CHAPTER XI.

TRANSCRIBER'S NOTES

The Third Part of The Greville Memoirs contains two volumes, of which

this is the second. The first volume is available from Project Gutenberg

at https://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/40680

All spellings are as they appeared in the original text save for those

that were obviously printer's errors.

All phrases that are in languages other than English have been

italicised for consistency. The oe ligature is replaced by the separate

letters oe.

There are two styles of footnotes used in this work. Footnotes enclosed

in square brackets [ ] are by the editor. Footnotes not enclosed in

square brackets are by the author.

1 [This note is by the editor.]

2 This note is by the author.

THE

GREVILLE MEMOIRS

(THIRD PART)

VOL. II.

PRINTED BY

SPOTTISWOODE AND CO., NEW-STREET SQUARE

LONDON

_THE GREVILLE MEMOIRS_

(_THIRD PART_)

A JOURNAL OF THE REIGN

OF

QUEEN VICTORIA

FROM 1852 TO 1860

BY THE LATE

CHARLES C. F. GREVILLE, ESQ.

CLERK OF THE COUNCIL

IN TWO VOLUMES--VOL. II.

LONDON

LONGMANS, GREEN, AND CO.

1887

_All rights reserved_

CONTENTS

OF

THE SECOND VOLUME.

CHAPTER XI.

France and Prussia--The Emperor's Speech--Faint Hopes of

Peace--Favourable View of the Policy of Russia--Progress of the

Negotiations--Russia accepts the Terms of Peace--The Acceptance

explained--Popular Feeling in Favour of the War--Lord Stratford

and General Williams--Mr. Disraeli's Prospects--Meeting of

Parliament--Baron Parke's Life Peerage--The Debate on the

Address--Debate on Life Peerages--Report on the Sufferings of the

Army--Strained Relations with France--Lord Clarendon goes to the

Congress at Paris--Opening of the Conference--Sabbatarianism--Progress

of the Negotiations--Kars--Nicolaieff--The Life Peerage

Question--Blunders and Weakness of the Government--A Visit

to Paris--Count Orloff's View of the War--Lord Cowley on the

Negotiations--Princess Lieven on the War--An Evening at the

Tuileries--Opening of the Legislative Chamber--Lord Cowley's Desponding

Views--The Austrian Proposals--Bitterness in French Society--Necessity

of Peace to France--Conversation with M. Thiers--A Stag Hunt at St.

Germains--The Emperor yields to the Russians--Birth of the Prince

Imperial _page_ 1

CHAPTER XII.

Lord Clarendon's favourable View of the Peace--General Evans' Proposal

to embark after the Battle of Inkerman--Sir E. Lyons defends Lord

Raglan--Peace concluded--Sir J. Graham's gloomy View of Affairs--Edward

Ellice's Plan--Favourable Reception of the Peace--A Lull in Politics--A

Sabbatarian Question--The Trial of Palmer for Murder--Defeat of

the Opposition--Danger of War with the United States--Ristori as

an Actress--Defeat of the Appellate Jurisdiction Bill--Return

of the Guards--Baron Parke on the Life Peerage--Close of the

Session--O'Donnell and Espartero in Spain--Chances of War--Coronation

of the Czar--Apathy of the Nation--Expense of the Coronation at

Moscow--Interference at Naples--Foreign Relations--Progress of

Democracy in England--Russia, France, England, and Naples--Russian

Intrigues with France--The Bolgrad Question--The Quarrel with

Naples--The Formation of Lord Palmerston's Government in 1855--Death of

Sir John Jervis--Sir Alexander Cockburn's Appointment--James Wortley

Solicitor-General--Conference on the Treaty of Paris--Low Church

Bishops--Leadership of the Opposition--Coolness in Paris--Dictatorial

Policy to Brazil _page_ 35

CHAPTER XIII.

State of England after the War--Prussia and Neufchâtel--Sir Robert

Peel's Account of the Russian Coronation--An Historical Puzzle--The

Death of Princess Lieven--Mr. Spurgeon's Preaching--Mr. Gladstone

in Opposition--Tit for Tat--Difficult Relations with France--Lord

John in Opposition--The Liddell _v._ Westerton Case--Death of

Lord Ellesmere--Violent Opposition to the Government on the

China Question--Languid Defence of the Government--Impending

Dissolution--Popularity of Lord Palmerston--Despotism of

Ministers--Parliament dissolved--Judgement on Liddell v.

Westerton--Lord Palmerston's Address--The Elections--Defeat of the

Manchester Leaders--Fear of Radical Tendencies--The Country approves

the Chinese Policy--Death of Lady Keith _page_ 72

CHAPTER XIV.

Results of the Elections--Defeat of Cobden and Bright--The War with

China--Death of Lady Ashburton--Lord Palmerston's Success--The Handel

Concerts--M. Fould in London--The Queen and Lord Palmerston--The

Indian Mutiny--The Prince Consort--Death of General Anson--The State

of India--Royal Guests--The Government of India--Temper of the House

of Commons--Debates on India--Royal Visits--The Divorce Bill--The

Divorce Bill in the House of Lords--Close of the Session--A Dukedom

offered to Lord Lansdowne--Death of Mr. Croker--History of the Life

Peerages--The Indian Mutiny and the Russian War--The Struggle in

India--Reinforcements for India--The Queen's Attention to Public

Business--Attacks on Lord Canning--Big Ships and Big Bells--Lord

Canning defended--Courteous Behaviour of Foreign Nations--The Capture

of Delhi and Lucknow--Difficulties in India--Depression in the

City--Speculations on the Contingency of a Change of Government--The

East India Company and the Government--Exaggerated Reports from

India--A Queen's Speech--The Bank Charter Act _page_ 104

CHAPTER XV.

Opening of the Session--Prevailing Distress--Lord John

reconciled--Ministerial Speculations--Contemplated Transfer of

India to the Crown--Military Position in India--Conversation

with Mr. Disraeli--Bill for the Dissolution of the East India

Company--Difficulties of Parliamentary Reform--The Relief of

Lucknow--Lord Normanby's 'Year of Revolution'--Brougham's Jealousy of

Lord Cockburn--Refutation of Lord Normanby's Book--The Crown Jewels

of Hanover--Labour in the French Colonies--The Death of General

Havelock--Gloomy Prospects in India--Inadequate Measures for the Relief

of India--Lord John Russell hostile to Government--Death of the Duke

of Devonshire--Mr. Disraeli suggests a Fusion of Parties--Marriage of

the Princess Royal--Weakness of the Government--Excitement in France

against this Country--Petition of the East India Company--Drowsiness

of Ministers--Decline of Lord Palmerston's Popularity--Effect of the

Orsini Attempt on the Emperor Napoleon--Opposition to the Conspiracy

Bill--Review of the Crisis--Lord Derby sent for by the Queen--Refusal

of the Peelites--The Catastrophe unexpected--The Defeat might have been

avoided--Mismanagement of the Affair--Ministers determined to resign

_page_ 139

CHAPTER XVI.

The Second Derby Administration--Lord Derby's first Speech--Lord

Clanricarde defends himself--The New Ministry--Coincidences--Lord

Derby's favourable Position--Opinion of the Speaker--Lord Derby's

Liberal Declarations--Dinner to Mr. Buckle--Instability of the

Government--Mr. Disraeli's sanguine Views--India--Prospects of the

new Government--A Visit to the Duc d'Aumale--Delicate Relations

with France--Lord John Russell and Lord Palmerston--Irritation of

the Whigs--Marshal Pélissier Ambassador in London--The Peelites

and the Whigs--Failure of the India Bill--An Overture from Lord

John Russell--Dissensions of the Whigs--Lord Derby resolves to

remain in Office--Lord John Russell proposes to deal with the

India Bill by Resolutions--Mistake of the Whigs in resigning on

the Conspiracy Bill--Withdrawal of the India Bill--Policy of

the Whigs in Opposition--Lord Cowley on the Relations of France

and England--Strong Opposition to the Government--Lord Derby

on the State of Affairs--Disunion of the Whigs--Lord Canning's

Proclamation--Littlecote House--Vehemence of the Opposition--Lord

Lyndhurst displeased--Debates on the Indian Proclamation--Collapse of

the Debates--Triumph of the Ministry--Disraeli's violent Speech at

Slough--Lord Palmerston's Discomfiture--Prospects of a Fusion--Success

of the Government--Concessions to the Radicals--The Queen's Visit to

Birmingham--Progress of the India Bill--The Jew Bill--The Jew Bill

passed--Disturbed State of India--Baron Brunnow on the Russian War

_page_ 171

CHAPTER XVII.

