

corresponds, according to law, to professors, the secretary, etc.,

amount to $14,000, and the expenditures to $30,000. The latter figure

does not include the cost of repairs, the support of the building,

cabinet, museum, and library, and other dependencies of Santo Tomás,

religions feasts, and other expenses which are not defrayed from the

treasury of the university." See ut supra, pp. 626-635.

See also J. Valinau's La universidad de Manila, in La politica de

España en Filipinas, a periodical published for eight years, under

the directorship of José Feced, and the editorship of Pablo Feced and

W. E. Retana, for the year 1891, pp. 26-29, 38-41, 50-52, 62-64, 74-76,

88-90, 98-100, 110-112, 122-124, 134-136. On pp. 122, 123, is given

the number of professors in the various faculties in 1887, as follows:

theology and canons, 8, all religious, except one in charge of the

class of Roman law, which is taught by an advocate; jurisprudence,

14 professors, 7 of whom were religious and 7 jurisconsults of

Manila; medicine, 15 professors, the 3 in charge of the preparatory

course being religious, and the other 12 physicians; pharmacy, 8

professors, 3 (the same as those in the preceding) being religious,

and the remainder, pharmacists of Manila; 11 professors in charge of

commerce, agriculture, and industry, all religious except one--in all

a total of 56 professors, of whom 27 were religious. The library of

the university contained about 12,000 volumes, and the physics cabinet

about 300 instruments. Valinau, a former student of the university,

and in civil life, defends the rule of the friars against detractors.

[85] The original is asi bonetes como capillas. Bonetes refers

to the secular priest who wears a bonnet, in contradistinction to

the regular, who wears a hood or cowl, capilla. See Appleton's New

Velázquez Dictionary.

[86] Concepción says (vi, pp. 190, 191) that a house was bought for

the new college next to the college of San José; and January 20, 1641,

the first becas were given. Some of the Jesuits did not approve the new

college, and sighted the fatal results from afar, "from taking so great

a sum from the royal treasury, without sufficient authorization." "But

the fathers in power trampled everything under foot, for they were

quite confident in its introduction, and thought that if those powers

had no effect, no harm would come from its results, while the present

gain was very great and constant."

[87] "The Society alleged that the decree was obtained on false

representation and contained falsehoods in its narration; that its

execution should be suspended, until truer reports were given to the

sovereign; that, even laying aside this vice, the Society, against

whom the execution was to be made, was not a party; that the royal

decree did not order it, nor did law declare it, because neither the

Society nor the college of San Joseph was interested in such sum,

which at best ought to be collected from the collegiates, for whose

use it had been spent, or from the governor, at whose order the money

had been paid out; and that the embargo was an excess on laymen,

since it was in ecclesiastical incomes." On this account the royal

officials decreed in favor of the Society. See Concepción's Historia,

vi, pp. 191, 192.

[88] "The Society continued its demands at court, and gained

their plea, and the governor was ordered, in case that sum had been

collected, to restore it to the Society. If that sum had not been paid,

no further effort was to be made to collect it. Seemingly this order

had no effect, for the king gave them as recompense an encomienda,

in which the Society were to make good their losses." Concepción's

Historia, vi, p. 193.

[89] See post, pp. 187-192.

[90] We present these regulations for the most part only in abstract.

[91] This decree is given by Fray Bernardino Nozaleda de Villa,

the last Spanish archbishop of Manila, in his Colegio de S. José,

(appendix, document no. 5, pp. x, xi), a pamphlet presenting the Church

side in the recent controversy of San José College, argued before the

Philippine Commission; and also by Pastells, in his edition of Colin,

ii, pp. 493, 494. See also various documents treating of this college

presented by Pastells, ut supra, iii, pp. 763-781.

[92] See LeRoy's Philippine Life in Town and Country (New York

and London, 1905), pp. 120-122. See also various estimates on

the capacities of the Filipinos in LeRoy's article "Friars in the

Philippines," in Political Science Quarterly, xviii, pp. 675-678.

[93] This law, given by Felipe IV at Madrid, March 2, 1634, and again,

November 4, 1636, is as follows: "We ask and request the archbishops

and bishops to take measures and give orders in their dioceses for

the curas and missionaries of the Indians by the use of the mildest

means, to order and direct all the Indians to be taught the Spanish

language, and to learn in it the Christian doctrine, so that they

may become more capable of the mysteries of our holy Catholic faith,

may profit for their salvation, and obtain other advantages in their

government and mode of living."

[94] This law was given by "Carlos I and the sovereigns of Bohemia,

governors in Valladolid," June 7, and July 17, 1550; and is as follows:

"Having made special investigation as to whether the mysteries of our

holy Catholic faith can be thoroughly and properly explained even in

the most perfect language of the Indians, it has been seen that it

is impossible without committing great discords and imperfections;

and although chairs are founded, where the priests, who should have to

instruct the Indians, may be taught, it is not a sufficient remedy, as

the diversity of the language is great. Having resolved that it will

be advisable to introduce the Castilian, we ordain that teachers be

assigned to the Indians, who may teach them what they wish to learn

of their own accord, in the manner that will be of least trouble

to them and without expense. We have considered that this might be

well done by the sacristans, just as they teach reading, writing,

and the Christian doctrine in the villages of these kingdoms."

