1799.
Moreau and Bernadotte--Bonaparte's opinion of Bernadotte--False
report--The crown of Sweden and the Constitution of the year III.--
Intrigues of Bonaparte's brothers--Angry conversation between
Bonaparte and Bernadotte--Bonaparte's version--Josephine's version--
An unexpected visit--The Manege Club--Salicetti and Joseph Bonaparte
--Bonaparte invites himself to breakfast with Bernadotte--Country
excursion--Bernadotte dines with Bonaparte--The plot and conspiracy
--Conduct of Lucien--Dinner given to Bonaparte by the Council of the
Five Hundred--Bonaparte's wish to be chosen a member of the
Directory--His reconciliation with Sieyes--Offer made by the
Directory to Bonaparte--He is falsely accused by Barras.
To throw a clear light on the course of the great events which will
presently be developed it is necessary to state briefly what intrigues
had been hatched and what ambitious hopes had risen up while we were in
Egypt. When in Egypt Bonaparte was entirely deprived of any means of
knowing what was going on in France; and in our rapid journey from Frejus
to Paris we had no opportunity of collecting much information. Yet it
was very important that we should know the real state of affairs, and the
sentiments of those whom Bonaparte had counted among his rivals in glory,
and whom he might now meet among his rivals in ambition.
Moreau's military reputation stood very high, and Bernadotte's firmness
appeared inflexible. Generally speaking, Bonaparte might have reckoned
among his devoted partisans the companions of his glory in Italy, and
also those whom he subsequently denominated "his Egyptians." But brave
men had distinguished themselves in the army of the Rhine; and if they
did not withhold their admiration from the conqueror of Italy, they felt
at least more personally interested in the admiration which they lavished
on him who had repaired the disaster of Scherer. Besides, it must be
borne in mind that a republican spirit prevailed, almost without
exception, in the army, and that the Directory appeared to be a
Government invented expressly to afford patronage to intriguers. All
this planted difficulties in our way, and rendered it indispensably
necessary that we should know our ground. We had, it is true, been
greeted by the fullest measure of popular enthusiasm on our arrival; but
this was not enough. We wanted suffrages of a more solid kind.
During the campaign of Egypt, Bernadotte, who was a zealous republican,
had been War Minister[36], but he had resigned the portfolio to
Dubois-Crance three weeks before Bonaparte's return to France. Some
partisans of the old Minister were endeavouring to get him recalled,
and it was very important to Bonaparte's interests that he should
prevent the success of this design. I recollect that on the second day
of our arrival Bonaparte said to me, "I have learned many things; but
we shall see what will happen. Bernadotte is a singular man. When he
was War Minister Augereau, Salicetti, and some others informed him
that the Constitution was in danger, and that it was necessary to get
rid of Sieyes, Barras, and Fouche, who were at the head of a plot.
What did Bernadotte do? Nothing. He asked for proofs. None could be
produced. He asked for powers. Who could grant them? Nobody. He should
have taken them; but he would not venture on that. He wavered. He said
he could not enter into the schemes which were proposed to him. He
only promised to be silent on condition that they were renounced.
Bernadotte is not a help; he is an obstacle. I have heard from good
authority that a great number of influential persons wished to invest
him with extensive power for the public good; but he was obstinate,
and would listen to nothing."
[36]--[Bernadotte was Minister of War from 2d July 1799 to 14th
September 1799, when, as he himself wrote to the Directory, they
"accepted" the resignation he had not offered.]--
After a brief interval of silence, during which Bonaparte rubbed his
forehead with his right hand, he then resumed:
"I believe I shall have Bernadotte and Moreau against me. But I do not
fear Moreau. He is devoid of energy. I know he would prefer military
to political power. The promise of the command of an army would gain
him over. But Bernadotte has Moorish blood in his veins. He is bold
and enterprising. He is allied to my brothers[37]. He does not like
me, and I am almost certain that he will oppose me. If he should
become ambitious he will venture anything. And yet, you recollect in
what a lukewarm way he acted on the 18th Fructidor, when I sent him to
second Augereau. This devil of a fellow is not to be seduced. He is
disinterested and clever. But, after all, we have but just arrived,
and know not what may happen."
[37]--[Joseph Bonaparte and Bernadotte had married sisters.