Lord John Russell and Lord Stanley--Lord Palmerston's

Leadership--Dissensions in the Liberal Party--The Queen and her

Ministers--Lord Stanley at the India Office--The Queen's Letter to

the Prince of Wales--Reform Speeches and Projects--Lord Palmerston's

Confidence--Prosecution of Count Montalembert in France--Lord

Clarendon's Visit to Compiègne--The Emperor's Designs on Italy--The

Emperor and the Pope--Approach of War--Lord Palmerston's Prudent

Language--Lord Palmerston's Italian Sympathies--The Electric

Telegraph--Opposition in France to the War--The Emperor's

Prevarication--Opening of Parliament--Debates on Foreign Affairs--Lord

Cowley's Mission to Vienna--General Opposition to the War--A

Reform Bill--Mr. Walpole and Mr. Henley resign--Duplicity of the

Emperor--Mr. Disraeli's Reform Bill--The Emperor denies his Warlike

Preparations--The Whigs oppose the Reform Bill--Anxiety to defeat the

Government--Lord Cowley returns from Vienna--War impending--Dishonest

Conduct of both Parties--Lord Cowley's Account of Cavour's Policy--His

Mission to Vienna--A Congress proposed--Indifference to Reform--Debates

on the Reform Bill--Defeat of the Reform Bill--An Emissary from Cavour

_page_ 208

CHAPTER XVIII.

The Government determine to dissolve the Parliament--Apathy of the

Country--Hopes and Fears as to the War--The Congress a Trick--Disraeli

on the approaching Elections--War declared--Mr. Greville resigns the

Clerkship of the Council--Result of the Elections--Mistakes of the

Austrian Government--Policy of the Opposition--Reconciliation of Lord

Palmerston and Lord John Russell--The Reconciliation doubtful--Meeting

of the Liberal Party--Resolution of the Meeting--Debate on the

Resolution of Want of Confidence--Defeat of Ministers--Lord Derby

resigns--Lord Granville sent for by the Queen--Lord Granville does not

form a Government--Lord Palmerston sent for--Lord Palmerston's Second

Administration--The Queen confers the Garter on Lord Derby--Successful

Progress of the French in Italy--Causes of Lord Granville's

Failure--Lord John claims the Foreign Office--Lord Clarendon declines

to take Office--Lord Clarendon's Interview with the Queen--Mr.

Cobden declines to take Office--The Armistice of Villafranca--Peace

concluded--The Terms of Peace--Position of the Pope--Disappointment of

Italy--Conference of the Emperors--Alleged Sensitiveness of the Emperor

Napoleon--Details of the War--A Visit to Ireland--Irish National

Education--Dublin--Howth Castle--Waterford--Killarney--Return from

Ireland--Numerous Cabinets--A Dispute with China--Lord Palmerston and

Lord John Russell--Lord Clarendon at Osborne--Spain and Morocco--The

Duc d'Aumale--Perplexity of the Emperor Napoleon--The Emperor Napoleon

and the 'Times' _page_ 240

CHAPTER XIX.

Prospects of the Government and of the Opposition--Mr. Disraeli's

commanding Position--Preparation of a Reform Bill--A Congress--Death

of Macaulay--The Affairs of Italy--Policy of the Emperor Napoleon--The

Commercial Treaty with France--M. de Cavour resumes Office--Opening

of Parliament--Negotiation of the Commercial Treaty--The Emperor

a Free Trader--Perplexity of Italian Affairs--Moderation of Lord

Derby--Opposition to the Commercial Treaty--The Reform Bill of

1860--Tory Opposition to Reform--Mr. Gladstone's great Budget

Speech--Opposition to the Treaty and the Budget--Triumph of Mr.

Gladstone--The Italian Correspondence--Democratic Opinions of Mr.

Gladstone--Introduction of the Reform Bill--The Annexation of Savoy

and Nice--Annexation of Tuscany to Piedmont--The Dénouement of the

Plot--Complete Apathy of the Country as to Reform--Lord Derby declines

to interfere--Lord John's adverse Declaration to France--Consequences

of Lord John's Speech against France--Our Position in Europe--Anecdote

of the Crimean War--Designs of the Emperor Napoleon in 1858--Lord

Palmerston's Distrust of Napoleon III.--Lord John's Indifference

to his own Reform Bill--Mr. Gladstone's Ascendency--Designs of the

Emperor and Cavour--Unpopularity of the Reform Bill--Correspondence

of Lord Grey and Lord John Russell--Reaction against Mr. Gladstone's

Measures--Opposition to the Repeal of the Paper Duties--Coolness with

France--Garibaldi's Expedition--Lord Palmerston attacks the Neapolitan

Minister--The Paper Duties Bill rejected by the Lords--The Reform

Bill withdrawn--Lord Palmerston adjusts the Difference between the

two Houses--Mr. Gladstone supported by the Radicals--Mr. Senior's

Conversations in Paris--A Letter from the Speaker--Mr. Cobden's Faith

in the Emperor Napoleon--Conclusion of these Journals _page_ 275

INDEX _page_ 317

A JOURNAL

OF THE

REIGN OF QUEEN VICTORIA

FROM 1852 TO 1860.

CHAPTER XI.

France and Prussia--The Emperor's Speech--Faint Hopes of

Peace--Favourable View of the Policy of Russia--Progress of the

Negotiations--Russia accepts the Terms of Peace--The Acceptance

explained--Popular Feeling in Favour of the War--Lord Stratford

and General Williams--Mr. Disraeli's Prospects--Meeting of

Parliament--Baron Parke's Life Peerage--The Debate on the

Address--Debate on Life Peerages--Report on the Sufferings of the

Army--Strained Relations with France--Lord Clarendon goes to the

Congress at Paris--Opening of the Conference--Sabbatarianism--Progress

of the Negotiations--Kars--Nicolaieff--The Life Peerage

Question--Blunders and Weakness of the Government--A Visit

to Paris--Count Orloff's View of the War--Lord Cowley on the

Negotiations--Princess Lieven on the War--An Evening at the

Tuileries--Opening of the Legislative Chamber--Lord Cowley's Desponding

Views--The Austrian Proposals--Bitterness in French Society--Necessity

of Peace to France--Conversation with M. Thiers--A Stag Hunt at St.

Germains--The Emperor yields to the Russians--Birth of the Prince

Imperial.

_January 1st_, 1856.--Intelligence arrived yesterday that Esterhazy

had presented the Austrian proposal to Nesselrode on the 28th, who

had received it _in profound silence_. Yesterday morning the 'Morning

Post,' in communicating this fact, put forth an article indecently

violent and menacing against Prussia; and as it contained a statement

of what the Emperor Napoleon had said to Baron Seebach, which was

exactly what Persigny had told Clarendon, this alone would prove,

if any proof were required, that the article was inserted either

by Palmerston or by Persigny. The 'Morning Post' derives its only

importance from being the Gazette of Palmerston and of the French

Government, and it is not very easy to determine which of the two is

guilty of this article. These are the sort of manifestos which make us

so odious all over the world.

[Sidenote: MISCHIEVOUS RESULTS OF THE WAR.]

_Hatchford, January 2nd._--The speech which Louis Napoleon addressed

to the Imperial Guard the day before yesterday when they marched into

Paris in triumph, gives reason for suspecting that the manifesto

against Prussia in the 'Morning Post' was French, for there is no small

correspondence between the speech and the article. In the article

Prussia is openly threatened and told, if she will not join the allies

in making war on Russia, the allies will make war upon her; in the

speech the Guards are told to hold themselves in readiness and that a

great French army will be wanted. Nothing is more within the bounds of

probability than that the Emperor may determine, if he is obliged to

make war, to make it for a French object, and on some enemy from whom

a good spoil may be taken, a war which will gratify French vanity and

cupidity, and which will therefore not be unpopular. He may think,

and most probably not erroneously, that in the present temper of

this country the people would be quite willing to let him do what he

pleases with Prussia, Belgium, or any other part of the continent, if

he will only concur with us in making fierce war against Russia. But

though this I believe to be the feeling of the masses, and that their

resentment against Prussia is so strong that they would rejoice at

seeing another Jena followed by similar results, the minority who are

elevated enough in life to reason and reflect will by no means like to

see France beginning to run riot again, and while we have been making

such an uproar about the temporary occupation of the Principalities

and the crossing of the Pruth by Russia, that we should quietly

consent to, nay, become accomplices in the passage of the Rhine and an

aggression on Germany by France. The very possibility of this shows

the necessity of putting an end to a war which cannot continue without

so many and such perilous contingencies. Nothing in fact can exceed

the complications in which we can hardly help being plunged, and the

various antagonistic interests which will be brought into collision,

creating perplexities and difficulties which it would require the

genius of a Richelieu to unravel and compose. The earth under our feet

may be mined with plots; we know not what any of the Great Powers are

really designing; the only certainty for us is that we are going on

blindly and obstinately spending our wealth and our blood in a war in

which we have no interest, and in keeping Europe in a state of ferment

and uncertainty the ultimate consequences of which it is appalling to

contemplate. Clarendon showed me a letter from Francis Baring from

Paris the other day, which told him that the Emperor wished to make

peace, because he knew that France, with all her outward signs of

prosperity, was unable to go on with the war without extreme danger,

that she is in fact 'using herself up,' has been going on at a rate she

cannot afford.

[Sidenote: NEGOTIATIONS FOR PEACE.]

