But enough has been said about these matters in my _Discussion with the

Sidereal Messenger_. It is time that I should turn to those discoveries

which have been made since the publication of Galileo’s _Sidereal

Messenger_, and since my _Discussion_ with it, by means of this

telescope.

[Sidenote: Galileo’s discovery of Saturn’s ring (imperfectly).]

It is now just a year since Galileo wrote to Prague, and gave full

notice that he had detected something new in the heavens beyond his

former discoveries; and that there might not be any one who, with the

intention of detracting from his credit, should try to pass himself

off as an earlier observer of the phenomenon, Galileo gave a certain

space of time for the publication of the new phenomena which any one

had seen; he himself meanwhile described his discovery in letters

transposed in this manner: _s m a i s m r m i l m e p o e t a l e u m i

b u n e n u g t t a u i r a s_. Out of these letters I made an uncouth

verse which I inserted in my _Short Account_ in the month of September

of last year:—

Salve umbistineum[22] geminatum Martia proles.

Hail, twin companionship, children of Mars.

[22] _Umbistineum._ Apparently this is some German word with a

Latin ending, such as _um-bei-stehn_; Kepler fancied that Galileo

had discovered two satellites of Mars.

But I was a very long way from the meaning of the letters; it contained

nothing to do with Mars; and, not to detain you, reader, here is the

solution of the riddle in the words of Galileo himself, the author of

it:[23]—

“_Di Firenze li 13 di Novembre 1610._—Ma passando ad altro, giacchè

il Sig. Keplero ha in questa sua ultima narrazione stampate le

lettere che io mandai trasposte a Vostra Signoria Illustrissima

e Reverendissima venendomi anco significato come Sua Maestà

ne desidera il senso, ecco che io lo mando a Vostra Signoria

Illustrissima per participarlo con Sua Maestà col Sig. Keplero e

con chi piacerà a Vostra Signoria Illustrissima bramando io che

lo sappia ognuno. Le lettere dunque combinate nel lor vero senso

dicono così,

Altissimum planetam tergeminum observavi.

Questo è, che Saturno con mia grandissima ammirazione ho osservato

essere non una stella sola, ma tre insieme, le quali quasi si

toccano; e sono trà di loro totalmente immobili, e constituite

in questa guisa o◯o. Quella di mezzo è assai più grande delle

laterali; sono situate una da oriente, l’altra da occidente, nella

medesima linea retta a capello; non sono giustamente secondo la

dirittura del Zodiaco, ma l’occidentale si eleva alquanto verso

Borea; forse sono parallele all’Equinoziale. Se si guarderanno

con un occhiale che non sia di grandissima moltiplicazione, non

appariranno tre stelle ben distinte, ma parrà, che Saturno sia una

stella lunghetta in forma di un’oliva, così, ☾☽. Ma servendosi

di un occhiale che moltiplichi più di mille volte in superficie,

si vedranno tre globi distintissimi, che quasi si toccano, non

apparendo trà essi maggior divisione di un sottil filo oscuro. Or

ecco trovata la corte a Giove, e due Servi a questo Vecchio che

l’aiutano a camminare nè mai se gli staccano dal fianco. Intorno

agli altri Pianeti non ci è novità alcuna, ec.”

[23] The text of the four letters of Galileo followed here is that

given in the edition of Galileo’s works published at Florence,

1842-56; that in the edition of Kepler’s _Dioptrics_, published at

Augsburg, 1611, is very inaccurate. These letters were written to

Giuliano de’ Medici, ambassador of the Grand-Duke of Tuscany to the

Emperor Rudolf II. at Prague.

Although these words differ little from Latin, yet I will translate

them that no difficulty may hinder my reader from following me.

Thus then Galileo writes:—“But to come now to my second topic. Since

Kepler has published in that recent ‘_Narrative_’ of his the letters

which I sent as an anagram to your illustrious Lordship, and since an

intimation has been given me that his Majesty desires to be taught the

meaning of those letters, I send it to your illustrious Lordship, that

your Lordship may communicate it to his Majesty, to Kepler, and to any

one your Lordship may wish.

“The letters when joined together as they ought to be, say this,

‘Altissimum planetam tergeminum observavi,’

‘I have observed the most distant of the planets to have a triple

form.’

