SHREWSBURY SHOW.
[Sidenote: _Characteristic features of the Middle Ages._]
A strange glamour hangs around the Middle Ages. We know so little of man's
actual life in those years,--and what little we do know seems to partake
so largely of the mysterious and the picturesque--all, his modes of life
and manners of thought are so far removed from our own,--that mediaeval
history would easily resolve itself into an enchanting pageant bright with
its colour and bewildering with its contradictions. It is perhaps in the
strange contrasts which are presented to us that its chief wonder is
found. In those years we find lust and rapine, and sacrilege and tyranny,
side by side with the fairest forms of chivalry[178], the most devoted
readiness to champion the cause of religion, the firmest attachment to the
forms of law[179]. We see only the prominent lights and the great shadows
of the picture, but all that should go to make it human and comprehensible
to us is hidden under the dust of centuries.
We have noticed the existence of something of this contradictory spirit in
the view we have had of the early Gilds[180]. The elevated ideal which
they set before their members must of course have been far above the level
which was ever actually reached. We may smile at their vain attempts after
the impossible, yet we cannot but allow that their perseverance betokens
the widespread acceptance of a nobler conception of human life than is
common in our own too merely practical age. To the men of those days there
seemed no great incongruity in the lofty ideals of the Gild-compositions
and the lower standard which the brethren actually attained. It added but
another to the many striking contrasts which environed their daily life.
[Sidenote: _Fondness for pageantry._]
[Sidenote: _Its social importance._]
That life was one passed largely in dulness and perhaps comparative
squalor. But the occasions of colour and merriment were not few. Each
season had its festivities, social and religious, when rich and poor met
on something like equal ground in the rude merry-making. This feature in
ordinary life was not without its social importance, and if only for this
reason no account of the Gilds would be complete which failed to take
notice of their processions and, in so doing, of the general life and
habits of the brethren at the different epochs of Gild history. We have
now nothing to take the place of those occasions of mutual enjoyment and
mirth, when "ceremony doff'd his pride" without censure, when the bashful
apprentice might perhaps tread a measure with his master's daughter, and
when the condescending mistress of the house might even allow herself to
be led out for a dance by one or other of her goodman's journeymen.
"A Christmas gambol oft would cheer
A poor man's heart through half the year[181]."
[Sidenote: _The Corpus Christi procession._]
We have already seen how important an influence religious feelings had in
the actions of the Gilds. Among the yearly festivals the feast of Corpus
Christi soon became one of the most splendid for pomp and pageantry, and
to it the Gilds were naturally attracted. Some indeed existed with the
primary object of ensuring the glory of this particular feast. Most
important of these was the Corpus Christi Gild at York[182]. The Gild of
the Holy Trinity, also at York, concerned itself with the annual
production of a religious play illustrating the Lord's Prayer. The Gilds
of S. Helen (which represented the Invention of the Cross), of S. Mary,
and of Corpus Christi, at Beverley[183], were other famous fraternities
with similar objects. At Stamford was one which maintained a secular
play[184]. In most towns in England it became the custom for the Gilds,
each with its banners and insignia, to accompany the Corpus Christi
procession: in some places the event seems to have become especially
picturesque. At Coventry[185] and also at Shrewsbury, the procession has
lasted in some sort down to our own day[186]. At the former city Lady
Godiva has even lately ridden, though at fitful and uncertain intervals:
at the latter town, although the procession has now become a thing of the
past, it is little more than a decade since "Shrewsbury Show" was to be
seen annually, on the Monday following the feast of Corpus Christi,
passing along under the eaves of the timbered houses of the old border
town.
[Sidenote: _The pageants of the Gilds._]
The prominence which the charters of the Shrewsbury Gilds gave to the
procession has been sufficiently pointed out already. Every care was taken
to secure its fitting glory and splendour. Among the goods of the
companies which the inventories name are "Baners," "Baners for ye
Mynstrellys werying," "skukions for my'strells," "torches," "coots of
sense," "stondarts of mayle," "other pec's of mayle," besides many swords
and halberts, and the like. These various properties decked out the
pageant which each Gild contributed to the common procession. It was
exhibited by means of a wooden scaffold on wheels, differing probably but
little in appearance from the drays or trollies which were utilised in
later years. Dugdale in his _Antiquities of Warwickshire_ relates that
"before the suppression of the Monasteries this city[187] was very famous
for the pageants that were played therein upon Corpus Christi Day; which,
occasioning very great confluence of people thither from far and near,
was of no small benefit thereto: which pageants being acted with mighty
state and reverence by the friars of this house had theaters for the
several scenes, very large and high, placed upon wheels, and drawn to all
the eminent parts of the city for the better advantage of the spectators."