_Hatchford, January 4th._--I was in London yesterday, where I saw

George Lewis, who was very low, sees no chance of peace, and everybody

thinks it hopeless since the Russian Circular has appeared. It is

difficult to understand the motive of the Russians in publishing such a

proposal, when they must know it would not and could not be accepted,

and were also aware of the terms the Western Powers were going to offer

to her. Lewis says our financial prospect is very bad, a declining

revenue, rising prices, a large loan wanted which will be got on bad

terms, and more money to be lent to Sardinia and Turkey. He thinks, if

the Russians propose to negotiate, that Palmerston will never consent;

but though he will no doubt resist, if France presses it I have no

doubt he will give way and that the majority of the Cabinet will be

for doing so. Everything looks as black as possible, and the Emperor

Napoleon's speech to the Imperial Guard following Persigny's article in

the 'Morning Post' wears a very menacing aspect. It is possible indeed

that he may have held this language in order to frighten us into a more

pacific disposition, but so far from being alarming or unpalatable to

the majority here, they will hail with satisfaction any intimation

of his resolution to make war on Prussia; and if Louis Napoleon will

only go on fighting against Russia, they will be quite willing that

he should take whatever he pleases from any other power which will

not join us in our present crusade. I often wonder what the Duke of

Wellington would have said and thought if he could have lived to see

this day, and the madness of this nation.

_London, January 9th._--I came to town on Monday and found when I

arrived that there was a fresh glimmering of peace. Austria had sent

word she was inclined to believe that Russia intended to accept the

terms. I went to Lewis, who told me this was true, but he did not

know on what ground their opinion rested more than that ten days had

elapsed during which no symptoms of a flat refusal had appeared, and

Lewis himself thought there was no doubt they were considering whether

they should accept or what reply they should make. Colloredo called on

Clarendon the other day, and, after some unimportant talk, asked him

if he had ever heard, or had reason to believe, that Russia had made

a communication to France to the effect that if France had a mind to

take the Rhenish Provinces and make peace with her, she should not

oppose such a design. Clarendon replied that he knew nothing of it, but

thought it not at all improbable.

Bernstorff had a conversation with Reeve the other day in which he told

him that he was much put out at the isolated condition of Prussia,

and gave him to understand that he should like the King to join the

alliance, but he did not think anything would induce him to do so. It

might perhaps be prudent, but it would be enormously base if Prussia

were to come _au secours des vainqueurs_, and, now that Russia is in

exceeding distress, to join England and France, to whom she certainly

is under no obligations, in crushing her. But then it would only be

prudent for the moment and to remove an immediate and impending danger,

for in the more comprehensive view of the balance of power and with

referance to general policy, it would be far wiser to leave the power

of Russia undiminished. Germany has nothing to fear from Russia, for

the notion of her being eternally animated with designs of conquest in

every direction is a mere chimæra which the people who propagate it do

not themselves believe. The part she has played for many years past

has been that of a pacificator, and her only intervention has been to

appease quarrels, and resist the progress of democracy and revolution.

In 1848 it was the authority of the Emperor Nicholas which prevented a

great war between Austria and Prussia which would have made all Germany

a scene of havoc and bloodshed. Our Government now evidently expect a

proposal from Russia to negotiate, and are living in hopes that it may

be rejected _in limine_ by Esterhazy, and that they shall be able to

prevail on the Emperor Napoleon not to consent to any overture that may

be made to him through any other channel.

_January 15th._--I came to town yesterday morning and found on my

arrival the Russian answer, which was pretty much what I expected.

I suspect our Government will have been disappointed that so much

was conceded as to make a peremptory rejection so monstrous as to be

hardly safe. However, Esterhazy has been ordered to withdraw on the

18th, unless everything else is conceded. Granville fancies they are

not unlikely to do this, but I am persuaded they will not. It remains

to be seen what the French will do, for all depends on them. I asked

Granville what he thought would be the end of it; he said _on the

whole_ he was rather disposed to expect it would lead to peace; he said

Austria did not mean to go to war with Russia in any case, he thought

she had played her cards with considerable dexterity, and made herself

a sort of arbitress, and, what she most desired, had got a decided

lead of Prussia, the object of her hatred. I asked him if Prussia was

terrified at the menaces contained in the Emperor's speech and other

things against her, and he said he thought she was irritated but not

frightened, and he inveighed against the folly of such speeches, and

especially such articles as Persigny, if it was he, had put into the

'Morning Post.'

_January 16th._--So far as I can as yet discover of public opinion,

it is in favour of accepting, or at all events of negotiating on, the

Russian proposals. The 'Times' has an ambiguous article on the subject.

Nobody will approve of the continuation of the war merely to obtain an

Austrian object, which the cession of Bessarabia is, and the article

about Bomarsund, which has nothing to do with the avowed object of the

war. I have not the least doubt one half of the Cabinet, at least, are

in their hearts of this opinion, but I am afraid they will not have the

courage to stand forth, avow, and act upon it.

[Sidenote: TERMS OF PEACE ACCEPTED BY RUSSIA.]

_January 17th._--I saw Lewis yesterday and for the first time saw

something approaching to _a certainty_ of peace. His information was

curious: the 'Morning Post,' in the statement inserted by Persigny,

said that the Russians had rejected the conditions about Bessarabia,

and about Bomarsund and had accepted the rest. In the counter

proposition of Russia there was no mention of Bomarsund, and for this

very good reason, that no such proposal was made to them. When the

terms of Austria and France were sent here our Government objected

to that article which said the allies reserved to themselves to make

_other_ conditions, or some such words. They said it was not fair,

and that they should at once say what they wanted, and _all_ they

wanted, and the additions they proposed were that Bomarsund should not

be restored, that Consuls should be admitted to the Black Sea ports,

and that 'something' should be done about Georgia and Circassia.

This was their answer, and our allies agreed to these additions, but

for what reason has not as yet appeared. They sent the terms to St.

Petersburg in their original shape and without our articles, so that

in fact no condition about Bomarsund was made to them. The Cabinet

met yesterday to determine what answer should be sent to Paris, the

French having notified that they would make no reply to the counter

proposal till they were apprised of our sentiments thereupon. Lewis

said he had no doubt that both governments would be willing to enter

upon negotiation on these terms, France and Austria being anxious for

peace and our Government not averse, for they begin to perceive that

there is a rapidly increasing disposition to put an end to the war,

and particularly that nobody will desire to continue it merely to

obtain an exclusively Austrian object, which the cession of part of

Bessarabia would be, especially as Austria has no thought of going to

war. The Russian Government have written in a very conciliatory tone

to Paris, which is known, though the letter has not yet arrived. The

King of Prussia had written a private, but very pressing letter to the

Emperor of Russia entreating him to make peace. Though very private,

the French Government contrived to get a copy of it, and Cowley sent

this copy home. It is said to be a very able letter written in a most

confidential style. Such being the state of affairs and all parties

apparently being agreed in a disposition to put an end to the war, it

seemed to me quite certain that the negotiations would be established,

and that they would lead to peace. In the evening I asked Granville

if he did not think we should now certainly have peace, and he said

'I think so, but there are still a great many complications,' and

he said Cowley and Walewski were on such bad terms that they hardly

spoke. The fact is that Cowley is a gentleman and a man of honour and

veracity, but he is sensitive and prone to take offence; the other

is an adventurer, a needy speculator, without honour, conscience, or

truth, and utterly unfit both as to his character and his capacity

for such an office as he holds. Then it must be owned that it must be

intolerably provoking to Walewski or any man in his situation to see

Cowley established in such strange relations with the Emperor, being at

least for certain purposes more his Minister for Foreign Affairs than

Walewski himself.

[Sidenote: TERMS OF PEACE ACCEPTED BY RUSSIA.]

_12 o'clock._--Payne has just rushed in here, to say that a telegraphic

message, dated Vienna, ten o'clock last night, announces that 'Russia

accepts _unconditionally_ the proposals of the allies.' The consequence

of this astounding intelligence was such a state of confusion and

excitement on the Stock Exchange as was hardly ever seen before. The

newspapers had one and all gone on predicting that the negotiations

would lead to nothing, and that the war would go on, so that

innumerable people continued to be 'bears,' and they were all rushing

to get out as fast as they could. It remains yet to be seen whether it

is really true; if it is, the Russians will be prodigiously provoked

when they find that this concession was superfluous, and that the

allies would have accepted _their_ terms.

_January 18th._--Though the account in the 'Times' was not exactly

correct, it proved substantially so. The right message came from

Seymour soon after. There was such a scene in the Stock Exchange as

was hardly ever witnessed; the funds rose three per cent., making five

in the last two days. The Rothschilds, and all the French who were

in the secret with Walewski, must have made untold sums. I have been

endeavouring to account for what appears the extraordinary conduct of

Russia in accepting the Austrian terms purely and simply, and this

strikes me to be the solution of it, and if my idea is correct it

will account for the exceedingly bad terms which Cowley and Walewski

are on. The conditions offered to Russia contained none of the points

insisted on by our Government. I believe that the French and Austrians

believed, very likely were certain, that if they had been sent Russia

would have refused them, and, being bent on peace, they resolved to

leave them out, and excuse themselves to England as they best could;

they therefore simply presented their proposal as it originally stood.

Russia replied with a qualified acceptance, and then Esterhazy was

obliged by the compact to say that he could only take yes or no; then,

finding them not inclined to give any other answer, that he or somebody

else told them the true state of the case, viz., that he had kept back

the conditions _we_ had demanded, and that unless they accepted his

proposition, it must of necessity fall to the ground, and that nothing

would then prevent the English points being brought forward and made

absolute conditions of any fresh preliminaries. This was very likely to

determine them to accept the proposals as put before them, for although

by so doing they accepted the fifth condition, which exposes them to

further and not specified demands, the especial points on which we

insist can only be brought forward as points for negotiation, and will

not form part of those conditions to which by their acceptance they

stand completely and irrevocably pledged.