Marie-Julie and Eugenie Bernardine-Desiree Clary. The feeling of
Bourrienne for Bernadotte makes this passage doubtful. It is to be
noticed that in the same conversation he makes Napoleon describe
Bernadotte as not venturing to act without powers and as enterprising.
The stern republican becoming Prince de Monte Carlo and King of
Sweden, in a way compatible with his fidelity to the Constitution
of the year III., is good. Lanfrey attributes Bernadotte's refusal
to join more to rivalry than to principle (Lanfrey, tome i. p. 440).
But in any case Napoleon did not dread Bernadotte, and was soon
threatening to shoot him; see Lucien, tome ii. p. 107.]--
Bernadotte, it was reported, had advised that Bonaparte should be brought
to a court-martial, on the two-fold charge of having abandoned his army
and violated the quarantine laws. This report came to the ear of
Bonaparte; but he refused to believe it and he was right. Bernadotte
thought himself bound to the Constitution which he had sworn to defend.
Hence the opposition he manifested to the measures of the 18th Brumaire.
But he cherished no personal animosity against Bonaparte as long as he
was ignorant of his ambitious designs. The extraordinary and complicated
nature of subsequent events rendered his possession of the crown of
Sweden in no way incompatible with his fidelity to the Constitution of
the year III.
On our first arrival in Paris, though I was almost constantly with the
General, yet, as our routine of occupation was not yet settled, I was
enabled now and then to snatch an hour or two from business. This
leisure time I spent in the society of my family and a few friends, and
in collecting information as to what had happened during our absence, for
which purpose I consulted old newspapers and pamphlets. I was not
surprised to learn that Bonaparte's brothers--that is to say, Joseph and
Lucien--had been engaged in many intrigues. I was told that Sieyes had
for a moment thought of calling the Duke of Brunswick to the head of the
Government; that Barras would not have been very averse to favouring the
return of the Bourbons; and that Moulins, Roger Ducos, and Gohier alone
believed or affected to believe, in the possibility of preserving the
existing form of government. From what I heard at the time I have good
reasons for believing that Joseph and Lucien made all sorts of endeavours
to inveigle Bernadotte into their brother's party, and in the hope of
accomplishing that object they had assisted in getting him appointed War
Minister. However, I cannot vouch for the truth of this. I was told
that Bernadotte had at first submitted to the influence of Bonaparte's
two brothers; but that their urgent interference in their client's behalf
induced him to shake them off, to proceed freely in the exercise of his
duties, and to open the eyes of the Directory on what the Republic might
have to apprehend from the enterprising character of Bonaparte. It is
certain that what I have to relate respecting the conduct of Bernadotte
to Bonaparte is calculated to give credit to these assertions.
All the generals who were in Paris, with the exception of Bernadotte,
had visited Bonaparte during the first three days which succeeded his
arrival. Bernadotte's absence was the more remarkable because he had
served under Bonaparte in Italy. It was not until a fortnight had
elapsed, and then only on the reiterated entreaties of Joseph and Madame
Joseph Bonaparte (his sister-in-law), that he determined to go and see
his old General-in-Chief. I was not present at their interview, being at
that moment occupied in the little cabinet of the Rue Chantereine. But I
soon discovered that their conversation had been long and warm; for as
soon as it was ended Bonaparte entered the cabinet exceedingly agitated,
and said to me, "Bourrienne, how do you think Bernadotte has behaved?
You have traversed France with me--you witnessed the enthusiasm which my
return excited--you yourself told me that you saw in that enthusiasm the
desire of the French people to be relieved from the disastrous position
in which our reverses have placed them. Well! would you believe it?
Bernadotte boasts, with ridiculous exaggeration, of the brilliant and
victorious situation of France! He talks about the defeat of the
Russians, the occupation of Genoa, the innumerable armies that are rising
up everywhere. In short, I know not what nonsense he has got in his
head."--"What can all this mean?" said I. "Did he speak about Egypt?"--
"Oh, yes! Now you remind me. He actually reproached me for not having
brought the army back with me! 'But,' observed I, 'have you not just
told me that you are absolutely overrun with troops; that all your
frontiers are secure, that immense levies are going on, and that you will
have 200,000 infantry?--If this be true, what do you want with a few
thousand men who may ensure the preservation of Egypt?' He could make no
answer to this. But he is quite elated by the honour of having been War
Minister, and he told me boldly that he looked upon the army of Egypt as
lost nay, more. He made insinuations. He spoke of enemies abroad and
enemies at home; and as he uttered these last words he looked
significantly at me. I too gave him a glance! But stay a little.