At Shrewsbury there appears never to have been an elaborate miracle play
presented by the crafts[188]. Most likely the Show early took that form
which it exhibited in the later times of which we have more definite
record. The Gilds of the town walked in the procession, each member
bearing, in mediaeval days, a light "in honour of the Blessed Sacrament,"
the officers wearing their liveries and carrying the banners and other
insignia, and thus escorting a tableau more or less appropriate to the
craft. No small expense and even taste appears to have been expended on
these representations, though their precise suitability it is in some
cases difficult to appreciate. Before Reformation times the tableaux were
generally of a biblical or ecclesiastical nature: after the 16th century
they were usually mythological or historical. Thus the Tailors were
presided over by Adam and Eve "the first of their craft," or by Queen
Elizabeth in ruffles of right royal magnitude. The Shearmen or
Clothworkers had a personation of bishop Blasius, with a black mitre of
wool and doubtless also the wool-comb with which he had been tortured at
his martyrdom. The place of the saint was subsequently usurped by the
king--Edward IV., who was remembered as having especially cultivated the
good offices of the wool-merchants. The Skinners and Glovers were ruled by
the king of Morocco, whose "Cote" was an expensive item in their accounts;
they had also an elaborate mechanical stag accompanied by huntsmen
sounding bugle blasts. The Smiths were appropriately represented by
Vulcan, or a knight in black armour "supported by two attendants who
occasionally fired off blunderbusses." The Painters were accustomed to
find their best representative of later years in a cheery-looking Rubens
brandishing palette and brush, while the Bricklayers, for some occult
reason, considered themselves adequately represented by bluff king Hal.
The twin saints Crispin and Crispianus patronised the Shoemakers, and S.
Katharine (at a spinning wheel) the Barbers. Venus and Ceres presided over
the Bakers.
[Sidenote: _The Reformation._]
[Sidenote: _Mary._]
At the Reformation the Corpus Christi procession became shorn of its
splendour even before it altogether ceased under Edward VI. With Mary's
attempt to revive the old order efforts were made to restore the Show in
its pristine grandeur, though Edward VI.'s pillaging of the Gilds had
rendered the furnishing of the lights and vestments a matter of serious
difficulty. At Shrewsbury the municipal authorities endeavoured to keep up
the mystery plays by means of contributions from the various companies.
[Sidenote: _Elizabeth._]
The accession of Elizabeth was not likely to do any harm to the plays and
pageants, though the outward reason for their performance might be
changed. Elizabeth fully perceived the political and social usefulness of
such festivities: her provincial progresses were a succession of brilliant
shows and interludes which served a useful purpose in diverting the
nation's attention from the graver dangers which threatened England during
the queen's eventful reign. Elizabeth was also naturally fond of gaiety
and wit, and the tone of the people from the highest to the lowest was
dramatic. The Court had its "master of the revels," the Universities and
Inns of Court had their regular plays. Interludes were provided for the
queen's entertainment as she moved from town to town both at the houses of
the higher gentry and by the common people. They were indeed the ordinary
means by which honour was paid to any very distinguished visitor.
The Shrewsbury playwright was Thomas Ashton the first master of the
grammar school. His theatre was the open ground without the walls, the
Quarrell or Quarry. The season of the year at which these performances of
Thomas Ashton took place was Whitsuntide, at which time Chester was also
engaged in its more famous productions. It is to be regretted that no
records[189] remain of these Shrewsbury plays, or a valuable addition
might be made to the scanty collections of such antiquities which have
been made public. These academic entertainments did not supplant the old
annual procession (the date of which was transferred to the Monday
following the feast of Corpus Christi) which continued apparently until
the power of the Puritans became too strong to admit of its longer
existence. Already that influence was at work, and Elizabeth had many
detractors among those of the stricter persuasion. The character of their
sternness, as well as the nature of their dissatisfaction at the gaiety
which Elizabeth fostered, is well exemplified at Shrewsbury in the
incident of the Shearmen's tree. The event is also noteworthy as being the
only occasion until later days on which anything like friction occurred
between the companies and the municipal corporation[190].