[Sidenote: POPULAR FEELING FOR WAR.]

_London, January 22nd._--I went to Trentham on Friday, and returned

yesterday. Granville is very confident of peace, fancying that Russia

will make no difficulties, and will agree to our additional demands,

which may be so, but seems to me far from certain. The intelligence of

peace being at hand, or probable, gives no satisfaction here, and the

whole press is violent against it, and thunders away against Russia

and Austria, warns the people not to expect peace, and incites them

to go on with the war. There seems little occasion for this, for the

press has succeeded in inoculating the public with such an eager desire

for war that there appears a general regret at the notion of making

peace. When I was at Trentham, I asked Mr. Fleming, the gardener, a

very intelligent man, what the general feeling was in that part of

the world, and he said the general inclination was to go on with the

war till we had made Russia, besides other concessions, pay all its

expenses. It appears to me impossible the _entente cordiale_ with

France can go on long if the war goes on, when the people here are

passionate for war, and in France they are equally passionate for

peace. If the Emperor goes on with the war he will be very popular

here, which does not signify much to him, but give deep offence to

his own countrymen, which will be of vital importance to him, and no

wonder, for their disgust will be intense at being compelled to carry

on a war at a ruinous expense, merely because it is the pleasure of

the English to do so. This seems so obvious that I do not believe,

after having gone so far, and excited such strong hopes of peace,

that he will dare to disappoint the expectations of the country. What

the people of England would really like would be to engage France to

continue, and to issue a joint declaration of war against Austria and

Prussia.

_January 23rd._--Telegraphic news yesterday that Austria positively

refuses to send our supplementary conditions to St. Petersburg.

France backed us up, or at least pretended to do so, for it is quite

impossible to know what she really does. Baudin is come over here,

supposed to be for the purpose of explaining and apologising for

Walewski's not having sent the conditions originally. I do not know

what excuse he makes. Lewis thinks as I do, that the real reason was

his fear lest they should endanger the acceptance by Russia of the

conditions. Our Government believe, or at least pretend to do so, that

the Emperor was innocent of this _ruse_ and that Walewski is alone

guilty; but I doubt it, for I cannot believe Walewski would dare to do

such a thing without his master's knowledge and consent, and should not

be surprised if the whole thing was the Emperor's doing.

There is a tremendous clamour got up by the press against Lord

Stratford on account of his neglect of General Williams at Kars and

leaving his appeals for aid unattended to. Stratford has sent home

a defence of himself, and, I hear, a skilful one. I do not think

they will remove him, because they say he is now acting _bonâ fide_

according to his instructions, and exerting all his influence to

smooth any difficulties that may arise at Constantinople in adjusting

the terms of peace. But it is likely that the Turks are now very

anxious for peace, as they are exceedingly sick of their protectors,

by whom their dignity and independence are quite as much compromised

as by their enemies, while the process of exhaustion is going on at a

constantly increasing ratio.

[Sidenote: LORD DERBY AND MR. DISRAELI.]

_January 26th._--Yesterday morning Disraeli called on me, and after we

had discussed some private affairs, he began talking politics. He is

very triumphant at his pacific views and expectations having turned

out so true, and at the 'Press' newspaper having proved to be right.

He said, he had never stood so well with the _best_ men of his party

as he did now, that he is to have forty-five men, the cream of the

Conservatives, to dine with him on Wednesday next. He then talked of

Derby and the blunders he had made in spite of all the advice he had

given and the remonstrances he had made to him, that he had written to

him and told him what he knew from undoubted authority must and would

happen about peace, and implored him not to commit himself to the

continuance of the war, but that Derby with all his great talents had

no discretion, and suffered himself to be led and influenced by some of

the weakest and least capable men of his party. So instead of listening

to what Disraeli said to him, he writes a long, reasoned reply to his

arguments in the same way he would have replied to a speech in the

House of Lords, and when he went to Scotland he had the folly to go

to some meeting got up for the purpose, and then to make a violent

war speech. I asked him how Derby and Stanley got on together, and he

said that they were so much attached to each other, and Stanley had so

profound a filial veneration for his father, that personal feelings

silenced all political differences, and nothing would induce Stanley

to take any public part adverse to his father's policy and opinions.

It was evident that there is little political cordiality between Derby

and Disraeli, and a considerable split in the party. If Disraeli is to

be believed, the best of the Conservatives are disposed to go with him

rather than with Derby, but I own I much doubt this. However, it will

soon be seen what the state of that party is.

No further advance has been made towards the arrangements, but it

is clear peace will be made. George Grey told me so yesterday, and

intimated as much as that small difficulties must and would be got

over. France, Austria, and Russia are resolved on peace, and England

cannot alone make herself an obstacle. I suppose it will end in some

compromise upon the points remaining in dispute.

Macaulay has retired from Parliament, where he had done nothing

since his last election; he hardly ever attended and never spoke, or

certainly not more than once. It is to be hoped his life will be spared

to bring down his history to the end of Queen Anne's reign, which is

all that can possibly be expected.

_January 31st._--Parliament meets to-day. Who would have thought a few

weeks ago that the Queen's Speech would announce the preliminaries of

peace? Who would ever have thought that tidings of peace would produce

a general sentiment of disappointment and dissatisfaction in this

nation? There are, however, sundry symptoms of an approaching change

in the public mind. The press is much perplexed; the newspapers do

not know what to say. They confidently predicted that there would be

no peace, and urged the people to go on clamouring for war as long as

they could; but since they have seen that their noise is ineffectual,

and that peace is inevitable, they have nearly left off inveighing

against it, because doing so without any result only exhibits their own

impotence, which is just what they most wish to avoid. They therefore

now confine themselves to a sort of undergrowl, muttering abuse against

Russia and Austria, calling out for more stringent terms, and still

indulging in a desperate hope that some unexpected difficulty may

occur to break off the negotiations and plunge us into war again. The

Opposition are as much perplexed as the press, and do not know what

course to take, or what is the most vulnerable part of the Government,

and they are not agreed among themselves.

So in the meantime they seem disposed to vent themselves in a fierce

attack on Baron Parke's Life Peerage. This peerage has excited great

wrath even in many who are friendly to the Government, and probably in

all who are unfriendly. Amongst those who most vehemently resent it are

Lord Campbell, Lord Lyndhurst, and, as I am told, Brougham. There is

much to be said about it either way, and it will probably give rise to

some good debates and not uninteresting.

As one of many other proofs of the difficulty of getting at truth, and

therefore of having history correctly written, I must record a fact

not very important in itself. Lewis distinctly told me that it was

_France_ (i.e. Walewski) who kept back our conditions when the Austrian

propositions were returned to Vienna; now Granville tells me it was not

France, but Austria, who is responsible for their not having been sent

to St. Petersburg, and that Walewski did send them to Vienna. The truth

probably is that he gave notice to Buol that we wanted these things,

but did not incorporate them with the propositions, and that Buol,

though apprised of them, did not choose to insert what France had not

chosen to insert herself. It is quite impossible to believe that they

can make any serious difficulty; it is time to make peace with Russia

when our relations with America are assuming a very unpleasant aspect.

[Sidenote: MEETING OF PARLIAMENT.]

_February 3rd._--Parliament opened very quietly, and there was no

disposition evinced to find fault with the Government, or to throw

obstacles in the way of making peace. A great change has certainly

come over the country within the last fortnight or three weeks, not

that people are not still sorry to see the end of the war, and rather

inclined to view the peace with suspicion as well as dislike, but they

have no grounds for complaint, they see that it is inevitable, and they

are disposed to acquiesce.

Derby came down full of opposition but rather puzzled how to vent

it, so he criticised the Speech, which was a very poor and bald

composition, made a great stir about Kars, and announced a fierce

attack on Baron Parke's Life Peerage.

In the House of Commons everything was very _piano_, and Disraeli quite

moderate. The Government are much puzzled about this unlucky Life

Peerage. The thing is done, and now they find themselves condemned by

a large majority which includes all the Law Peers. If any vote can be

taken on it in the House of Lords, they will be beaten.

The Conferences will begin in about three weeks, and probably be very

soon over, for it is the object of all parties to put an end to the

enormous expense which, every day that the war lasts, is increased, and

no doubt is entertained by the well-informed that Russia is in earnest,

and will go through with it firmly and sincerely. The most unpleasant

incident is the difference with America, which has a bad aspect, but

when they learn that we are going to make peace with Russia we flatter

ourselves the Americans will become reasonable.[1] If a war should

ensue it would be still more insane than the Russian war, for we should

be fighting absolutely for no object whatever, and merely from the

collision of the proud and angry feelings of the two nations. Neither

would gain anything if the other were to give way and concede all that

is in dispute as to the Central American question.

Footnote 1: [Differences had arisen between the British and the

American Governments in consequence of the enlistment of American

citizens in the British army during the war, and also with reference to

the British possessions in Central America.]