“For in truth I have found out with the most intense surprise

that the planet Saturn is not merely one single star, but three

stars very close together, so much so that they are all but in

contact one with another. They are quite immovable with regard to

each other, and are arranged in this manner, o◯o. The middle star

of the three is by far greater than the two on either side. They

are situated one towards the east, the other towards the west, in

one straight line to a hair’s-breadth; not, however, exactly in

the direction of the Zodiac, for the star furthest to the west

rises somewhat towards the north; perhaps they are parallel to

the equator. If you look at them through a glass that does not

multiply much, the stars will not appear clearly separate from one

another, but Saturn’s orb will appear somewhat elongated, of the

shape of an olive, thus, ☾☽. But if you should use a glass which

multiplies a surface more than a thousand times, there will appear

very distinctly three orbs, almost touching one another; and they

will be thought to be not farther apart than the breadth of a very

fine and scarcely visible thread. So you see a guard of satellites

has been found for Jupiter, and for the decrepit little old man two

servants to help his steps and never leave his side. Concerning the

rest of the planets I have found nothing new.”

So says Galileo; but if I may do so, I will not make an old dotard out

of Saturn, and two servants for him out of his companion orbs, but

rather out of those three united bodies I will make a triple Geryon,

out of Galileo Hercules, and out of the telescope his club, armed with

which, Galileo has conquered that most distant of the planets, drawn it

out of the furthest recesses of nature, dragged it down to earth, and

exposed it to the gaze of us all. It pleases me too, now that the nest

has been found, to consider with curiosity what kind of brood must

be in it, what kind of life, if there be any life there, between orbs

which all but touch each other two and two, where not even

“a space

Of sky extends not more than three ells wide,”[24]

but where there is scarcely a chink of a nail’s-breadth all round.

[24] Virgil, _Eclog._ iii. 105.

Do indeed the astrologers rightly ascribe to Saturn the guardianship of

miners, who, accustomed to spend their lives, like moles, underground,

seldom breathe the free air under the open sky? Although the darkness

here is rather more supportable than in Saturn, because the sun, which

appears there only as large as Venus appears to us on the earth,

continually casts its rays through the spaces between the different

orbs in such a way that those inhabitants who are situated on one orb

are covered by the other as by a ceiling; while those on the latter

orb, on the top of this roof of theirs, exposed as it is to the full

light of the sun, receive a glare as if from very firebrands. But I

must draw in the reins and check my mind in its enjoyment of the free

fields of ether; for fear, perchance, later observations should report

something different from the first account, something changed in

course of time.[25]

[25] The completion of Galileo’s observations on Saturn depended

on the improvement of astronomical instruments, as will be evident

from the following sketch. Galileo made out the first indications

of Saturn’s ring in 1610, as narrated in his letter, with a power

of thirty; but in December 1612 he wrote to one of his friends,

Marco Velseri, that he could no longer see these indications,

and began to imagine that his telescope had deceived him, and

apparently abandoned further researches. Hevelius in 1642 saw

the ring more clearly, but figured it as two crescents attached

to Saturn by their cusps. At length, in 1653, Huyghens provided

himself with a power of one hundred, having made the lenses with

his own hands, and immediately discovered the explanation of the

phenomena which had baffled previous observers. He published his

explanation of Saturn’s ring, and his discovery of the first

satellite, in his _Systema Saturnium_, 1659. Cassini, with still

more powerful instruments, discovered four more satellites in

1671, 1672, 1684. Sir William Herschel in 1789 detected two

more, “which can only be seen with telescopes of extraordinary

power and perfection, and under the most favourable atmospheric

circumstances.”—(HERSCHEL, _Outlines of Astronomy_, § 548.) And the

last of the eight satellites was discovered in 1848 by Lassell of

Liverpool, and Bond of Cambridge, U.S., simultaneously.

At the end of his letter Galileo seemed to think that he had come to

the end of his reports about the planets, and observations of new

phenomena respecting them, but ever on the watch, that eye of his,

that one not of Nature’s making—I mean his telescope—in a short time

made more discoveries, concerning which read the following letter of

Galileo:—

[Sidenote: Account of Galileo’s discovery of the phases of Venus.]