[95] Barrantes (Instrucción primaria) remarks that this penalty

was always a dead letter, whenever such a charge was made, it being

only formal.

[96] See VOL. XXVIII, p. 118, note 56.

[97] See VOL. XXVIII, p. 118, note 57.

[98] See documents concerning the Camacho controversy, in VOL. XLII,

pp. 25-116.

[99] This título, containing fifteen laws, is entitled, "Of colleges

and seminaries." Law ii dated Segovia, June 8, 1592, reads as follows:

"Our royal arms shall be placed in college seminaries, and shall have

the most prominent place, in recognition of the universal patronage

which belongs to us by right and apostolic authority throughout the

state of the Indias. We permit prelates to place their arms in an

inferior location."

[100] A petition from Guerrero (see VOL. XXII, pp. 108-111) for royal

aid shows under his charge more than fifty boys in August, 1626. It

was accepted by the Dominicans, June 18, 1640. Hence the statement

of Census of Philippines, iii, p. 599, that it was founded in 1640

is not strictly correct.

[101] The encomienda of Bignotan, in Ilocos. See Archipiélago Filipino,

i, p. 343; and VOL. XXVIII, p. 139.

[102] See also VOL. XXVIII, pp. 139, 140.

[103] Census of Philippines, iii, p. 599, says that the college

retained the name of "Seminary for orphan children of Saint Peter

and Saint Paul," until 1706, when it adopted its present name by

virtue of a provision of the provincial chapter of the Dominicans;

but as seen here it was known under its present name very early,

and probably the name was only fully legalized by the provision.

[104] Fray Sebastián Oquendo was a native of Oviedo, where he

professed. He became lecturer in philosophy and theology in the Manila

convent. In 1637 he was vicar of the Parián, and in 1639 prior of the

Manila convent. He was twice definitor, minister of the natives in

the Manila convent, and lastly vicar of the hospice of San Jacinto

in Mexico from 1645 until his death in 1651. See Reseña biográfica,

i, p. 375.

[105] Natives were admitted to the college some time after its

foundation (1640, when the Dominicans took charge of it) upon the

payment of certain tuition fees. See Census of Philippines, iii,

p. 599; and Archipiélago Filipino, i, p. 343.

[106] The present building is situated within the walled city, and

covers a large area of ground. It is one of the best for this purpose

in the islands, and is ample and well constructed. Formerly the pupils

wore a habit consisting of a blue mantle and black sleeves. Since the

beginning branches of primary instruction have been taught. At the

beginning of the eighteenth century two courses of grammar studies

were added, the college being declared one of secondary instruction in

1867. At the present time the first four years of secondary instruction

are given there in accordance with the regulations of the university of

Santo Tomás, to which all institutions in which secondary instruction

was given were subject. Lessons are also given in music, drawing

and gymnastics. The statistics of the university of Santo Tomás and

San Juan de Letran showed 1,447 pupils in all for general studies,

and 337 pursuing courses in secondary instruction. The latter is

under the direction of the Dominicans. See Census of Philippines,

iii, p. 599; and Archipiélago Filipino, i, p. 343.

[107] By the Moret decrees of 1870, San Juan de Letran was to be made

a part of the Philippine Institute.

[108] Perhaps the Nueva Recopilación of Spanish laws, published

in 1567. This law is not to be found at the location mentioned in

Recopilación de las leyes de Indias. See Walton's Civil law of Spain

and Spanish America (Washington, 1900), p. 21.

[109] A royal decree given first to the Audiencia of Charcas

(January 28, 1778), was extended to the Philippines, November 5,

1782 (See Barrantes, pp. 68-73). The latter decree provides for the

establishment of schools for the teaching of Spanish, the expense to

be met from the proceeds from foundations, and from communal property.

[110] On the teaching of Spanish in the Philippines, see Patricio de

la Escotura's Memoria sobre Filipinas y Joló (Madrid, 1882, pp. 1-30).

[111] Law xxxv, título xv, book i, reads as follows: "We order that,

in accordance with the holy council of Trent, the missionary religious

pay contributions for college-seminaries, as the other clerics,

beneficed persons, prebendaries, hospitals, and confraternities do,

and are bound to do, in the manner that is and shall be assigned. We

ask and request the secular prelates to have it obeyed exactly and

punctually, and to warn the religious that if they do not observe it,

they shall be removed from the missions." It is dated May 1, 1609.

[112] Law vii, título xxiii, book i, dated El Pardo, Nov. 8, 1594,

reads as follows: "We order our royal officials of Peru to discount

three per cent of the stipends given to the religious missionaries of

the Order of St. Francis, which in accordance with law xxxv, título

xv, of this book the seminaries are to have, in money and not in kind,

and to give the remainder to the religious."