The pear will soon be ripe! You know Josephine's grace and address. She
was present. The scrutinising glance of Bernadotte did not escape her,
and she adroitly turned the conversation. Bernadotte saw from my
countenance that I had had enough of it, and he took his leave. But
don't let me interrupt you farther. I am going back to speak to
Josephine."
I must confess that this strange story made me very impatient to find
myself alone with Madame Bonaparte, for I wished to hear her account of
the scene. An opportunity occurred that very evening. I repeated to her
what I had heard from the General, and all that she told me tended to
confirm its accuracy. She added that Bernadotte seemed to take the
utmost pains to exhibit to the General a flattering picture of the
prosperity of France; and she reported to me, as follows, that part of
the conversation which was peculiarly calculated to irritate Bonaparte:--
"'I do not despair of the safety of the Republic, which I am certain can
restrain her enemies both abroad and at home.' As Bernadotte uttered
these last words,'" continued Josephine, "his glance made me shudder.
One word more and Bonaparte could have commanded himself no longer! It
is true," added she, "that it was in some degree his own fault, for it
was he who turned the conversation on politics; and Bernadotte, in
describing the flourishing condition of France, was only replying to the
General, who had drawn a very opposite picture of the state of things.
You know, my dear Bourrienne, that Bonaparte is not always very prudent.
I fear he has said too much to Bernadotte about the necessity of changes
in the Government." Josephine had not yet recovered from the agitation
into which this violent scene had thrown her. After I took leave of her
I made notes of what she had told me.
A few days after, when Bonaparte, Josephine, Hortense, Eugene, and I
were together in the drawing-room, Bernadotte unexpectedly entered. His
appearance, after what had passed, was calculated to surprise us. He was
accompanied by a person whom he requested permission to introduce to
Bonaparte. I have forgotten his name, but he was, I think,
secretary-general while Bernadotte was in office. Bonaparte betrayed no
appearance of astonishment. He received Bernadotte with perfect ease,
and they soon entered into conversation. Bonaparte, who seemed to
acquire confidence from the presence of those who were about him, said a
great deal about the agitation which prevailed among the republicans,
and expressed himself in very decided terms against the Manege Club.[38]
I seconded him by observing that M. Moreau de Worms of my department,
who was a member of that club, had himself complained to me of the
violence that prevailed in it. "But, General," said Bernadotte, "your
brothers were its most active originators. Yet," added he in a tone of
firmness, "you accuse me of having favoured that club, and I repel the
charge. It cannot be otherwise than false. When I came into office I
found everything in the greatest disorder. I had no leisure to think
about any club to which my duties did not call me. You know well that
your friend Salicetti, and that your brother, who is in your confidence,
are both leading men in the Manege Club. To the instructions of I know
not whom is to be attributed the violence of which you complain." At
these words, and especially the tone in which Bernadotte uttered 'I know
not whom,' Bonaparte could no longer restrain himself. "Well, General,"
exclaimed he furiously, "I tell you plainly, I would rather live wild in
the woods than in a state of society which affords no security."
Bernadotte then said, with great dignity of manner, "Good God! General,
what security would you have?" From the warmth evinced by Bonaparte I
saw plainly that the conversation would soon be converted into a
dispute, and in a whisper I requested Madame Bonaparte to change the
conversation, which she immediately did by addressing a question to some
one present. Bernadotte, observing Madame Bonaparte's design, checked
his warmth. The subject of conversation was changed, and it became
general. Bernadotte soon took up his hat and departed.
[38]--[The Manege Club, the last resort of the Jacobins, formed in
1799, and closed seven or eight months afterwards. Joseph Bonaparte
(Erreurs, time i. p. 251) denies that he or Lucien--for whom the
allusion is meant--were members of this club, and he disputes this
conversation ever having taken place. Lucien (tome i. p. 219)
treats this club as opposed to his party.]--
One morning, when I entered Bonaparte's chamber--it was, I believe, three
or four days after the second visit of Bernadotte--he said:
"Well, Bourrienne, I wager you will not guess with whom I am going to
breakfast this morning?"--"Really, General, I ------"--"With Bernadotte;
and the best of the joke is, that I have invited myself. You would have
seen how it was all brought about if you had been with us at the Theatre
Francais, yesterday evening. You know we are going to visit Joseph today
at Mortfontaine. Well, as we were coming out of the theatre last night,
finding myself side by side with Bernadotte and not knowing what to talk
about, I asked him whether he was to be of our party to-day? He replied
in the affirmative; and as we were passing his house in the Rue
Cisalpine[39], I told him, without any ceremony, that I should be happy
to come and take a cup of coffee with him in the morning. He seemed
pleased. What do you think of that, Bourrienne?"--"Why, General, I hope
you may have reason on your part to be pleased with him."--" Never fear,
never fear. I know what I am about. This will compromise him with
Gohier. Remember, you must always meet your enemies with a bold face,
otherwise they think they are feared, and that gives them confidence."