“_Di Firenze li 11 di Decembre 1610._—Sto con desiderio, attendendo

la risposta a due mie scritte ultimamente per sentire quello, che

averà detto il Sig. Keplero della stravaganza di Saturno. Intanto

mando [a Vostra Signoria Illustrissima e Reverendissima] la cifra

di un altro particolare osservato da me nuovamente, il quale si

tira dietro la decisione di grandissime controversie in Astronomia,

ed in particolare contiene in se un gagliardo argomento per la

constitutione [Pitagorica e Copernicana] dell’Universo; e a suo

tempo pubblicherò la deciferazione ed altri particolari. Spero che

averò trovato il metodo per definire i periodi dei quattro Pianeti

Medicei, stimati con gran ragione quasi inesplicabili dal Sig.

Keplero, al quale piacerà, ec.

“Le lettere trasposte sono queste:

“Haec immatura a me jam frustra leguntur, o.y.”

Which may be translated thus:—

“I am anxiously looking for an answer to my last two letters, that

I may learn what Kepler says about the marvels of Saturn’s orb.

In the meantime I send him a riddle concerning a certain new and

splendid observation which tends to decide great controversies in

astronomy; and especially contains a fine argument in favour of the

Pythagorean and Copernican system of the universe. At the proper

time I will publish the solution of the riddle, and some other

particulars. I hope that I have found a method of determining the

periodic times of the four Medicean planets, which Kepler, not

without very good reason, thought inexplicable, etc.

“The letters turned into an anagram, are these:

“Haec immatura a me jam frustra leguntur, o.y.”

So far Galileo. But if, reader, this letter has filled you with a

desire to know the meaning contained in those letters, then you must

read another letter of Galileo which follows.

[Illustration: Fig. 1.

_E the Earth (centre of universe). S the Sun. C centre of eccentric. D

centre of planet’s epicycle. VV' stationary points. s v v' projections

of SVV' on the ecliptic of which E is the centre._]

[Illustration: Fig. 2.

_S the Sun, centre of solar system. v e positions of planet and Earth

at conjunction. VV' stationary points of planet. EE' corresponding

positions of the Earth._]

But before you do so, I should like you to notice, by the way, what

Galileo says about the Pythagorean and Copernican system of the

universe. For he points to my _Mystery of the Universe_,[26] published

fourteen years ago, in which I took the dimensions of the Planetary

orbits according to the astronomy of Copernicus, who makes the sun

immovable in the centre, and the earth movable both round the sun and

upon its own axis; and I showed that the differences of their orbits

corresponded to the five regular Pythagorean figures, which had been

already distributed by their author among the elements of the world,

though the attempt was admirable rather than happy or legitimate, and

for which figures’ sake Euclid wrote the whole of his Geometry. Now,

in that _Mystery_ you may find a sort of combination of Astronomy

and Euclid’s Geometry, and through this combination a most thorough

completion and finishing of them both; and this was the reason why I

waited with intense longing to see what sort of an argument Galileo

would produce in favour of the Pythagorean system of the universe.

After this explanation, Galileo’s letter about this argument was as

follows:—

[26] Kepler, in his _Mystery of the Universe_, endeavoured to

connect the orbits of the planets with the five regular solids,

thus: If in a sphere (i.) a cube be inscribed, and in the cube

a sphere (ii.); and in that sphere a tetrahedron, and in the

tetrahedron a sphere (iii.); and in that sphere a dodecahedron,

and in the dodecahedron a sphere (iv.); and in that sphere an

icosahedron, and in the icosahedron a sphere (v.); and in that

sphere an octahedron, and in the octahedron a sphere (vi.),

the diameters of these six spheres will be proportional to the

diameters of the orbits of Saturn, Jupiter, Mars, the Earth, Venus,

and Mercury respectively; or, as Kepler expresses it, the common

centre of these spheres represents the position of the Sun, and the

six spheres represent the spheres of the planets.

By these considerations, however, Kepler was led to enunciate

his third law, that the squares of the periodic times of planets

are proportional to the cubes of their mean distances from the

sun.—KEPLER, _Prodromus Dissertationum Mathematicarum continens

Mysterium Cosmographicum, etc._ (Tübingen, 1596.)

“Illustrissimo e Reverendissimo Signore mio colendissimo.