[113] This seminary was founded in 1870 by the very reverend Fray

Mariano Cuartero, the first bishop of the diocese. The building is of

stone with a galvanized iron roof supported by 160 beams. There are six

Paulist priests, and two lay-brothers in charge of the institution,

who are aided by three native clerics--pupils in the same seminary,

who teach the Latin classes under the direction of the rector. The

following fees are charged: matriculation, four pesos; boarding pupils,

nine pesos per month, payable quarterly; and the three per cent of

the stipend of the priests of the diocese. Instruction is divided

into four years of Latin, and three of philosophy. The total number

of pupils enrolled without distinction of courses or studies, from

1870 to 1885 inclusive, was 5,344; the total number of graduates,

4,397. Of those enrolled under secondary instruction, 86.1 per cent

graduated; under philosophy, 85.9 per cent; under dogmatic theology,

85 per cent; and under moral theology and liturgy, 82.5 per cent. See

Census of Philippines, iii, pp. 598, 599.

[114] Blumentritt says of the relations between the religious orders

and the Philippine clergy: "They [i.e., the orders] won for themselves

in early times, great gratitude from the natives by protecting them

from the government officials, which was increased by admitting

them to religious orders. But this happy condition was changed in

the present century, for when the orders were abolished in Spain,

the Philippines offered an asylum to the crowd of European novices,

whose numbers soon barred further admission to the natives. Since that

time the Philippine friars have been European Spaniards, who are often

the only white men in the country districts, and who, being the only

representatives of the ruling race, have made use of that position,

in fact, if not with right, and constituted themselves the rulers of

the land. In the fear that a liberal government might deprive them

of their last refuge--the Philippines--by handing the parishes over

to the (native) secular clergy, the Spanish friars began to pose as

the only reliable support of Spanish rule in the archipelago, and to

throw the suspicion of independence upon the secular clergy. So great

is the ignorance of the Spaniards of the affairs of the archipelago,

that this suggestion was easily entertained, although all insurrections

have been suppressed, not by the friars, but by the government. Their

power was further increased by the money they circulated in Spain,

and the fear of the Spanish government that they might place their

wealth at the disposal of the Carlists.

"These friars have been the enemies of every administrative reform

which the colonial ministers have promised or effected from 1868 until

the present time, and they have consequently and naturally appealed

as the enemies of all progress and improvement in their country, not

only to the secular clergy, but also to all the other inhabitants of

the islands.... What kind of a spirit actuated them is best shown by

the fact that they accused the Jesuits, who are highly esteemed, of

liberalism, and so brought suspicion and distrust upon the teachers

who were educated in the Jesuit teachers' seminary." See Census of

Philippines, iii, pp. 612, 613.

[115] Gregorio Aglipay, the founder of the new Filipino Church, is an

Ilokano by birth and is about forty years old. He was educated for the

priesthood in a Catholic seminary, and ordained about 1890. His rise

was rapid, for he was well looked upon by Spanish ecclesiastics. In

the early pair of American occupation, however, he was excommunicated

for some Church irregularity, "an action ... glaringly unjust and

entirely irregular," says Stuntz. Thereupon he joined the insurgents

and was made vicar-general by Aguinaldo. Shortly after the proclamation

of April 4, 1899, by the Schurman commission, he took the oath of

allegiance to the United States. In August, 1901, he had private

conferences with several Protestant ministers regarding the religious

condition of the Philippines, and declared his intention to head a

movement for an independent church, asking the coöperation of the

Protestants. The constitution was adopted in October, 1902, at a

convention of the priests and laymen who had joined the movement,

and Aglipay was elected archbishop. The movement spread rapidly. In

north Ilokos but three priests with their churches remained loyal

to Rome. Various estimates place the number of adherents to the new

faith at 1,500,000, or 2,000,000, although they themselves claim

3,000,000. The question of their right to hold church property

came up early, and Governor Taft ruled that the party which is in

peaceful possession of any house of worship shall be deemed to be

the rightful occupant, and the contrary must be proved in the courts

before ejection can take place. More than 200 priests have joined

the movement, and young native priests are being ordained with

somewhat startling ease and carelessness, in the seminaries which

the new Church has opened. The foremost priests and laymen have been

open enemies of the United States, and some of them still advocate

independence. Isabelo de los Reyes, a politician of the demagogue

type, is one of the active leaders of the movement. A weekly paper is

published in the interests of the new Church. Patriotism rather than

religion is the reason for its rapid growth, so that its basis with

many is political. The fear of the return of the friars was seized

upon by the schismatics to gain new adherents. Homer C. Stuntz says:

"Its easy program of religious reformations attracts thousands. It

promises a better order of things, but makes no spiritual or moral

demands. Priests may come into the movement, and keep their mistresses

and continue their gambling. Aglipay himself has never been accused

of immorality or gaming, but he sets up no standard of purity in his

priesthood or among his people. The cockpit, games of cards and dice,

the bino habit, and all other national vices come into the new Church

without direct rebuke. This, its real weakness, gives it apparent

strength. Because of this it is enabled to count its members by

the million within less than two years from its birth." Protestant

influence is seen on every hand. Protestant missionaries congratulate

themselves that the Catholic front of the islands is broken by

this movement. The office of bishop is elective, Aglipay himself

being included by this rule. Stuntz's conclusions are as follows:

"The Independent Filipino Catholic Church has come to stay. Just

how strong a hold it will be able to keep over the multitudes which

have flocked to its standard of revolt against the pope cannot be

foretold. But it may be reckoned with as a permanent factor in the

religious future of the Philippines." See LeRoy's Philippine Life,

pp. 163-171; Homer C. Stuntz's The Philippines and the Far East

(Cincinnati and New York, 1905), pp. 488-496; and Report of Philippine

Commission, 1904, i, pp. 19, 20.