_February 7th._--Nothing can be more extraordinary than the lull here,

after so much sound and fury, while the negotiations and question of

peace or war are pending. There is evidently a complete acquiescence in

the coming peace, though if the terms are not as stringent as people

expect, there will be a great deal of grumbling and abuse of the

Government.

The case with America looks bad, but nobody can seriously believe that

war between the two countries can possibly arise out of such questions

as those now pending. It will probably end in the return of Crampton,

and the return of Buchanan, suspension of diplomatic relations for a

time, then fresh negotiations and a reconciliation, but no war.

[Sidenote: THE LIFE PEERAGE QUESTION.]

_February 9th._--The debate in the House of Lords on the Wensleydale

Peerage was interesting but inconclusive. Lyndhurst made, as usual,

a wonderful speech for his age. He contrived with much dexterity to

avoid the question of legality, which he evidently thought he could

not disprove; Campbell and St. Leonards boldly pronounced it illegal;

Brougham admitted the legality; all the lawyers but the Chancellor are

dead against the Life Peerage. Out of the House, Lushington is clear

for it; Pemberton Leigh against; both of them have been offered and

have refused peerages. The result appears to be that the patent is not

illegal, but that there was no sufficient cause, and therefore that it

was a great folly to deviate from the usual course in Parke's case. It

is awkward, and both the Opposition and the Government seem very much

puzzled what to do. The best course on the whole seems to be (and it

probably will so end) to confer on the Baron an hereditary peerage, and

let the question of life peers stand over for the present, to be better

considered and discussed hereafter when circumstances may require such

a measure.

Palmerston made a very good speech last night on the American

questions, judicious and becoming, and it was very well received.

According to present appearances the Government is in no danger of

being turned out, and if they make a peace which satisfies, and bring

in and pass some good measures, they may actually become strong.

_February 15th._--While the world is waiting with tolerable patience

for the opening of the negotiations, it has got two subjects to

occupy and interest it, and to give rise to plenty of discussion and

dispute. The first is the Life Peerage question, which is become very

embarrassing to its opponents and its advocates. There is a great

majority of the lawyers against it, but more on the score of its being

improper and inexpedient, _perhaps_ unconstitutional, than that it is

absolutely illegal. The highest authority in favour of it seems to

be Dr. Lushington, who refused to be made a peer when a peerage was

pressed upon him. The Government are determined to fight it out, and on

no account to give way. Nobody knows with whom the project originated,

but there is a very general idea that it was with the Prince. General

Grey, however, told his brother, the Earl, that the Prince had nothing

to do with it, and that His Royal Highness knew nothing of the matter

till after it had been settled. I cannot see how it can be _illegal_,

and neither the danger nor the inexpediency of making Life Peers is

quite apparent to me; but I think it has been a blunder, and that so

great a novelty ought not to have been suddenly sprung upon the world

without any attempt to ascertain how it would be regarded, and Derby's

argument it is very difficult to meet. He says that when a certain

prerogative has not been exercised for 400 years, such long disuse of

it, if it does not amount to an abrogation of it, at all events throws

such a doubt upon it as to make the exercise of it now exceedingly

questionable, and it appears by the precedents that in every case of

a Life Peerage it was done _consensu procerum_, or _consensu procerum

et communitatis_, that is, by consent of the Lords, or by Act of

Parliament. The whole question is so obscure and uncertain, that it is

impossible to come to any satisfactory conclusion drawn from precedents

and usage. In spite of the resolution of the Government, I doubt

whether they will not be compelled to give way in some manner, for the

Opposition appear to be equally resolved not to let Baron Parke take

his seat.

The other subject is Sir John McNeill's report,[1] which has already

elicited violent articles in the papers, and will occasion hot debates

in the House of Commons, perhaps in both Houses. The report furnishes

a strong _primâ facie_ case against Airey and Gordon, Q.M. and A.Q.M.

Generals, and _par ricochet_ against Hardinge himself, also against

Lucan and Cardigan. The accused parties vehemently complain, and

insist upon being allowed to vindicate themselves. Probably in the

course of the discussions a good deal of the truth, but not all,

will come out. It may be doubted whether there is any part of our

military administration, as well as of our military operations during

this war, on which it is possible to reveal and explain everything

without showing up the French, and this has been the reason why

all investigations and explanations have had such imperfect and

unsatisfactory results. If the charges of McNeill are true, it seems to

me that the man most to blame was Raglan, who was supreme, omnipotent,

and responsible, and who ought not to have allowed the evils, which

were notorious, to go on accumulating, without applying those effectual

remedies which, according to the report, were abundantly at his

disposal; but of course everybody will shrink from casting the blame

posthumously upon him. The 'Times' has now found that the losses and

sufferings of the army were erroneously and wrongfully attributed to

the Government at home. McNeill has brought back with him notes of

conversations with Raglan, in which Raglan told him that most if not

all of the things he had been so bitterly reproached for were all

owing to the opposition and contradiction he met with from the French,

Canrobert especially.

Cowley, who called on me the day before yesterday, said he should be

very glad to have peace concluded, in order that our intimate connexion

and dependence on each other might be at an end, for the difficulties

arising therefrom, and the impossibility of placing any reliance on the

French Ministers, were a perpetual source of annoyance. He thinks the

Emperor honest and true, but that he is surrounded by a parcel of men

every one of whom is dishonest and false. The Emperor knows this, and

knows what is thought of his ministers, but he says 'What am I to do?

and where can I find better men who will enter my service?'

[Sidenote: THE CONFERENCE IN PARIS.]

Clarendon came here to-day to take leave of me on going to the

Conference in Paris. He talks despondingly, but less about making peace

than about making one that will be acceptable here. He augurs well

from the choice of Russian Plenipotentiaries who are both personally

agreeable to him, for he knows Orloff very intimately. When he took

leave of Brunnow three years ago he said to him, 'If ever you see a

good chance of peace, let me know,' and now Brunnow has sent him a

message reminding him of what he had said, and telling him he now saw

it. It was Clarendon who fixed on Paris for the Conference, everybody

else being against it, especially the Emperor Napoleon and Palmerston,

but Clarendon thought the advantage of having personal communication

with the Emperor himself outweighed every other consideration, and he

is right. Louis Napoleon will be the arbiter, and the struggle will be

between England and Russia to get possession of him. Brunnow arrived at

Paris to-day, the first arrival of the Plenipotentiaries, and he was

received with great acclamations and manifestations of joy. Clarendon

is dissatisfied at Brunnow's having got there first as if to steal a

march on him, but this is unreasonable, as no particular day was fixed

for their coming at once, and Clarendon might have been the first if he

had chosen it, and Cavour is to be there to-day or to-morrow.

Footnote 1: [Sir John McNeill had been sent to the Crimea and

Constantinople to investigate the causes of the sufferings of the

troops in the winter 1854-55.]

_February 21st._--A week has passed since most of the Plenipotentiaries

arrived at Paris, and we hear nothing of what has been going on amongst

them; at least I hear nothing except that Clarendon writes word he

is quite satisfied with the Emperor--the Hollands, that all sorts of

intrigues are rife, Brunnow, Morny, and Madame de Lieven closeted

together for hours, and Madame de Lieven writes to me in melancholy

mood, saying she anticipates many difficulties, and complaining of

the _exigeances_ which she hears of as probable, and how ungenerous

as well as impolitic it is to make no allowance for the difficulty

of the Emperor's position _vis à vis_ of his own people, and to bear

so hard upon him. From all this I infer that the Russians have been

informed that the Emperor Napoleon has engaged to back us up in our

_exigeances_, the principal of which is probably the dismantling of

Nicolaieff; this may be inferred from what has appeared in the French

press. The 'Journal des Débats' published an article saying we had no

right to demand this, to which the 'Siècle' replied asserting we had a

right, and the article in the 'Siècle' was copied into the 'Moniteur,'

which was tantamount to a recognition and approval of it. There are

rumours afloat here that matters are not going on satisfactorily at

Paris, and, taking all these things together, it looks as if the

horizon was a little overcast, but as Orloff was only to arrive at

Paris last night nothing essential can as yet have passed. Meanwhile

this country remains in the same passive and expectant state, so far

behaving very well that there is not the least stir or any attempt to

make peace more difficult, not a word said in Parliament, no meetings

or petitions, the 'Times' nearly silent, and only an undergrowl from

time to time from the Radical or malignant journals. But all who have

had any opportunity of testing the state of public feeling agree that

the peace, be it what it may, will be taken with regret, and that if

Clarendon were to return having broken off the negotiations, and to

announce that the war would go on, he would be hailed with the greatest

enthusiasm, and the ardour for war would break out with redoubled force.

While this lull has been going on upon the great question, the world

has been less passionately moved and interested by the affair of the

Wensleydale Peerage, and nobody has talked of anything else for the

last ten days but this and the Crimean Report. The general feeling

amongst the lawyers and in society is against the Life Peerage, but the

Government are very reluctant to give way and to own themselves beaten

upon it. To-night is the great, and, it may be hoped, final struggle in

the House of Lords upon it, when nobody doubts that the Government will

be beaten.