“È tempo che io deciferi a Vostra Signoria Illustrissima e

Reverendissima e per lei al Sig. Keplero le lettere trasposte

le quali alcune settimane sono le inviai; è tempo dico, giacchè

sono interamente chiaro della verità del fatto, sicchè non ci

resta un minimo scrupolo, o dubbio. Sapranno dunque come circa a

tre mesi fa vedendosi Venere vespertina la cominciai ad osservar

diligentemente coll’occhiale, per veder col senso stesso

quello di che non dubitava punto l’intelletto. La vidi dunque sul

principio di figura rotonda, pulita e terminata, ma molto picciola;

di tal figura si mantenne sino che cominciò ad avvicinarsi alla

sua massima digressione, ma tra tanto andò crescendo in mole.

Cominciò poi a mancare dalla rotondità nella sua parte orientale

ed avversa al Sole, e in pochi giorni si ridusse ad esser un mezzo

cerchio perfettissimo, e tale si mantenne, senza punto alterarsi,

finchè incominciò à ritirarsi verso il Sole, allontanandosi

dalla tangente. Ora va calando dal mezzo cerchio, e si mostra

cornicolata, e anderà assottigliandosi sino all’occultazione,

riducendosi allora con corna sottilissime. Quindi passando all’

apparizione mattutina, la vedremo pur falcata, e sottilissima e

colle corna avverse al Sole; anderà poi crescendo fino alla massima

digressione, dove apparirà semicircolare, e tale senza alterarsi si

manterrà molti giorni, e poi dal mezzo cerchio passerà presto al

tutto tondo, e così rotonda si conserverà poi per molti mesi. Il

suo diametro adesso è circa cinque volte maggiore di quello, che

si mostrava nella sua prima apparizione vespertina; dalla quale

mirabile esperienza abbiamo sensata, e certa dimostrazione di due

gran questioni state fin qui dubbie trà i maggiori ingegni del

Mondo. L’una è, che i Pianeti tutti son di lor natura tenebrosi

(accadendo anco a Mercurio l’istesso, che a Venere). L’altra, che

Venere necessarissimamente si volge intorno al Sole, come anco

Mercurio, cosa, che degli altri Pianeti, fu creduta da’ Pitagorici,

dal Copernico, dal Keplero e da’ loro seguaci, ma non sensatamente

provata, come ora in Venere, ed in Mercurio.

“Averanno dunque il Sig. Keplero, e gli altri Copernicani da

gloriarsi di aver creduto e filosofato bene, sebbene ci è toccato,

e ci è per toccare ancora ad esser reputati dall’ università dei

Filosofi in libris, per poco intendenti, e poco meno che stolti.

“Le parole dunque, che mandai trasposte, e che dicevano,

Haec immatura a me jam frustra leguntur, o.y.

dicono ordinate

Cynthiae figuras aemulatur mater amorum.

“Cioè, che Venere imita le figure della Luna. Osservai tre notti

sono l’ecclisse, nella quale non vi è cosa notabile, solo si vede

il taglio dell’ombra indistinto, confuso e come annebbiato,

e questo per derivare essa ombra dalla Terra lontanissima da

essa Luna. Voleva scrivere altri particolari, ma essendo stato

trattenuto molto da alcuni gentiluomini, ed essendo l’ora

tardissima, son forzato a finire. Favoriscami salutare in mio nome

i SS. Keplero, Asdale e Segheti, ed a Vostra Signoria Illustrissima

con ogni reverenza bacio le mani, e dal Signore Dio gli prego

felicità. Di Firenze il primo di Gennaio 1610. Ab Incarnatione.

“Di Vostra Signoria Illustrissima e Reverendissima Servidore

obbligatissimo.

Galileo Galilei.”

Such is Galileo’s letter; but let me give you the substance of it:—

“It is time for me to disclose the method of reading the letters

which some weeks since I sent you as an anagram. It is time now, I

mean, after I have become quite certain about the matter, so much

so that I have no longer even a shadow of doubt. You must know then

that about three months ago, when the star of Venus could be seen,

I began to look at it through a telescope with great attention,

so that I might grasp with my physical senses an idea which I was

entertaining as certain. At first then you must know the planet

Venus appeared of a perfectly circular form, accurately so, and

bounded by a distinct edge, but very small; this figure Venus kept

until it began to approach its greatest distance from the sun,

and meanwhile the apparent size of its orb kept on increasing.