[116] See the program of these theoretical studies, in Census of

Philippines, iii, p. 613.

[117] There was also at Manila, for many years, a military academy for

the education of the sons of military men residing in the colony, as

well as for soldiers and non-commissioned officers who desired to fit

themselves for promotion. The son of a native needed great influence

to enable him to enter, and such had generally to enlist as a soldier,

more especially since the age-limit was lowered. Formerly, when the

scale of ages was different in the colonies from the scale in Spain,

officers graduated from this academy, but later when the scales were

made uniform, this academy was closed, and opened again afterward

under different conditions. Its candidates were eligible candidates

for admission to the general military academy of Spain at Toledo,

which annually gave notice to the academy of the number of scholars

which it could accommodate. Many Filipinos took advantage of this and

became efficient military men. The instruction given in the academy

seems to have been superior to that afforded in many of the other

institutions, and examinations were comparatively strict. Annual

attendance was generally about 100. Since American occupation a

military academy has been suggested for the Filipinos. See Report of

Philippine Commission, 1900, i, p. 40, 1900-1903, p. 128; and Report

of Commissioner of Education, 1899-1900, ii, pp. 1627, 1628.

[118] This is the oldest educational institution of the Philippines

under the supervision of the Bureau of Education. The building

of the school was destroyed by the earthquake of 1863. A nautical

school was opened by the American government in Manila, December 15,

1899, with an enrolment of 22 pupils, and under the superintendency

of Lieut. Commander V. S. Cottman, U.S.N., who was assisted by three

instructors. He was relieved by Lieut. George F. Cooper, December 25,

1899. The course of instruction was at first for three years. At the

beginning of the new term in June, 1900, four more instructors were

appointed. There were five instructors at the opening of the first

term in 1901. The instruction was first in Spanish, but for the

sake of greater efficiency English was substituted. In July, 1901,

the school opened with 83 pupils. In October, 1901, the course was

extended to four years. The studies include English, mathematics,

history, drawing, mechanics, and practical seamanship. The method of

instruction and discipline are based upon those of the United States

Naval Academy. The building, although well equipped in many ways,

is not itself adequate for the purpose for which it is used. The

school has not attained the excellence desired, due in part to the

irregular attendance and lack of discipline, although attendance

continues to increase. See Report of the Commissioner of Education

(Department of the Interior), 1901, ii, pp. 1421-1423, and 1902, ii,

pp. 2244-2246; Report of the Philippine Commission, 1900, i, p. 39,

ii, p. 473, 1900-1903, p. 271, 1904, iii, pp. 826, 827, and 888, 889;

and Census of Philippines, iii, pp. 663, 664.

The Philippine budget for 1880-81 included 4,397.33 pesos for the

staff of the nautical academy, and those of painting and designing,

history and bookkeeping, and the botanical garden; and 7,786.32 pesos

for equipment. See Sanciano y Goson's Progreso de Filipinas (Madrid,

1881), pp. 23, 24.

[119] This society was founded in Manila in 1876 under the name of

Liceo Artístico, which it changed in 1889 as above. Its purpose was

to protect the moral and material interests of the Filipino musicians

resident in the Philippines, and advance the musical progress and

education of the natives. It gave with some irregularity a private

monthly concert and three public concerts per year. It began to decline

in 1891 and perished amid the political upheaval. See Archipiélago

Filipino, i, p. 354.

[120] Semper, writing in 1869, says of education among the

natives. "The Christian Spaniard has not been able to exert much

more influence of a spiritual than of a political nature upon the

character of the natives. Popular education was formerly, and is now,

entirely in the hands of the priests. Excepting the professors of

common and Roman law all the chairs of the University of Santo Tomás

of Manila are in the hands of the priests, who naturally arrange not

only the theological lectures, but those upon metaphysics, physics,

and logic, as well, according to the principles of the Catholic

Church. In the provinces every village has its public schools in

which instruction is obligatory; but, besides reading and writing,

only Christian doctrine and church music are taught. This instruction,

moreover, is by no means generally given in Spanish; at least, the

general introduction of Spanish is still so recent that it will be

long before the Spanish officials will be able to converse, even

with their subordinates, in Spanish. On the east coast of Mindanao,

one of the oldest and most settled provinces, the native dialect was

exclusively used until forty or fifty years ago, and the priests used

the old Malay alphabet until the beginning of the century, even in

their official business. The number of natives--the Spaniards call

them 'Indians'--who can read and write is tolerably large, but owing

to the total unreliability of all statistics on the subject, nothing

accurate can be stated. In 1863 the Government attempted to make an

enumeration of the population, and, incidentally, to note the number

of those who could read and write. The fact that the result was never

published seems to confirm the opinion that an unsatisfactory condition

of things was found." See Census of Philippines, iii, p. 577.