Last night the Evangelical and Sabbatarian interest had a great victory

in the House of Commons, routing those who endeavoured to effect the

opening of the National Gallery and British Museum on Sunday. The only

man of importance who sustained this unequal and imprudent contest was

Lord Stanley. At this moment cant and Puritanism are in the ascendant,

and so far from effecting any anti-sabbatarian reform, it will be very

well if we escape some of the more stringent measures against Sunday

occupations and amusements with which Exeter Hall and the prevailing

spirit threaten us.

[Sidenote: LORD CLARENDON IN PARIS.]

_February 24th._--A letter from Lady Clarendon, who says 'the report

about things going ill is false, and as yet things have hardly begun.

The Emperor in feelings and opinions is everything that Clarendon could

desire.' Madame de Lieven received Clarendon _à bras ouverts_, but said

very little to him. This morning I called on George Lewis, and had a

long talk about the prospects of peace. He said Palmerston, according

to his ancient custom, was doing all he could to extort as much as

possible from Russia, writing to Clarendon in this strain constantly

and urging him to insist on more and more concessions; but Lewis thinks

notwithstanding this that Palmerston has quite made up his mind for

peace, and that he makes demands very often with the expectation of

being refused, and the intention of not insisting on them if he finds

a very determined resistance. One point of difference is Kars; the

Russians not unfairly wish to have some equivalent for surrendering

it, and Palmerston insists that they are not entitled to any. In the

preliminaries it was settled that we were to restore all our conquests,

and they were in return to give up part of Bessarabia. At that time

Kars was not taken, and now they say the relative positions of the

parties are altered, and 'if we are to restore Kars, that ought to

be set against the restoration of Kinburn, the part of the Crimea

you occupy, &c., and having got an equivalent in Kars, you ought to

relax your demand for Bessarabia.' To this Palmerston replies that

the Russians are to guarantee the integrity of the Turkish dominions,

of which Kars is a part, and therefore their restoration of it is a

matter of course for which no equivalent is necessary. This argument is

not logical, and no arbitrator would admit it. It is a good point to

wrangle upon, and if the Russians knock under it will be because they

are resolved to submit to any terms rather than not have peace.

It is much the same thing about Nicolaieff, as to which the Emperor

appears at present disposed to back us up. Lewis disapproves of our

_exigeances_ and Palmerston's tone. He thinks on both points the

Russians have good cases, and that Palmerston and Clarendon are only

fighting for them in order to have a more plausible and showy peace

to set before the country. He says we never thought of demanding

the destruction of the docks of Nicolaieff _at first_, and that our

demanding it now is a mere afterthought, and in pursuance of the plan

of starting as many demands as we can to take the chance of what we

can get. Lewis disapproves of this course, and urged me to encourage

Clarendon not to lend himself to exigencies unjust in themselves, but

to do what he really thinks right and necessary without fear of the

consequences.

[Sidenote: DEBATE ON LIFE PEERAGES.]

When we had done talking of this matter he said he wanted to speak

to me about the Peerage question, which had assumed a shape which he

thought menaced great embarrassment, if not danger. The Government, he

said, would not give way, and he was himself opposed to their doing

so; but what was to be done? I said I did not see what the Government

could do, nor why they should not give way when they had resolved to

fight and had been fairly beaten; but he thought they should stultify

themselves by acknowledging they had been wrong, and that such a

course would oblige the Chancellor to resign. I controverted these

propositions and said they would stultify themselves much more, if from

motives of vanity and pride they chose to let the House of Lords remain

without that assistance to obtain which was the pretext for Parke's

creation. On the whole, Lewis seemed to think the least objectionable

course would be to pass a bill enabling the Crown to make a certain

number of Life Peers, but he overlooked the fact that this would be as

much a confession of error, and an acknowledgement that the Queen had

no such prerogative, as to make Lord Wensleydale an hereditary Peer. My

advice was to make him an hereditary Viscount. I was obliged to go away

and had not time to talk it out. In the afternoon, I spoke to Campbell

and Lyndhurst about it, and asked what they proposed, and how the

difficulty was to be got over. They naturally want the Government to

knock under and give up the hereditary peerage; they both scouted the

idea of Parke coming down to the House of Lords and insisting on being

admitted and making a scene. Lyndhurst to-night is to give notice of

motion for a Committee to consider the Appellate Jurisdiction.

_February 27th._--The debate in the Lords on Monday night affords

a prospect of an amicable termination of the Peerage case, but the

Government still have a lingering hope that by some management and

contrivance they may avoid the necessity of submitting to their defeat

and acting accordingly. There is to be a Committee on the Appellate

Jurisdiction, and they think they may obtain some report which may

enable them to get out of their scrape, but the only way I can make

out by which they think of doing this is to lay the foundation of a

bill to enable the Crown to make a limited number of Life Peers. This

would, however, be a more formal acknowledgement of error, and that the

Queen does not possess the prerogative, than any other course. I expect

they will at last be driven to adopt the course I recommended, that of

making Parke a Viscount, hereditary of course.

Last night, Disraeli made a bitter attack on the Government, to which

Labouchere replied with a spirit for which nobody gave him credit. The

Opposition displayed great warmth, and a disposition to show serious

fight on any occasion they could find. Certainly the Government cuts a

very poor figure, and it is difficult not to think that as soon as the

all absorbing question of peace or war is decided, they will be much

put to it to defend themselves, unless they conduct affairs much better

for the future than they have done up to the present time. Hitherto

they have presented a series of blunders, failures, and exposures.

First of all the Peerage question; then, much worse, in the House of

Commons, Lowe's Bill on Shipping Dues, which Palmerston was obliged

to withdraw last night, not at all creditably, and the failure of

which was in a great measure attributable to Lowe's very injudicious

speech, which, as he is the organ of the Board of Trade in the House of

Commons, was in itself a great evil and misfortune. George Grey's Bill

on County Police meets with such opposition that though it is a very

good measure he will probably not be able to carry it. But still worse

than these are the case of the Crimean Report with all its incidents,

one blunder after another, and the wretched exhibition of Monsell in

moving the Ordnance Estimates, amounting to a complete break-down.

All these things, one after another, place the Government in a very

weak and contemptible position, and show that in spite of Palmerston's

having recovered a good deal of his personal popularity in the House of

Commons, his Government has no strength, and his being able to go on at

all is only owing to the peculiar circumstances in which the country is

placed, and the extreme difficulty of any other Government being formed

which would be palateable to the country, more efficient, and therefore

stronger and more durable than the present.

To-morrow I purpose going to Paris to see and hear what is going on at

this interesting moment.

[Sidenote: A VISIT TO PARIS.]

_Paris, March 1st_, 1856.--I left London on Thursday with M. de

Flahault and my brother. We slept at Boulogne, and after a prosperous

journey in all its stages, found myself in my old quarters at the

Embassy yesterday evening at seven o'clock. I had hardly arrived

before a card came from Morny, who gave a great evening party with

two _petites pièces_ and music. I went there with Lady Cowley. The

crowd was so great that I saw nothing whatever of the spectacle, but

was pretty well amused, for I met some old acquaintance, made some

new ones, and was presented to some of the celebrities of the day.

I was much struck with the ugliness of the women, and the extreme

_recherche_ of their costumes. Nature has done nothing for them, their

_modistes_ all that is possible. The old friends I met were La Marre

and Bourqueney, whom I have not seen since he was Secretary of Embassy

to Guizot, when we had so much to do together about the affairs of the

East. I made acquaintance with Fleury, the Empress's _Grand Écuyer_,

renewed it with Bacciochi, and I was presented to Cavour and the Grand

Vizier, as little like the _beau idéal_ of a Grand Vizier as can well

be imagined, but by all accounts a Turk _comme il y en a peu_. He is a

very little, dark, spare, mild-looking man, speaks French perfectly,

and exceedingly clever, well-informed, enlightened, and honourable. He

was Grand Vizier once before, and owes his present elevation to his

great personal merit. He accepted the post with reluctance, feeling

sure Stratford would torment him to death and get him turned out again,

but it seems as if his high qualities, and the general respect with

which he is regarded, would enable him to maintain himself against all

intrigues, and even against Stratford's predominance. I met Clarendon,

but had hardly any opportunity of talking to him, as he was every

moment interrupted by people come up to do civilities to him. He had

just time to tell me that matters are going on very slowly, and that he

sees no reason why he should not be kept here for the next six months.

Orloff had met him _à bras ouverts_ and renewed their old Petersburg

friendship. Brunnow he is disgusted with, and says he has made a bad

impression here. He told me he had said to Brunnow: 'You were in

England long enough to know what a special pleader is; well, if all

other trades should fail you, take to that.'

Orloff spoke very frankly about the war, and the conduct of the late

Emperor, which he had always regarded as insane in sending Menschikoff

to Constantinople. If he had sent him, Orloff, instead, he would

answer for it, there would have been no war. Then marching into the

Principalities, and finally not accepting the modifications of the

Vienna Note. After this, Orloff said, he had declined to have anything

more to do with those affairs, and had retired in disgust. He thought

Nicholas's mind had undergone a change after he had reached sixty years

of age.

