IN THE BATTLE OF BAROSSA.
The result of the conflict between such a force and our lone
little battalion, whose strength I have already mentioned, must be
anticipated. The enemy, seeing so small a force, detached from any
apparent support, advancing against them, allowed us to approach close;
and the orders given by Colonel Browne were that not a shot should be
fired, but to proceed to work as soon as possible with the bayonet. As
soon as we crossed the ravine close to the base of the hill and formed
on the opposite side, a most tremendous roar of cannon and musketry was
all at once opened, Rufin’s whole division pointing at us with muskets,
and eight pieces of ordnance sending forth their grape, firing as one
salvo. Nearly two hundred of our men and more than half the officers
went down by this first volley, thus opening the battle propitiously
for them. We now literally stood in extended order; the battalion was
checked. In closing on the centre and endeavouring to form a second
efficient line, upwards of fifty more men and some officers were
levelled with the earth; and all the exertions of Colonel Browne could
not form a third line. We had by this time lost upwards of two hundred
and fifty men and fourteen officers, between killed and wounded; the
remainder of the battalion now scattered. The men commenced firing
from behind trees, mounds or any cover which presented, and could not
be got together.
[Sidenote: THE BATTALION SMASHED.]
When I say that out of twenty-one officers--the whole number who
originally went into action--fourteen were put _hors de combat_, this
latter number might be given as nineteen; for two officers only of the
battalion were now to be seen standing on the field, Colonel Browne and
the humble author of these Memoirs (wounded). The colonel now addressed
me, saying, “I shall go and join the Guards; will you come?” I declined
the proposition, remarking that not being just then firm on my legs,
it would take me some time to arrive at where the Guards were; that
he was unhurt and mounted and could confidently go. His character for
bravery had been established throughout the army for many years; but as
for me, although I had seen a good deal of service, particularly during
the campaign of Sir John Moore, still I was a very young man, and I
therefore told him that so long as three men of the battalion stood
together and I was able to stand with them, I should not separate from
them.
The colonel galloped off and joined the Guards, who were at that moment
passing at some distance in rear of where our right flank originally
stood, now marked only by our dead. The Guards moved forwards with
astonishing celerity and steadiness, although not formed and exposed at
the time to a tremendous fire of grape and musketry. To this new scene
of slaughter it was that Colonel Browne directed his course.
When the flank battalion were first ordered to advance, we were not in
sight of the other British troops; but as we approached the ravine,
casting a glance behind we discovered the Guards emerging from the
forest. They presented neither line nor column, a confused mass
showing no order whatever, one order alone excepted, and that they
gallantly maintained throughout the day: it was the order to advance
against the foe. Every roundshot which struck their mass passed over
our heads, we then being close under the hill upon which the enemy were
posted.
The first advance of General Dikes’ brigade was directly in our rear.
This direction was continued until the wood, which stretched forward
immediately on his right flank, was cleared. His brigade then brought
up their left shoulders until our right flank was passed. Dikes now
brought forward his right, and extending his line gallantly pressed
on to attack the left of Rufin’s division, made heavy by General
Rousseau’s grenadiers.
Soon after Colonel Browne’s departure, Captain (long since
lieutenant-colonel) Calvert, General Graham’s aide-de-camp, rode up to
where I was carrying on a kind of fight with a very few men about me.
Perceiving the destruction around, and seeing some soldiers straggling
and firing some way in the rear, he requested me to go back and bring
them up. This I positively refused, stating that I was wounded in the
thigh, and were I to proceed to the rear I could never regain my place
with an army advancing; I added that as he was mounted he would be safe
in making the attempt. Calvert smiled and rode off, but not to the
rear. Again I was left comparatively alone.
[Sidenote: THE DRUMMER-BOY AND I.]
By this time the near approach of the Guards claimed a large portion
of the enemy’s fire, which previously had been directed to the place
where the remains of the flank battalion still continued to fire
from behind defences. I now contrived to get eight or ten of the men
together, principally 9th Grenadiers and 28th Light Infantry; to
this little force I proposed charging a howitzer, which was pouring
forth destruction immediately in our front. The proposition being well
received, I seized a firelock (there were many spare ones), and on this
a drummer named Adams, of the 28th Grenadiers’ Company, said that were
he not afraid of being obliged to pay for his drum, he also would take
a musket. Upon my telling the boy that I would pay for his drum, he
flung it away and armed. I have always thought Adams the bravest man,
or rather boy, whom I ever met--not for seizing a musket and gallantly
charging, for in excitement that was natural enough; but that he should
stand calmly calculating the price of a drum when hundreds of balls
were passing close to his body is scarcely credible; but so it was.