[121] Under late Spanish domination, there were 67 private Latin

schools in the archipelago, of which 23 were in the province of Manila,

and nearly all the others in Luzón. In the term of 1886-87, there were

41 private schools, of secondary instruction, twelve of which were in

the suburbs of Manila, two in the walled city, and the rest in the

provinces of Luzón and the Visayas. Of the 41 professors in charge

thereof, only one had the degree of doctor, eight were licentiates,

and the rest held the degree of bachelor of arts. The course of

study in these schools included Latin and Spanish grammar, Christian

doctrine and sacred history, general geography and geography of Spain

and the Philippines, Latin translation and analysis, elementary Greek,

general history and history of Spain and the Philippines, arithmetic

and algebra, rhetoric and poetry, geometry and plane trigonometry, and

French. The attendance in 1895-96 was 1,915. They were under the charge

of licentiates, in philosophy or science, or bachelors of arts who

must have passed a teacher's examination, and were under inspectors,

one of whom was appointed by the rector of the university, who was

ex-officio head of all the schools of the islands. Some of the schools

had a one-year course, others two, and others three. The teachers

were Filipinos. The supervisors of public instruction had the power to

visit the schools, and recommend their establishment or removal. The

pupils were required to enrol and be examined in the university,

except those in distant provinces, who could be examined by a board

composed of the alcalde-mayor, the parish priest, and the respective

professor. The result of the examination was sent to the secretary

of the university. The Dominicans had one private school at Dagupan

(Pangasinán), founded 1890-91; the Franciscans, that of Guinobatan

(Albay), founded 1894-95; and the Recollects that of Bacólod (Negros

Occidental), founded 1895. There are still a number of private schools

in the archipelago. During recent years many have sprung up in Manila

and the provinces which give primary and secondary education, although

the instruction is generally poor. Some of them have been started in

answer to the complaint of some Filipino parents that the American

schools are godless; some have been started by Roman Catholic priests

for the purpose of combating purely secular instruction; and some

are the expression of Filipino nationality and independence. Within

ten months, since June, 1901, 29 new private schools were opened in

Manila alone. They are generally patterned after the old method, and

are either teaching in Spanish or the vernacular. The popular demand

for English has compelled many of them to make a show of teaching it,

but it is generally being attempted without adequate teachers. It was

suggested that the curriculum in such schools, except in matters of

religious instruction, conform to the course of the public schools,

and that they be under the official inspection, such a course making

it possible to have a real compulsory school law. The Liceo de Manila

is a school organized and run by Filipinos. The late C. J. Zulueta

was professor of history in this school and read an address at its

opening, June 19, 1902. See LeRoy's Philippine Life, pp. 223, 224;

Census of Philippines, iii, pp. 599, 600; Report of Commissioner

of Education, 1899-1900, ii, p. 1622, 1901, ii, pp. 1437, 1438;

and Archipiélago Filipino, i, pp. 344, 345.

[122] i.e., Those wearing the cape or cloak.

[123] Later transformed into the Ateneo Municipal, q.v., post.

[124] This school was located in the same building as the nautical

school, and was established July 15, 1839 at the request of the

board of trade, which had presented its petition to this effect,

October 1, 1838. The report of 1883 shows a total enrolment of 562

pupils in double entry bookkeeping for the years 1866-72, with a

graduation of 91; and an enrolment of 228 for the study of English,

with a graduation of 57. See Census of Philippines, iii, p. 614;

and Montero y Vidal, Historia, iii, p. 30.

[125] See these instructions, in VOL. VII, pp. 141-172.

[126] See VOL. XVIII, pp. 282-288 for documents of 1610-19 regarding

the grant of an encomienda made to this school or seminary.

[127] Perhaps for pinaua, which signifies "half-pounded rice," or

"rice without the husk, but not bleached."

[128] Its foundation was approved in 1816, and endowed with the

fitting rules and vocations, it had for some time only the character

of a beaterio. In 1865 it was elevated to the rank of a school of

higher grade. See Archipiélago Filipino, i, pp. 352, 353.

[129] These statistics show that Mas has been the chief authority

followed by Mallat.

[130] Inasmuch as this citation was translated from Mas by Mallat,

we have used Mas's words in preference to retranslating Mallat.

[131] See Mallat, i, pp. 367-369.

[132] Retana mentions a paper, El Noticiero Filipino, which he

conjectures to have been founded in 1838, following Francisco Diaz

Puertas, who mentions it. Retana refers to this passage of Mallat. See

his Periodismo filipino (Madrid, 1895), for data regarding the various

newspapers and periodicals of the Philippines. This also appeared in

instalments in Retana's magazine La Política de España en Filipinas.

[133] See "Drama of the Filipinos" by Arthur Stanley Riggs in Journal

of American Folk-Lore, xvii, no. lxvii; and Barrantes's El teatro

tagalo (Madrid, 1889). Mr. Riggs has ready for the press also a book

on the drama of the Filipinos.

[134] "In the atlas is found the Comintango de la languista, noted

with the accompaniment of piano and guitar, to which we have joined

the words." (Mallat, ii, p. 247, note). Bowring reproduces this music

at the end of his Visit to the Philippines.

[135] In regard to the musical ability of the Filipinos, see the

slightly adverse comments of Archbishop Nozaleda, in Senate Document,

no. 190, 56th Congress, 2d session, 1900-1901, pp. 98-100.

[136] A dance allied to the quadrille, but with different and more

graceful figures.

[137] See notes from Barrantes, in VOL. XLVI; and the decree of

December 20, 1863.