[39]--[Joseph Bonaparte lays great stress on the fact that Napoleon
would not have passed this house, which was far from the theatre
(Erreurs, tome i, p. 251).]--
Bonaparte stepped into the carriage with Josephine, who was always ready
when she had to go out with him, for he did not like to wait. They
proceeded first to Bernadotte's to breakfast, and from thence to
Mortfontaine. On his return Bonaparte told me very little about what had
passed during the day, and I could see that he was not in the best of
humours. I afterwards learned that Bonaparte had conversed a good deal
with Bernadotte, and that he had made every effort to render himself
agreeable, which he very well knew how to do when he chose! but that, in
spite of all his conversational talent; and supported as he was by the
presence of his three brothers, and Regnault de St. Jean d'Angely, he
could not withstand the republican firmness of Bernadotte. However, the
number of his partisans daily augmented; for all had not the
uncompromising spirit of Bernadotte; and it will soon be seen that Moreau
himself undertook charge of the Directors who were made prisoners on the
18th Brumaire.
Bernadotte's shrewd penetration made him one of the first to see clearly
into Bonaparte's designs. He was well convinced of his determination to
overthrow the constitution and possess himself of power. He saw the
Directory divided into two parties; the one duped by the promises and
assurances of Bonaparte, and the other conniving with him for the
accomplishment of his plans. In these circumstances Bernadotte offered
his services to all persons connected with the Government who, like
himself, were averse to the change which he saw good reason to apprehend.
But Bonaparte was not the man to be outdone in cunning or activity; and
every moment swelled the ranks of his adherents.
On the 16th Brumaire I dined in the Rue de la Victoire. Bernadotte was
present, and I believe General Jourdan also. While the grand conspiracy
was hastening to its accomplishment Madame Bonaparte and I had contrived
a little plot of a more innocent kind. We let no one into our secret,
and our 16th Brumaire was crowned with complete success. We had agreed
to be on the alert to prevent any fresh exchange of angry words. All
succeeded to the utmost of our wishes. The conversation languished
during dinner; but it was not dulness that we were afraid of. It turned
on the subject of war, and in that vast field Bonaparte's superiority
over his interlocutors was undeniable.
When we retired to the drawing-rooms a great number of evening visitors
poured in, and the conversation then became animated, and even gay.
Bonaparte was in high spirits. He said to some one, smiling, and
pointing to Bernadotte, "You are not aware that the General yonder is a
Chouan."--"A Chouan?" repeated Bernadotte, also in a tone of pleasantry.
"Ah! General you contradict yourself. Only the other day you taxed me
with favouring the violence of the friends of the Republic, and now you
accuse me of protecting the Chouans[40]. You should at least be
consistent." A few moments after, availing himself of the confusion
occasioned by the throng of visitors, Bernadotte slipped off.
[40]--[The "Chouans," so called from their use of the cry of the
screech-owl (chathouan) as a signal, were the revolted peasants of
Brittany and of Maine.]--
As a mark of respect to Bonaparte the Council of the Five Hundred
appointed Lucien its president. The event proved how important this
nomination was to Napoleon. Up to the 19th Brumaire, and especially on
that day, Lucien evinced a degree of activity, intelligence, courage, and
presence of mind which are rarely found united in one individual. I have
no hesitation in stating that to Lucien's nomination and exertions must
be attributed the success of the 19th Brumaire.
The General had laid down a plan of conduct from which he never deviated
during the twenty-three days which intervened between his arrival in
Paris and the 18th Brumaire. He refused almost all private invitations,
in order to avoid indiscreet questions, unacceptable offers, and answers
which might compromise him.