We now darted forward and were so fortunate as to capture the gun at
the very moment when it was being reloaded. Two artillerymen were
bayoneted; the others rode off on their mules. This was not a gun
fallen into our hands--it was taken at the point of the bayonet; and
however I may be criticised for saying it, I was the first person who
placed a hand on the howitzer; and afterwards with some chalky earth I
marked it “28th Regiment.”
Scarcely had the gun been taken when we were joined, as if through
magic effect, by upwards of a hundred men of the flank battalion--a
proof that they were not far distant. They darted forth from behind
trees, briars, brakes and out of hollows; I could imagine myself
standing on “Benledi’s Side.” We now confidently advanced up the hill,
and unlike most advances against a heavy fire, our numbers increased as
we proceeded, soldiers of the flank battalion joining at every step.
On capturing the gun, I threw down the firelock and bayonet which I
carried; but Adams retained his and putting on a pouch did good service
during the remainder of the day.
Soon after the movement of General Dikes in rear of the flank
battalion, Lieutenant-Colonel Barnard, also commanding a flank
battalion, and Lieutenant-Colonel Bath, leading the two flank companies
of the 20th Portuguese Regiment, pushed forward to the left, and were
immediately in fight with the enemy’s tirailleurs. Colonel Wheatley,
who commanded those troops together with the 28th, 67th and 87th
Regiments, disentangling himself from the pine forest and at the same
time prolonging his left flank, soon found himself opposed to the
division of General Laval, who, debouching from the Chiclana wood,
advanced so far as to form an obtuse angle with Rufin’s division,
already in line and engaged on the hill. Laval bore heavily forward
in dense column, sending forth a continued peal of musketry, reckless
of the destructive fire of our artillery, which took him in front and
flank. Previous to these movements of Dikes and of Wheatley, Major
Duncan was sent forward with his brigade of artillery consisting of
ten guns. He came up rather close in rear of Browne’s flank battalion
soon after we were engaged, and next to our own battalion the artillery
were the first British troops in action. The guns were soon embattled
in rear of our left flank; their murderous fire was quick, and heavily
pitched into Laval’s advancing columns. Yet Laval still pressed
forward, until Wheatley’s brigade advancing, firing and deploying,
came in contact with them; then the 87th Regiment, commanded by Major
Gough, making a desperate charge, completely overthrew the 8th French
Regiment, capturing their Eagle. In the meantime Laval, moving forward
his right wing, whom he strengthened with a battalion of grenadiers,
attempted to turn Wheatley’s left flank; but Colonel Belson, with the
28th Regiment, who formed the left of Wheatley’s brigade, coming up,
forming and firing by companies, kept back his left wing in a diagonal
direction, and by making a vigorous charge of the whole regiment served
Laval in the manner in which the French general would have served him;
he completely turned his flank.
At this period the strife was fierce, but, the British cheer passing
through the entire brigade, the whole line now pushed forward. A
general charge took place, and Laval’s division were upset. Wheatley’s
brigade, now bringing forward their left, and whilst in full pursuit,
fell in with the enemy’s corps of reserve, who were instantly put
to flight at the point of the bayonet. In the meantime the Guards,
led on by General Dikes, pushed gallantly forward with lengthened
step and lofty bearing; and I make bold to say that never did the
household troops witness a day more honourable to their corps, nor
one upon which they more brilliantly maintained the glory of their
prince. Surmounting all difficulties presented by the roughness and
inequalities of the ground, heedless of the enemy’s menacing attitude,
reckless of the murderous fire which swept their still unformed ranks,
they bore steadily onward and having crossed a deep broad and rugged
ravine, wherein many a gallant soldier fell to rise no more, they
climbed the opposite bank. Here they were encountered by Rufin’s left
wing and Rousseau’s grenadiers, which latter gallantly descended from
their position to give that reception which to such a warlike visit in
martial country was due. But the Guards having gained firm footing on
the base of the hill, and no obstacle opposed save men in arms, British
blood and British prowess soon prevailed. The chosen grenadiers
recoiled from the shock. Rufin, or rather Victor who was present, tried
to retrieve the disaster by bringing forward his right; but these were
furiously attacked and driven backwards by the remnant of Browne’s
flank battalion, now amounting to nearly two hundred men and one
wounded officer. Both the enemy’s flanks were thus turned round in rear
of his centre.