[138] The Sociedad Económica de Amigos del Pais was founded in 1813 for

the purpose of encouraging interest in the arts, sciences, commerce,

and industries. Alexander A. Webb, former American consul at Manila,

says of it. "It is claimed on its behalf that it has accomplished

a vast amount of good, but there is not that degree of energy and

activity manifested in its work to be seen in similar organizations

in some other countries." It had a library of about 2,000 volumes on

the arts and sciences, natural history, and agriculture. See Report

of Commissioner of Education, 1897-98, p. 980.

[139] The Filipino artist, Juan Luna y Novicio was a pupil of this

academy. He also studied in Madrid, Paris, and Rome, and some of his

paintings are conserved in the largest galleries. The total number

of pupils enrolled in this academy from 1872 to 1883 was 5,485. See

Census of Philippines, iii, p. 615.

[140] Archipiélago Filipino, i, p. 349; Census of Philippines, iii,

p. 614.

[141] Census of Philippines, iii, p. 614.

[142] See Report of Philippine Commission, 1900, i, pp. 39, 40. Drawing

was introduced into the Philippine schools in 1903 upon a systematic

basis. The Filipinos are interested and apt in this work, and show

talent in original conception and artistic execution. The work is

carried on by a staff of nine Filipino drawing teachers, one American

teacher for the secondary and American schools, and a supervisor. The

Filipino teacher is as competent as the American in this work. See

Report of Philippine Commission, 1904, pt. 3, p. 890.

[143] The first band of Jesuits who arrived in the middle of 1859,

consisted of six fathers and four brothers, their superior being José

Fernandez Cuevas (see Montero y Vidal, iii, p. 272). The royal decree

readmitting them was dated March 21, 1852 (Barrantes, Instrucción

primaria, p. 103).

[144] That charge was approved by a superior decree dated December

15 of the same year (Montero y Vidal, iii, p. 272). Examinations were

in charge of the Dominicans (Ed. Report for 1899-1900, ii, p. 1621).

[145] The work of the Jesuits in this school is praised highly by

Tomás G. del Rosario in the Census of Philippines, iii, p. 596.

[146] See Report of Commissioner of Education, 1899-1900, ii, p. 1621.

[147] Edmond Plauchut, writing in Revue des Deux Mondes for 1877,

xx, p. 910, says: "The history of superior instruction, like that of

primary, is only the dry relation of a furious struggle between two

religious orders, that of the friars, and that of the Jesuits."

[148] The Embriologia sagrada (Manila, 1856), by Gregorio Sanz.

[149] The first number of this fortnightly paper appeared in Manila,

in March, 1859, and its last issue, December 15, 1860. It is but

rarely found complete. Retana praises it highly. See Politica de

España en Filipinas, iii, pp. 103-105.

[150] Schools exist in all the villages. The teacher is paid by

the government, and usually receives two dollars [i.e., pesos]

per month without either lodging or board. In large villages,

the pay is as high as three and one-half dollars, but he must pay

an assistant out of that. The schools are under the supervision of

the parish priests. Reading and writing are taught, the instruction

being in Spanish. The teacher is properly required to teach his

scholars Spanish, but he himself does not know it. On the other hand,

the Spanish officials do not understand the native languages. The

priests, moreover, have no inclination to alter these conditions,

which are very useful for their influence. Almost the only Indians who

know Spanish are those who have been in the service of Europeans. A

sort of devotional primer is read in the native speech (Bicol) at

first, and later the Christian doctrine. The reading book is called

Casayayan. On an average, half of the children attend school, usually

from the seventh to the tenth year. They learn to read somewhat, and

some learn also a little of writing, but they forget it soon. Only

those who later enter service as clerks write easily, and most of them

have a good hand. Some pastors do not allow boys and girls to attend

the same school, in which case they also pay a special schoolmistress

at the rate of one dollar per month. The Indians learn to reckon

with great difficulty. They generally rake shells or stones to help

them, which they heap up and then count. See Jagor's Reisen in den

Philippinen (Berlin, 1873), pp. 128, 129.

[151] "The Spanish government was really anxious that all Filipinos

should speak the Spanish language, as it is understood that the use

of a common language is the manner of forming a national spirit and

sentiment, the only thing that can preserve and unite in constant

friendship people of different races. Nevertheless, the monastic

orders were always decidedly opposed to the Spanish language being

spoken in Philippine territory, because their interests would have

been greatly injured if such language had become general throughout

the archipelago, as from that time they would have ceased to be the

intermediaries between the people and the authorities and would

no longer be required by either, which would reduce their great

influence with both parties.... As a consequence of all this the

Spanish language did not become general, and due to the diversity

of dialects in the country and the lack of books in these dialects,

education went along a hard and difficult path. Some officials of

the Spanish government assisted the friars in this work." See Tomás

del Rosario's article in Census of Philippines, iii, p. 594. For the

friar side of this question, see the statements of Fathers Navarro

and Zamora, which will appear in the appendix to our VOL. XLVI.

[152] See appendix to VOL. XLVI for the regulations of the government

normal school.