From that time it began to lose its roundness on the eastern side,

which was turned away from the sun, and in a few days it contracted

its visible portion into an exact semicircle; that figure lasted

without the smallest alteration until it began to return towards

the sun where it leaves the tangent drawn to its epicycle.[27]

At this time it loses the semicircular form more and more, and

keeps on diminishing that figure until its conjunction, when it

will wane to a very thin crescent. After completing its passage

past the sun, it will appear to us, at its appearance as a morning

star, as only sickle-shaped, turning a very thin crescent away from

the sun; afterwards the crescent will fill up more and more until

the planet reaches its greatest distance from the sun, in which

position it will appear semicircular, and that figure will last

for many days without appreciable variation. Then by degrees, from

being semicircular it will change to a full orb, and will keep that

perfectly circular figure for several months; but at this instant

the diameter of the orb of Venus is about five times as large as

that which it showed at its first appearance as an evening star.

“From the observation of these wonderful phenomena we are supplied

with a determination most conclusive, and appealing to the evidence

of our senses, of two very important problems, which up to this

day were discussed by the greatest intellects with different

conclusions. One is that the planets are bodies not self-luminous

(if we may entertain the same views about Mercury as we do about

Venus). The second is that we are absolutely compelled to say

that Venus (and Mercury also) revolves round the sun, as do also

all the rest of the planets. A truth believed indeed by the

Pythagorean school, by Copernicus, and by Kepler, but never proved

by the evidence of our senses, as it is now proved in the case of

Venus and Mercury. Kepler therefore and the rest of the school

of Copernicus have good reason for boasting that they have shown

themselves good philosophers, and that their belief was not devoid

of foundation; however much it has been their lot, and may even

hereafter be their lot, to be regarded by the philosophers of our

times, who philosophise on paper, with an universal agreement, as

men of no intellect, and little better than absolute fools.

“The words which I sent with their letters transposed, and which

said,

Haec immatura a me jam frustra leguntur, o.y.

when reduced to their proper order, read thus,

Cynthiae figuras aemulatur mater amorum:

The mother of the Loves rivals the phases of Cynthia:

that is,

Venus imitates the phases of the Moon.

“Three days ago I observed an eclipse of the moon, but not anything

worthy of special notice occurred in it. Only the edge of the

shadow appeared indistinct, blurred, and hazy; the cause of the

phenomenon no doubt is that the shadow has its origin at the earth,

at a great distance from the body of the moon.

“I have some other particulars, but I am prevented by time from

writing about them, etc.”

So writes Galileo.

[27] In the Ptolemaic system the earth’s centre was regarded as the

centre of the universe, and the movements of the heavenly bodies

were explained by eccentrics and epicycles. The sun was conceived

to describe a circle about a point not exactly coinciding with the

centre of the earth, called the sun’s _eccentric_. The planets

described epicycles (circles) whose centres described eccentrics

(circles), and the centres of these eccentrics coincided with the

centre of the sun’s eccentric. In the case of Mercury and Venus

the centre of the epicycle was always on the line drawn from the

centre of the eccentric to the sun’s centre. In the case of the

other planets the construction was more complicated. The stationary

points were determined by drawing tangents from the earth’s centre

(or the observer) to the epicycle, as in the figure (1).—(GASSENDI,

_Institutio Astronomica_, 1647.) This will explain Kepler’s

description of the stationary points as the points where the

planet leaves the tangent to its epicycle, supposing that he uses

the terms of the current (_i.e._ Ptolemaic) astronomy. Copernicus

placed the sun instead of the earth at the centre of the universe,

but to determine the positions of the planets at any given time

with as much accuracy as was attainable with the Ptolemaic system,

he was obliged to use a similar method of eccentrics and epicycles,

so that Kepler’s expression may be understood to describe the

stationary points according to the Copernican theory, though it

is still strange that he should not recognise the elliptical form

of the planetary orbits, which he had lately demonstrated after

most laborious reasoning in his _Commentaries on the Motion of the

Planet Mars_, 1609. Galileo’s own expression seems to describe the

stationary points according to the Copernican system, as would be

expected, as the points where the planet leaves the tangent drawn

to its _orbit_ from the earth (Fig. 2).

The sidereal messenger of Galileo Galilei · 第 5 / 6 段