Clarendon said he was delighted with the Emperor and liked him

better and better every time he saw him. I met Walewski, who said he

wanted to talk to me, when he expressed great anxiety to know the

state of opinion in England, and talked of the chances of peace,

and particularly wished to know if I thought Palmerston really and

sincerely desired peace. I told him the exact truth as to opinion in

England, and said I believed Palmerston was now sincere in wishing

to make peace, but that it was in his nature to be _exigeant_, and

he thought it necessary to be so now because it was of great moment

to him to present to the country a peace with as many concessions as

possible from Russia. I said it depended on France after all, and then

I found that while they thought Bomarsund ought to be an indispensable

condition, Nicolaieff ought not; and so we parted, and I promised to

dine with him on Monday.

[Sidenote: LORD COWLEY ON THE NEGOTIATIONS.]

This morning after breakfast I had a long conversation with Cowley.

He did not speak despondingly of the peace, but he dilated on the

difficulty of coming to satisfactory terms, and such as Clarendon could

consent to, which he attributes principally to the French, who, having

gained all the glory they want for the satisfaction of their national

vanity, have no longer any desire to go on with the war, and we are

placed by them in a fix. 'If,' he said, 'our army was in Asia Minor

he should not care, because then we might say to them, do just what

you please, make peace if it suits you, we shall not resent it or have

any quarrel with you, but we will carry on the war on our own account.

As it is, if we insist on renewing the war, the French _cannot_, and

would not abandon us, and leave us to be attacked by superior Russian

armies; they would therefore very reluctantly go on with the war, but

it would be well known that we were dragging them on with us, and the

exasperation against us would be great and general, and, say what we

might, a quarrel between France and England would infallibly ensue.'

He said all the objections he had entertained against Paris being the

place of conference had been more than realised, and that the thing to

have done would have been to have it in some dull German town, where

there would have been no amusements and occupations, and no intrigues,

and where they would have applied themselves vigorously to their work

in order to get it done as quickly as possible. I have not, however, as

yet made out what intrigues there are, but there is of course a vast

deal of _commérage_ going on.

The conferences take place every other day, beginning at one, and they

generally last about four hours. Walewski presides, and, they say,

does it pretty well; M. Benedetti, the _Chef de Département in the

Foreign Office, is the _Protocollist and Rédacteur; the manner of it is

conversational, but they occasionally make speeches, Walewski told me.

I asked Clarendon in the evening how they were going on, and he said he

thought they were making a little progress, but that the French did all

they could to render it impossible.

I called on Madame de Lieven in the morning, who did not seem to know

much beyond what lies on the surface. She is craving for news and eager

for peace. Orloff has kept aloof from her, to her great mortification,

and rather to the malicious satisfaction of her enemies, but he went

to see her at last the day before yesterday, and, I suppose, accounted

for the delay, for she spoke of him as if they were friends, though

of course she would take care not to say a word of complaint or to

have it supposed, if she could help it, that he had neglected her.

She complained that in our _exigeance_ we did not make allowance

enough for the difficulties of the Emperor of Russia's position, for,

however necessary peace might be to Russia, there is a very great

party there who from pride and obstinacy would carry on the war at all

risks and hazards. She talked much of the enormous faults that had

been committed throughout the whole of the Eastern Question, and of

the severe retribution the pride of the late Emperor had drawn down

on his country, and remarked, which is quite true, that this would

be the first time in the history of Russia in which she had made a

disadvantageous peace; for even in her wars against Napoleon, when she

had suffered defeat after defeat, she had still concluded peace with

a gain of territory. I saw the Hollands, Guizot at Madame de Lieven's

door, called on Lady Clarendon, and then went to ride with Lady Cowley

in the Bois, and so the evening and the morning were the first day. The

weather is cold and gloomy, and I don't think I shall stay here long.

_March 3rd._--Went about visiting yesterday, and at night to the

Tuileries, an evening party and play, two small pieces; the Emperor

was very civil to me as usual, came up to me and shook hands; he

talked to Orloff and to Clarendon, then the Grande Maîtresse told him

the Empress was ready, when he went out and came back with her on his

arm, Mathilde, Princess Murat, and Plon Plon following. As the Emperor

passed before me, he stopped and presented me to the Empress. I was

introduced to Orloff, and in the course of the evening had a long talk

with Brunnow, who said _they_ had made all the advances and concessions

they could, and it was for us to move towards peace, and not to advance

one step and then retreat two.

This morning I went to see the opening of the legislative bodies, and

hear the Emperor's Speech. It was a gay and pretty sight, so full of

splendour and various colours, but rather theatrical. He read his

speech very well and the substance of it gave satisfaction; it was not

easy to compose it, but he did it exceedingly well, and steered clear

of the ticklish points with great adroitness and tact. It sounded odd

to English ears to hear a Royal Speech applauded at the end of each

paragraph, and the shouts of _'Vive l'Empereur'_ from the Senators and

Deputies.

After Cowley came home he began talking over the state of affairs,

and the peace we are going to make, about which his grief and

disappointment are overflowing. He says the Emperor had the best

intentions, but has been beset with men who were determined on peace

for their own ends, and whom he could not resist. What he blames him

for is not having at once said that he would go so far with us and no

further, and not have allowed us to delude ourselves with expectations

of support from him that were not to be realised. He says it is now all

over, the matter decided, it will proceed rapidly, and all be finished

by Easter.

[Sidenote: A DINNER AT COUNT WALEWSKI'S.]

_At night._--I have been dining with Walewski, a very handsome dinner

to the Sardinians, and a party afterwards. Knowing none of the people,

it was a bore; I found nobody to converse with but Cavour and Flahault;

talked over the state of affairs with the latter and our discontents.

He said the Emperor could not refuse, and when Clarendon came over

and found His Majesty's conversation so satisfactory, he was misled

by it and fancied he should obtain his support to all our demands;

he owned that it would have been better if the Emperor had been more

explicit. When I got home I found Cowley, who was engaged in drawing up

a statement of the comparative state of Russia, as to her aggressive

power against Turkey before the war and now, after peace has been

made. He is doing this for Clarendon and to assist him in making his

case good in Parliament when the peace is attacked, as he says it is

quite certain it will be. I asked him what were the points on which the

Russians made the most difficulty. He said on _all_ except Bomarsund.

He is quite convinced that Walewski has played false, and that he has

made known to Orloff exactly what he must give up, and when he may be

stout.

_March 5th._--Little to record; Cowley continues talking to me of the

state of affairs as it is and as it might have been, and is excessively

dejected and disgusted at the idea of the peace he is about to sign;

he thinks it neither creditable nor likely to be durable, but we start

from such different points of view that it is impossible for us to

agree. He harps upon the evil done by having the Conference here, and

certainly the advantage Clarendon promised himself from having it here

has proved null, for the Emperor does not send for him, having no

mind to talk to him, and he will not ask an audience of the Emperor,

though Cowley urges him very much to do it. He acknowledges, however,

that it would be now too late, and that nothing more can be done; he

thinks Clarendon will bring himself with great reluctance to sign such

a Treaty; but he must swallow the pill, however bitter. The bitterness

proceeds from having had such vast pretensions and having encouraged,

if not held, such lofty language.

It is no wonder that this Government want to get their army home when

typhus is raging there, and they have by their own account 22,000

men in hospital, while ours is quite healthy. We took all sorts of

precautions, and strongly advised the French to do the same, and to

adopt a sanitary plan we imparted to them; they held it cheap, did

nothing, and here are the consequences. It is said that while those who

have been in the Crimea and have distinguished themselves are eager for

peace, those who have not yet earned medals are averse to peace, and

that there will be a good deal of jealousy between the regiments.

_March 6th._--We talked yesterday morning about the origin of the

Austrian proposals, and Cowley said he had never been able exactly to

make out whether the scheme had originated at Vienna or here, but he

was inclined to believe that the first hint was given by Austria, and

that Walewski then put the thing on paper, which was sent to Vienna and

returned thence in the shape of a proposal. Bourqueney first brought it

from Vienna, Buol having obtained his Emperor's consent to it. Cowley

told me Buol had been all along willing to join us in the war, but the

Emperor never would consent to it. Cowley's notions are that we never

ought to have listened to any intervention, nor to any proposals for

peace but from Russia herself, that we should have made her sue for

peace. He would have had our demands from the first stated distinctly,

and have allowed of nothing but acceptance or refusal; he would never

have agreed to the article for the cession of Bessarabia, nor have

asked for territory at all. If it could have been managed he would have

preferred giving the Principalities to Austria, who should for them

give up Lombardy to Sardinia. Not a bad idea. By the by, it is much

noticed that in the Emperor's Speech he calls the King of Sardinia the

King of Piedmont, probably without any particular meaning or intention,

but they say he never does anything without a meaning. I rode to the

new racecourse yesterday, near the Bois de Boulogne, and went to the

Opera last night to see a beautiful new ballet, _'Le Corsaire.'_ Went

to Passy to see the Delesserts, who were out.

[Sidenote: BITTERNESS IN FRENCH SOCIETY.]

In this head quarter of gossip every trifle makes a noise, a little

scene in society excites interest and shows the continued violence of

party feeling. A party dined at Lord Holland's and more came in the

evening, mostly, as it happened, Orleanists, for the Hollands live

with all parties indiscriminately. There were Mesdames de Rémusat,

d'Haussonville, and several others of that colour, when the door opened

and MM. de Flahault and Morny were announced, on which the women all

jumped up like a covey of partridges and walked out of the room,

without taking any notice of the men. It is said that the Orleanist

party entertain a peculiar rancour against M. de Flahault for having

seen behind a door or a curtain the arrest of General Changarnier on

the 2nd of December, which he afterwards had the folly to avow.