[Sidenote: BATTLE IN THE BALANCE.]
And now the battle for a moment hovered in the zenith of its glory;
the contending foes were not above ten yards asunder, and scarcely
were the enemy seen to move. Tenaciously maintaining their hold of the
hill, they fought with desperation, defending every inch of ground;
for the precipice was near. Their hardiest veterans stood firm; their
bravest officers came forth displaying the banners of their nation; the
heroic example of Marshal Victor was imitated by all. Conspicuous in
the front the marshal was recognised by both armies waving his plume
in circling motion high above his head, to fasten his troops to the
hill; but his gallant deeds and surprising valour were vain against
his more than equal foe. General Graham at this critical moment darted
to the front, and by one short word, loud and inspiring, made nought
of all the marshal’s bravery and combinations. The word was, “Charge!”
Like electric fluid it shot from the centre of the British line to the
extremities of its flanks, instantaneously followed by the well-known
thundering British cheer, sure precursor of the rush of British
bayonets. The Guards and flankers now rushed forward, when with loud
and murmuring sounds Rufin’s whole division, together with Rousseau’s
chosen grenadiers, were instantly in whirling motion rolled down into
the valley below, leaving their two brave generals mortally wounded
on the hill, which was now in possession of their blood-stained
conquerors. The battle was won; and the gallant Graham triumphantly
stood on the bristling crest of Barossa’s blood-drenched hill.
Now, since both flanks of the enemy had been turned, they came back to
back on the plain; and this steadied them, so that they continued to
fire. I therefore requested Colonel McDonald, our Adjutant-General, to
allow me, with the survivors of the 28th Regiment’s flank companies,
to go out and skirmish with the enemy, whilst our line should be got
ready to advance. To this, with the concurrence of Colonel Browne who
had just rejoined the battalion, he consented. We then moved forward.
I saw no other troops go out. Colonel Browne was now the only officer
with the remaining part of the flank battalion. After skirmishing
for a short time, we were recalled. On our return, Colonel McDonald
remarked that Major Northcote, having come up with the Rifles, would
cover the line; that he therefore recalled us, especially as Colonel
Browne wished to have me with the battalion, at the same time saying
in the most flattering manner that he should never forget my services
throughout the day, and would always be ready to testify to them when
called upon.
[Sidenote: COLONEL PONSONBY.]
The enemy’s divisions, now united, were soon formed, and seemed
determined to seize the boar by the tusks; but the boar was now
metamorphosed into a lion. On Major Duncan arriving with his guns and
sending some beautifully directed shots with mathematical precision to
dress their line, Marshal Victor retired his troops beyond the noxious
range. The hill being gained, and the enemy inclined, although ashamed,
to retreat, General Graham sent his aide-de-camp Captain Hope to
General Beguines, requesting him to bring up the two Spanish regiments
originally attached to the British division; even this turned out
unpropitious. When Duncan’s fire prevailed on the enemy’s column to
retire, Colonel Ponsonby, of the Quarter-Master-General’s Department,
by permission of General Graham sought out the allied cavalry and
brought away the German hussars. Having wound round the western point
of the disputed hill, they were seen sweeping along the plain in beauty
of battle; and it is my firm belief that had they not appeared at
that moment we should have been immediately in motion to the front.
We gave the Germans a cheer as they passed in front of our line, now
formed. The enemy’s cavalry turned round and faced them stoutly, their
commander placing himself some distance in their front. As the Germans
closed on the enemy our cheers were enthusiastic. The brave French
leader was instantly cut down; our cavalry charged right through their
opponents, then wheeling round charged them from rear to front, one red
coat always conspicuous, Colonel Ponsonby. The French dragoons thus
broken, Rousseau’s grenadiers came to their support, and forming square
covered the horsemen in their retreat. Again the British troops were
on the point of advancing, when a staff officer came galloping up to
say that a fresh column of the enemy were coming on the right flank of
the Guards. This information alarmed us. Looking through my glass and
observing them for an instant, I assured Colonel McDonald that they
were Spaniards and that I knew the regiments. However some hesitation
followed; thus the Spaniards who betrayed us in the morning deceived us
in the afternoon. It was General Beguines who, glad to get away from La
Peña, was hastily advancing with the two regiments before mentioned.