[153] The meteorological observatory was founded by the Jesuits

in 1865, its main object being the discovery of the laws of the

typhoons that rage in Oriental seas. Its other departments--seismatic,

magnetic and astronomic--were added later. For the first five years

the apparatus was very scarce, and most of that was lent by the Ateneo

Municipal, but notwithstanding that, some excellent work was done

in those early years. In 1870, the publication of a bulletin was

begun, and new apparatus began to be installed. The first typhoon

was forecast and notice of its coming given in 1879. Finally the

government authorities made the observatory a central institution and

placed it officially in charge of the Jesuits. In 1898, through the

influence of the British meteorologist at Hongkong, the United States

government ordered the coming of typhoons not to be announced, but the

order was speedily revoked. Of this observatory Packard says in the

Educational Report for 1897-98, pp. 973, 974: "The latest fruit of the

scientific activity of the Jesuits, and the most important and best

known scientific institution in the Philippines, and perhaps in the

whole east, is the famous meteorological observatory of Manila, which

was founded in 1865, and now has one of the most complete equipments

for meteorological observations in the world. An important practical

service which the observatory renders shipping is the warning of

approaching hurricanes, which it is enabled to give by means of its

branch stations at different points in several of the islands. The

Jesuit father Faura, who is so well known for his meteorological work,

has been for a long time in charge of the observatory, and began

forecasting the weather as early as 1879. Expeditions have been made

under his direction all over the archipelago, with a view to making

magnetic and other observations." See also Archipiélago Filipino,

ii, pp. 5-16.

[154] "Manual for the traveler:" a guide book, in which various

interesting statistics are published.

[155] Historia geográfica, geológico y estadistica de Filipinas

(Manila, 1876), by Agustin de la Cavada y Mendez de Vigo. This author

was for many years a State official in the Philippines. He died in

Spain in 1894. See Pardo de Tavera's Biblioteca filipina, p. 96.

[156] The Indian and mestizo advocates, too abundant in that country,

are a real calamity to it, and the same thing may be said of them as

of the Indian secular clergy. They do not know the law, nor do they

ever come to understand what they have studied. They obtained their

certificate, thanks to the excessive tolerance of their professors, and

once converted into licentiates and even doctors, they pay for their

benefits and the honor which they have received by becoming outrageous

anti-Spanish. They believe themselves superior to the latter, and dream

of republics in which they can figure and strut. Their ridiculous

hopes, and their vanity and deficiency would be excusable, if they

did not deceive their simple countrymen in a nursery of litigation

with their eagerness of defending evil causes. Such is, although

it be a cause for regret, the general rule. See Montero y Vidal,

Archipiélago Filipino, pp. 192, 193, note.

[157] This is one of the needs that has been most apparent to the

American authorities since 1898. The stress laid upon industrial

training is evident from the many Filipinos among the government

pupils now in the United States, who are being trained especially

in agriculture and the various forms of engineering. Regarding

trade schools and industrial instruction, see Report of Philippine

Commission, 1905, iv, p. 412.

[158] See VOL. XLVI, appendix, for the regulations of the municipal

school for girls.

[159] See ut supra.

[160] The school or college of Santa Potenciana was suppressed in

1865, and its building became the provisional palace of the governor

general. Its collegiates reduced to twelve were transferred to the

school of Santa Isabel. See Barrantes's Instrucción primaria en

Filipinas (Manila, 1869), pp. 17, 18, note.

[161] See an account of this school in Archipiélago Filipino, i,

p. 352.

[162] See Archipiélago Filipino, ii, pp. 280 et seq., for data

regarding earthquakes in the Philippines. A number of shocks are

recorded for 1880, but none especially disastrous.

[163] See also Archipiélago Filipino, i, pp. 352, 353.

[164] See also Archipiélago Filipino, i, p. 353.

[165] See also Archipiélago Filipino, i, p. 353.

[166] The following results of a table show the following statistics

in regard to girls' schools between the years 1864-1883. Santa

Catalina: boarding pupils, 1,617; teachers, 7. Santa Rosa: boarding

pupils, 2,959; teachers, 23. Concordia: boarding pupils, 2,103;

day pupils, 623; teachers, 32. Santa Isabel: free boarding pupils,

475; pay boarding pupils, 149; day pupils, 112. Municipal school:

day pupils, 5,163; teachers, 74; awards conferred, 332; accesit,

1,058. The instruction given in these institutions was always under

the immediate direction of the friars, and was consequently of a

religious character. Some of them were known as beaterios or retreats,

institutions devoted primarily to religious practice. Primary and

secondary instruction were both given. In some of them the instruction

was very poor, as many of the scholars graduated without knowing how

to speak Spanish. It was only in the college of Santa Isabel, in the

municipal school, and in some private schools that adequate instruction

was given. Some of these colleges were houses of recreation or of

rest rather than educational institutions, where not only girls,

but women, both married and single, went to pass some time, for

the purpose of change or to renew their clothing. Girls from the

provinces often attended the schools in Manila to learn the social

manners and polish of the capital, but they often failed of their

purpose, for social education was frequently neglected in them. The

class distinction between Spanish, mestizo, and Filipino girls was

unfortunately inculcated. The principal ends of the sisters of charity

being the care of their convents and hospitals, they could not obtain

as good results in education as if their time had been spent entirely

in that field. See Census of Philippines, iii, pp. 620, 621.