[Sidenote: _The Shearmen's tree._]
The woollen trade, as we have seen[191], gave occupation to a very large
number of Shearmen. These belonged to the more unskilled class of
labourers, the work they performed being simply that of preparing the wool
for the later stages of manufacture. They were precisely the class to fail
to appreciate the religious changes, and such as would be likely to resort
to the physical force argument on any occasion. It was also to such men
that the revelry of Christmastide, Maytime, and the like were most
precious. Their life was a hard and colourless one, and they would for
this reason cling desperately to the old occasions of merriment. The
festival which appears to have been particularly odious to the Puritans
was that of May Day, when, Stow[192] tells us, it was the custom for the
citizens "of all estates" to have their "Mayings," and to "fetch in
Maypoles, with divers warlike shows, with good archers, morris dancers,
and other devices for pastime all the day long; and toward the evening
they had stage plays, and bonfires in the streets." To the youth of the
town it was a sufficiently harmless summer holiday. To the precise it was
plainly and purely a heathen survival. At Shrewsbury they were early in
active antagonism to it. In 1583 there occurred "soom contrav'sie about
the settinge upp of maye poales and bonfyers mackinge and erection of
treese before the sherman's haule and other places[193]," though
apparently without immediate effect, for two years later appears another
entry "Pd. for cutting down the tree, and the journeymen to spend
xv{d}.[194]"
But it was not long before the Puritans prevailed. The May Day
merry-making was stopped and even the Gild festival prohibited. "This
yeare [1590-1] and the 6 day of June beinge Soondaye and the festivall day
of the Co{y} of the Shearmen of Salop aboute the settinge upp of a greene
tree by serte yonge men of the saide Co{y} before their hall doore as of
many years before have been acostomid but preachid against by the publicke
precher there and commawndid by the baylyffs that non sutche shoulde be
usid, and for the disobedience therein theye were put in prison and a
privey sessions called and there also indicted and still remayne untill
the next towne sessions for further triall[195]." The letter of the law
however was in their favour. At the sessions the judges decided that the
tree should be erected and "usyd as heretofore have be' so it be don
syvely and in lovynge order w{th}out contencion[196]." But the soreness
remained and the Shearmen were very turbulent for a long period. A curious
entry in 1596 betokens a continuance of the friction: "P{d} oure fyne for
not rerynge of Cappes to Mr Bayliffe 3/4[197]." For Puritan influence had
waxed stronger, and at length it was "agreed that there shall not be
hereafter any interludes or playes within this town or liberties uppon
anye Soundays or in the night tyme. Neyther shall there be any playinge at
footballe, or at hiltes or wastrells, or beare baytinge, within the walles
of this towne[198]."
[Sidenote: _Commonwealth._]
[Sidenote: _The Restoration._]
During the civil wars and under the rule of the Commonwealth the
inhabitants of the town were too heavily burdened with taxes for the
maintenance of soldiers and for the repairs of the walls (for which the
companies were severally assessed) to have much wealth to expend on
revelry and merry-making, even had Puritan sourness admitted any such. But
the reaction consequent on the Restoration brought back the glory to
Shrewsbury. The agriculture of the district had now quite recovered from
the long-distant Welsh ravages: the internal trade of the town was also
very considerable. Shrewsbury was therefore a place of no small
importance. It played the part of a local metropolis in which the
fashions of the capital were mimicked by the wealthy tradesfolk, their
wives and daughters, and the country gentry and their families. For
neither class could often go to London. Travelling was a serious affair
not lightly to be undertaken. Consequently, just as the country gentleman
now spends a portion of the year in London, so his ancestor in the
seventeenth century made the adjacent county town his residence at certain
seasons. Besides "he was often attracted thither by business and pleasure,
by assizes, quarter sessions, elections, musters of militia, festivals and
races.... There were the markets at which the corn, the cattle, the wool,
and the hops of the surrounding country were exposed for sale.... There
were the shops at which the best families of the neighbourhood bought
grocery and millinery[199]." In Shrewsbury did the provincial beaux and
belles promenade by the side of the Severn and in the abbey gardens. These
latter were especially attractive. They were laid out "with gravell walks
set full of all sorts of greens--orange and Lemmon trees.... Out of this
went another garden much larger with severall fine grass walks kept
exactly cut and roled for company to walk in: every Wednesday most of y{e}
town y{e} Ladies and Gentlemen walk there as in St James's Parke, and
there are abundance of people of quality lives in Shrewsbury[200]."