It was not without some degree of hesitation that he yielded to a project
started by Lucien, who, by all sorts of manoeuvring, had succeeded in
prevailing on a great number of his colleagues to be present at a grand
subscription dinner to be given to Bonaparte by the Council of the
Ancients.
The disorder which unavoidably prevailed in a party amounting to upwards
of 250 persons, animated by a diversity of opinions and sentiments; the
anxiety and distrust arising in the minds of those who were not in the
grand plot, rendered this meeting one of the most disagreeable I ever
witnessed. It was all restraint and dulness. Bonaparte's countenance
sufficiently betrayed his dissatisfaction; besides, the success of his
schemes demanded his presence elsewhere. Almost as soon as he had
finished his dinner he rose, saying to Berthier and me, "I am tired: let
us be gone." He went round to the different tables, addressing to the
company compliments and trifling remarks, and departed, leaving at table
the persons by whom he had been invited.
This short political crisis was marked by nothing more grand, dignified,
or noble than the previous revolutionary commotions. All these plots
were so contemptible, and were accompanied by so much trickery,
falsehood, and treachery, that, for the honour of human nature, it is
desirable to cover them with a veil.
General Bonaparte's thoughts were first occupied with the idea he had
conceived even when in Italy, namely, to be chosen a Director. Nobody
dared yet to accuse him of being a deserter from the army of the East.
The only difficulty was to obtain a dispensation on the score of age.
And was this not to be obtained? No sooner was he installed in his
humble abode in the Rue de la Victoire than he was assured that, on the
retirement of Rewbell, the majority of suffrages would have devolved on
him had he been in France, and had not the fundamental law required the
age of forty; but that not even his warmest partisans were disposed to
violate the yet infant Constitution of the year III.
Bonaparte soon perceived that no efforts would succeed in overcoming this
difficulty, and he easily resolved to possess himself wholly of an office
of which he would nominally have had only a fifth part had he been a
member of the Directory.
As soon as his intentions became manifest he found himself surrounded by
all those who recognised in him the man they had long looked for. These
persons, who were able and influential in their own circles, endeavoured
to convert into friendship the animosity which existed between Sieyes and
Bonaparte. This angry feeling had been increased by a remark made by
Sieyes, and reported to Bonaparte. He had said, after the dinner at
which Bonaparte treated him so disrespectfully, "Do you see how that
little insolent fellow behaves to a member of a Government which would do
well to order him to be SHOT?"
But all was changed when able mediators pointed out to Bonaparte the
advantage of uniting with Sieyes for the purpose of overthrowing a
Constitution which he did not like. He was assured how vain it would be
to think of superseding him, and that it would be better to flatter him
with the hope of helping to subvert the constitution and raising up a new
one. One day some one said to Bonaparte in my hearing, "Seek for support
among the party who call the friends of the Republic Jacobins, and be
assured that Sieyes is at the head of that party."
On the 25th Vendemiaire (17th of October) the Directory summoned General
Bonaparte to a private sitting. "They offered me the choice of any army
I would command," said he to me the next morning. "I would not refuse,
but I asked to be allowed a little time for the recovery of my health;
and, to avoid any other embarrassing offers, I withdrew. I shall go to
no more of their sittings." (He attended only one after this.) "I am
determined to join Sieyes' party. It includes a greater diversity of
opinions than that of the profligate Barras. He proclaims everywhere
that he is the author of my fortune. He will never be content to play an
inferior part, and I will never bend to such a man. He cherishes the mad
ambition of being the support of the Republic. What would he do with
me? Sieyes, on the contrary, has no political ambition."
No sooner did Sieyes begin to grow friendly with Bonaparte than the
latter learned from him that Barras had said, "The 'little corporal' has
made his fortune in Italy and does not want to go back again." Bonaparte
repaired to the Directory for the sole purpose of contradicting this
allegation. He complained to the Directors of its falsehood, boldly
affirmed that the fortune he was supposed to possess had no existence,
and that even if he had made his fortune it was not, at all events, at
the expense of the Republic "You know," said he to me, "that the mines of
Hydria have furnished the greater part of what I possess."--"Is it
possible," said I, "that Barras could have said so, when you know so well
of all the peculations of which he has been guilty since your return?"
Bonaparte had confided the secret of his plans to very few persons--to
those only whose assistance he wanted. The rest mechanically followed
their leaders and the impulse which was given to them; they passively
awaited the realisation of the promises they had received, and on the
faith of which they had pledged themselves.