[167] This school must not be confused with the Agricultural Society

of the Philippines, an institution created November 15, 1881, and

a dependency of the department of general inspection of forests,

especially as the separation of these two institutions was effected

in July, 1884. See Report of Commissioner of Education, 1899-1900,

ii, pp. 1625, 1626.

A school of botany and agriculture was ordered created in Manila by

royal decree of May 29, 1861, under the dependency of the governor

of the islands and the immediate supervision of the Sociedad

Económica. The site called Campo de Arroceros was set aside as a

botanical garden for the practical exercises of the school. The

school was to be composed for a time of one botanical professor,

director at the same time of the botanical garden, with a salary of

2,000 pesos; of two teachers of horticulture, at salaries of 500

pesos; of ten workmen chosen from the pupils, who being relieved

at three year periods, were to receive 100 pesos apiece annually;

while the municipalities could name certain pensioners to study

in the school. The sum of 2,000 pesos annually was set aside for

the material expenses of the garden and school, and the purchase of

plants and tools. The total expense of both institutions was fixed at

6,000 pesos--3,000 being paid by the public treasury, 1,500 by the

communal treasuries of the Indians, and the remaining 1,500 by the

funds of ways and means of the Ayuntamiento of Manila. In 1894-95,

the staff of the school of agriculture was allowed 23,794 pesos, and

the equipment of the same, including the rent of a house for workrooms

of the school, Board of Agriculture, Industry, and Trade and office

of the agronomic service, 9,900 pesos. The subaltern staff of the

botanical garden cost, according to the same budget, 2,600 pesos,

and the equipment for the same, 1,000. See Montero y Vidal, Historia,

iii, pp. 317, 318, and note.

[168] See also Report of Philippine Commission, 1902, ii, p. 499.

[169] See ante, pp. 132, 133, also pp. 163-165, note 81.

[170] Concerning this court, the first report of the Philippine Taft

Commission, Historical resumé of the administration of justice in

the Philippine Islands, by Cayetano S. Arellano, chief justice of the

supreme court, pp. 228-230, says: "This court--in English, Contentious

Court--arose from the establishment of a council of administration

in these islands under the provisions of a royal decree of July 4,

1861, which surrounded the governor-general of these islands, who was

president of the court, with prominent men who advised him by their

votes on consultation. This contentious court consisted of three

officials of judiciary, the president and two magistrates appointed

by turn among those constituting the personnel of the Audiencia, with

the exception of the presidents of the branches and two officials of

the administration, who were known as the administrative magistrates;

subsequently, by royal decree of the third of June, 1866, the court

was reduced to a president and three magistrates. This court took

cognizance of suits brought by private persons against the State,

whenever they were litigated. Complaints of private individuals

against the administration of the State, if not subject to litigation,

could, after presentation of appeals to the governor-general of

the islands, be taken upon a recourse of complaint to the colonial

office in Spain if no relief was obtained under the decision of the

governor-general." A decree of February 7, 1869, provided that the

"contentious administrative jurisdiction, which was exercised by the

councils of administration of the provinces of the colonies should

in the future rest in the territorial audiencias of those provinces;

that, for the exercise of this jurisdiction, there should be organized

in each Audiencia, as is done here, a department composed of the

president of the same and the two presidents of the branches, the

representative of the State being the attorney-general. The theory

upon which the former organization of this contentious administrative

tribunal rested was the administration of the State in respect to

its litigation with subjects. The judge-advocate was both judge

and litigant at the same time. However, the decree of the seventh

of February, 1869, inspired by the principles proclaimed by the

revolution, was that these questions should be decided in the same

manner as any other issue between private individuals. These suits,

as has been seen, were brought in first instance before the Audiencia

of the territory; consequently, appeals in second instance lay before

the supreme court of justice of Spain. But by the other theory the

first instance pertained to the contentious tribunal of the council

of administration, and second instance of the council of State of

Spain, to which appeals might be taken against decisions of the

former court. But this reform, well received, both in Spain and in

the colonies, was of short duration, for one of the first acts of the

government of the monarchical restoration was the reëstablishment

of the contentious court in the same form in which it had existed

prior to the reform of the royal decree of the nineteenth of March,

1875." This court lasted until the end of the Spanish régime.

Act 136, enacted by the Philippine Commission June 11, 1901, and in

effect since June 16, 1901, provides for the organization of courts in

the Philippines. Article 38 of that act reads as follows: "All records,

books, papers, causes, actions, proceedings and appeals lodged,

deposited, or pending in the existing Audiencia or Supreme Court,

or pending by appeal before the Spanish tribunal called 'Contencioso

administrativo' are transferred to the Supreme Court above provided

for, which has the same power and jurisdiction over them as if they

had been in the first instance lodged, filed or pending therein, or,

in case of appeal, appealed thereto." See Public Laws and Resolutions

of the U. S. Philippine Commission, for quarter ending August 31, 1901.

The Philippine Islands, 1493-1898, Volume 45, 1736 Explorations by early navigators, descriptions of the islands and their peoples, their history and records of the Catholic missions, as related in contemporaneous books and manuscripts, showing the political, economic, commercial and religious conditions of those islands from their earliest relations with European nations to the close of the nineteenth century · 第 118 / 118 题