IV.

I am not sure whether I have made out a case for our authors or against

them; perhaps I have not done so badly; but I have certainly not tried to

be exhaustive; the exhaustion is so apt to extend from the subject to the

reader, and I wish to leave him in a condition to judge for himself

whether American literary men take part in American politics or not.

I think they bear their share, in the quieter sort of way which we hope

(it may be too fondly) is the American way. They are none of them

politicians in the Latin sort. Few, if any, of our statesmen have come

forward with small volumes of verse in their hands as they used to do in

Spain; none of our poets or historians have been chosen Presidents of the

republic as has happened to their French confreres; no great novelist of

ours has been exiled as Victor Hugo was, or atrociously mishandled as

Zola has been, though I have no doubt that if, for instance, one had once

said the Spanish war wrong he would be pretty generally ‘conspue’.

They have none of them reached the heights of political power, as several

English authors have done; but they have often been ambassadors,

ministers, and consuls, though they may not often have been appointed for

political reasons. I fancy they discharge their duties in voting rather

faithfully, though they do not often take part in caucuses or

conventions.

As for the other half of the question--how far American politicians are

scholars--one’s first impulse would be to say that they never were so.

But I have always had an heretical belief that there were snakes in

Ireland; and it may be some such disposition to question authority that

keeps me from yielding to this impulse. The law of demand and supply

alone ought to have settled the question in favor of the presence of the

scholar in our politics, there has been such a cry for him among us for

almost a generation past. Perhaps the response has not been very direct,

but I imagine that our politicians have never been quite so destitute of

scholarship as they would sometimes make appear. I do not think so many

of them now write a good style, or speak a good style, as the politicians

of forty, or fifty, or sixty years ago; but this may be merely part of

the impression of the general worsening of things, familiar after middle

life to every one’s experience, from the beginning of recorded time. If

something not so literary is meant by scholarship, if a study of finance,

of economics, of international affairs is in question, it seems to go on

rather more to their own satisfaction than that of their critics. But

without being always very proud of the result, and without professing to

know the facts very profoundly, one may still suspect that under an

outside by no means academic there is a process of thinking in our

statesmen which is not so loose, not so unscientific, and not even so

unscholarly as it might be supposed. It is not the effect of specific

training, and yet it is the effect of training. I do not find that the

matters dealt with are anywhere in the world intrusted to experts; and in

this sense scholarship has not been called to the aid of our legislation

or administration; but still I should not like to say that none of our

politicians were scholars. That would be offensive, and it might not be

true. In fact, I can think of several whom I should be tempted to call

scholars if I were not just here recalled to a sense of my purpose not to

deal quite frankly with this inquiry.

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