[Sidenote: WHERE WERE THE SPANIARDS?]
A second column were seen advancing from the opposite
direction--Chiclana. This was supposed to be Villatte’s division,
who had not been engaged during the action, having remained near the
Almanza creek, in front of General Zayas. But they turned out to be the
sick, marched out from the hospitals of Chiclana, who thus succeeded as
a ruse in covering the retreat of the vanquished Victor.
Although at this critical juncture every British soldier felt confident
that a strong body of six hundred Spanish cavalry, fired by the example
of the gallant Germans, would ride forward against the reeling columns
of the retiring enemy, yet they never appeared. Abandoning their
calling as soldiers they remained behind, mouthing the pebbles of the
beach and thus preparing with oratorical effect to extol as their own
those heroic deeds in which they bore no part and from which they
studiously kept aloof.
Notwithstanding the arrival of Beguines, General Graham evidently saw
the difficulty and danger of making an advanced movement. The enemy,
though beaten and having suffered severe loss, still retired with
a stronger force in the field than the British numbered before the
battle commenced. Villatte’s division were fresh, and could easily have
joined Victor. Our army was crippled, half its numbers being put _hors
de combat_; and the survivors had been for twenty-four hours under
arms, sixteen of which had been passed in marching, and chiefly during
the previous night. After having gained so brilliant a victory, and
defeated the enemy at all points, the British general fully expected
that La Peña, awaking from his torpor, would take advantage of Victor’s
overthrow and lay the drowsy Spaniards on the track of his discomfited
and retiring columns; but he was mistaken--such was never La Peña’s
intention. At the time when Colonel Browne took up his position on
the hill, the principal part of the Spanish artillery were moved along
the beach road and halted about midway between the two points whence
the enemy could move on to attack, the one by the western point of
Barossa, the other by the eastern side of Bermeja. On this position
they halted, but with their drivers mounted, ready to start at a
moment’s notice for that point, whence the enemy advanced _not_. Thus,
when Victor was perceived advancing against Colonel Browne, the great
guns flew along the beach road, nor stopped until Bermeja was left
far in their rear. Later, when the British troops were exposed to the
hottest fire, perilously situated, their rear left open to attack by
the early flight of the Spaniards from the hill, yet La Peña gave no
aid, although, had he moved forward by the eastern side of Bermeja and
come on the plain in that direction towards Chiclana, he would have got
in rear of Marshal Victor, when the whole French army must have been
destroyed or taken. But neither the roaring of cannon, his duty towards
his allies, the pride of his profession, nor the independence of his
country was sufficient stimulant to rouse him forward into action: La
Peña was determined not to move. Yet when subsequently cashiered for
his disgraceful conduct, he had the unparalleled impudence to declare
that it was a great hardship to be dismissed the Service after _he_
had gained so brilliant a victory with the allied army. And soon
after the battle General Cruz-Murgeon unblushingly asserted in the
public prints at Cadiz that he took both prisoners and guns during
the action. Colonel Ponsonby, who undertook to refute this unfounded
statement, asked me (all the other guns captured being accounted
for) whether any Spaniards even seemingly assisted or were in sight
when the gun, which he said he saw me in the act of charging, was
captured. I replied that there was not a Spaniard in the field at the
time, and that with the exception of himself and Colonel McDonald, the
Adjutant-General, who rode past at the time, no individual of any corps
was in sight of the flank battalion when the gun was taken, not even
the Guards, who, though immediately on our right, were shut out by the
intervening inequalities of the ground. But with respect to his taking
four guns, General Cruz-Murgeon was partly right, the term “taking”
only being erroneous. After the action was over, the Spanish general
found his own guns on the same spot where he had abandoned them in the
morning, silent and cold, though they should have been loudly pouring
forth their hottest fire against Rousseau’s division when they were
advancing against Colonel Browne’s position. This I said that I was
ready to prove, having seen the guns after the Spaniards had fled. This
statement being made public, the controversy ceased, and Cruz-Murgeon
shrank from the paper warfare as disreputably as he had fled from the
field.
Until late in the evening the British general maintained his position
on the hill, when, seeing no prospect of a forward movement on the part
of the Spaniards, he, as soon as it was dark, to prevent his movement
being discovered by the enemy, retired down to Santi Petri point, and
passed over the bridge of boats into the Isla de Leon.