_At night._--Just before dinner came an invitation to go to the

Tuileries to-night, which with much reluctance I was forced to do.

Two _petites pièces_ as on Sunday. I did not attempt to get into the

gallery, and sat in the next room, first with Brunnow, then with

the Grand Vizier, who is become a great friend of mine. The Emperor

did nothing but take off one Plenipotentiary after another: first

Clarendon, next Buol, then Orloff, and lastly Walewski, and probably

more was done there than at the Conference in the morning. Brunnow and

Walewski both told me the affair was progressing, and Cowley seemed

very low coming home. His dejection is extreme, and he said this

morning that he could not recover from his extreme disappointment at

the conduct of the Emperor, that he had always had a bad opinion of

Walewski, and no reliance on him or any of the ministers, but he would

have staked his life on the Emperor's remaining true to us, that he

had always assured our Government that they might depend implicitly on

him, and it was a bitter mortification to him to have been deceived

himself and to deceive them. I asked him how Clarendon felt all this,

and he said Clarendon had never spoken to him about it, and preserved

a calmness which astonished him. 'What,' I asked, 'did the Cabinet

at home say?' He said, 'They seemed to place entire confidence in

Clarendon, and to leave all power and responsibility to him.'

_March 8th._--Called on M. de Greffuhle yesterday, whom I had not

seen for years. He is eighty, enormously rich, full of activity and

intelligence, Orleanist by social habits, but well affected towards

this Government and not hostile to the Emperor, though despising his

Government. He said that he was _compelled_ to make peace, and that it

would cost him his Crown if he did not; that _something_ would happen

and then he would be upset, so great would be the consequences of

his running counter to the universal desire for peace here; that the

finances are in a very difficult state and there must be another loan,

but it would not be contracted like the last, which was a piece of

absurd _charlatanerie_.

I went in the afternoon to see the Imperial stables, a wonderful

establishment; and then the stallions, near Passy. In the evening to

Madame Baudon's, where I was presented to General Cavaignac, but had

no conversation with him. He is a tall, gentlemanlike man with a very

military air. I was surprised to see him there in the midst of the

Legitimists, he, a republican, but it seems he was once near marrying

Madame Baudon, who was _sous-gouvernante des Enfants de France_ when

Madame de Gontaut was Gouvernante.

_March 9th._--Went about visiting as usual. Called on Achille Fould,

who introduced me to Magne, Minister of Finance, said to be a great

rogue. Everything here is intrigue and jobbery, and I am told there is

a sort of gang, of which Morny is the chief, who all combine for their

own purpose and advantage: Morny, Tould, Magne, and Rouher, Minister of

Commerce. They now want to get out Billault, Minister of the Interior,

whom they cannot entirely manage, and that ministry is necessary to

them, on account of the railroads, which are under his management.

Fould was full of civilities and offers of services, and he told me

the Emperor has a mind to talk to me; whether anything will come of it

I know not. I went thence to Madame de Galliera's, where I met Thiers

and made a _rendez-vous_ with him for to-day; then to Madame de Lieven

who had had Orloff with her; lastly to Madame de Girardin and renewed

our old acquaintance, dined with Delmar, and came home to a great party

here.

[Sidenote: CONVERSATION WITH M. THIERS.]

_March 10th._--I called on Thiers yesterday, and had a long talk with

him; he declared he was happier unemployed and quite free than he

had ever been; he had been all for the war, and was now as much for

peace--like every other Frenchman he considered it a necessity; anxious

as ever for the English alliance, and ridiculed the idea that we had

not accomplished everything that our honour and glory required; bitter

against this Government, and maintained that the Emperor might very

safely relax the severity of it without giving up anything; indignant

with the peculation and corruption that prevailed, and the abominable

acts of injustice committed, one of which he mentioned towards his own

family. Very pleasant as usual.

The news of the day was the dangerous illness of King Jerome, whose

life hangs on a thread. This morning I went to St. Germains to see

a stag hunt in the forest--a curious sight, with the old-fashioned

_meute_; the officers, and those privileged to wear the uniform, in

embroidered coats, jackboots, and cocked hats; _piqueurs_ on horseback

and foot with vast horns wound round their bodies; the costume and the

sport exactly as in the time of Louis XIV., rather tiresome after a

time. The old chateau is a melancholy _délabré_ building, sad as the

finishing career of its last Royal inhabitant. These recollections

come thick upon one--Anne of Austria and the Fronde, Louis XIV. and

Mademoiselle de la Vallière--for here their lives began. When the Queen

was here she insisted on being taken up to see Mademoiselle de la

Vallière's apartment, to mark which some slight ornaments remain. Here

too James II. held his dismal Court and came to his unhappy and bigoted

end. After it ceased to be a palace, it became successively a prison,

a school, and a barrack, and now the Emperor has a fancy to restore

it. I went at night to a great concert at Walewski's, where I fell in

with Clarendon, and found he was quite prepared to make peace even on

such terms as he can get, in which I encouraged him, and to my surprise

he said he did not think it would be a bad peace, though it was not

so good as we might have got if the generals had done all they might,

or if we had had another campaign. He asked me how I thought people

would look on it in England, and I told him from all I heard I thought

_now_ the wish was for peace, and that the peace would be well enough

taken. This he now thinks himself, and he said peace would certainly be

concluded before the end of the month.

_March 15th._--From Cowley's account the Conferences appear to be

drawing to an end, as a committee has been formed to draw up the

Treaty. It consists of Cowley, Bourqueney, Brunnow, Cavour, Buol, and

the Grand Vizier. Cowley is still bemoaning the insufficiency of the

terms, and while he admits the necessity of peace here, maintains that

if the Emperor would only have joined us in insisting upon the terms we

wished to impose, it is certain the Russians would have consented to

everything, for he says they now know from unquestionable information

that the Russians expected much harder terms. The Emperor was, however,

so beset by his _entourage_, and so afraid of running the slightest

risk of the Russians breaking off the negotiations, that he would not

insist on anything which he was not certain the Russians would agree

to, and Cowley says he thinks Clarendon was not so firm as he might

have been, and if he had pressed the Emperor more strongly, that the

latter would have yielded and told Orloff that, though anxious to

make peace, he was still more anxious to continue on good terms with

us, and that if the Russian Government wanted peace, they would only

have it on such and such terms. All this may be true, and I am myself

inclined to think the Russians would have agreed to our terms, if those

terms had been heartily backed up by the Emperor; but except to give

something more of a triumph to the English public, I am not of opinion

that the difference between what we required and what we shall get is

worth much. When the _dénouement_ is before the world, it will appear

how insane it was to plunge into such a war, and that the confusion

and unsettled state of affairs which will be the result of it are more

dangerous to the stability of the Turkish Empire than the ambitious

designs of Russia ever were. Whether the Emperor Nicholas was premature

or not in his idea of 'the sick man,' it will soon appear how sick the

man will be left by the doctors who have stepped in to save him, and I

believe the _bouleversement_ of the old Turkish dominion will have been

greatly accelerated by the war and the consequences which will flow

from the successes of the allies.

[Sidenote: THE CIRCASSIANS.]

What Cowley particularly laments over is having failed to dismantle

Nicolaieff and to stop the outlet from the Bug to the Black Sea, and

having got no satisfactory arrangement with regard to the Circassian

coast and the contiguous provinces which were ceded to Russia by the

Treaty of Adrianople. We wanted that Russia should acknowledge the

independence of these provinces or of some part of them; but I cannot

see of what use this would have been, and it would have been a matter

of the greatest difficulty how to secure their independence and under

what Government. There is a sort of sympathy with the Circassians

in England, which would have made some stipulations with regard to

them popular; but the independence would be illusory, Russia would

soon reassert her authority, and our stipulations would become a dead

letter, or we should be involved in endless disputes without any

satisfactory results. As to forming another coalition for the sake of

semi-barbarous nationalities on the coasts of the Caspian, nothing

would be more impossible. England herself, who will soon recover from

her madness, would not hear of it, and France still less. The war

was founded in delusion and error, and carried on by a factitious

and ignorant enthusiasm, and we richly deserve to reap nothing but

mortification and disappointment in return for all the blood and

treasure we have spent.

_March 16th._--We passed the day in momentary expectation of hearing

of the Empress's confinement. No news arrived, but at six in the

morning we were awakened from our beds by the sound of the cannon

of the Invalides, which gave notice of a son. Will his fortune be

more prosperous than that of the other Royal and Imperial heirs to

the throne whom similar salvoes have proclaimed? It is a remarkable

coincidence that the confinement was as difficult and dangerous as that

of Marie Louise, with the same symptoms and circumstances, and that the

_doctor accoucheur_ (Dubois) in this instance was the son of the Dubois

who attended the other Empress. From all I hear the event was received

here with good will, but without the least enthusiasm, though with some

curiosity, and the Tuileries Gardens were crowded. People were invited

by the police to illuminate.