Farquahar in his sprightly comedy _The Recruiting Officer_ describes the
lively doings of the same "people of quality," and also of the more
stolid burghers. "I have drawn," he says, "the Justice and the Clown in
their _Puris Naturalibus_; the one an apprehensive, sturdy, brave
blockhead; and the other a worthy, honest, generous gentleman, hearty in
his country's cause and of as good an understanding as I could give him,
which I must confess is far short of his own." Farquahar seems to have
obtained a particularly good impression of the worthy Salopians. He
dedicates his comedy to "All Friends round the Wrekin." "I was stranger to
everything in Salop but its Character of Loyalty, the Number of its
Inhabitants, the Alacrity of the Gentry in Recruiting the Army, with their
generous and hospitable Reception of Strangers. This Character I found so
amply verify'd in every Particular that you made Recruiting, which is the
greatest Fatigue upon Earth to other, to be the greatest Pleasure in the
World to me[201]." Shrewsbury was one of the gayest of those many
provincial capitals "out of which the great wen of London has sucked all
the life[202]."
[Sidenote: _Shrewsbury Show in 17th century._]
Farquhar may have seen the old Show, which the Restoration had naturally
brought back, wend its noisy way to Kingsland. The procession itself was
easily rehabilitated, but the arbours on Kingsland, where the day was
spent in merrymaking, called for much attention. Great activity was
evinced in their repair, for they had fallen into sad decay during the
hard rule of the Puritans. Some of the companies adorned their arbours
with gateways, arms and mottoes, "dyalls," and the like. Most of the
gateways were of wood, but in 1679 the Shoemakers company erected a
handsome stone portal, which a few years subsequently they adorned with
figures of their patron saints, Crispin and Crispianus. As though the
events of a century previous were still fresh in men's minds, the legend
was painted underneath,
"We are but images of stonne
Do us no harme--we can do nonne."
About this time it is evident the Show was in a very prosperous condition.
Puritanism had not taken any real hold on the country, and the Church was
restored, and old ways of thinking and acting brought back, without any
disturbance or opposition[203]. Even in the companies the religious
element which was so strong in the earlier Gilds was not entirely wanting:
the day's proceedings included a sermon in the Church[204]. In the morning
the Wardens and members met in the open space before the castle, whence
they passed in a merry procession through the gaily decked streets to
Kingsland. There each Gild had its arbour surrounded by trees and supplied
with tables and benches. The mayor and corporation used to attend, and
were accustomed to visit each arbour in succession. The remainder of the
day passed in festivity and merriment, and the craftsmen with their
friends returned home in the evening "much invigorated with the essence
of barley-corn," as a writer of fifty years ago expresses it.
[Sidenote: _Degeneracy._]
But the degeneracy of the revived Show was very apparent. The dropping off
of the sermons deprived the companies of the last trace of that strong
religious element which had characterised their mediaeval ancestors. A
private letter of 1811 says, "Shrewsbury Show was on the 19th [of June]
but I did not go to it. That, like other things, is getting much worse."
The Drapers and Mercers had never gone to Kingsland, and gradually the
other companies began to withdraw from the Show. The formal procession
became confined practically to apprentices[205], while the masters
contented themselves with a dinner at one of the inns of the town[206].
Everything was significant of the approaching end of the pageant.
[Sidenote: _Reform agitation tends to check degeneracy, but Reform Acts
fatal to the Show._]
When the Reform agitation threatened to deprive the companies of their
trading privileges at no distant period, and later, when it had succeeded
in doing so, attempts seem to have been made to bring into prominence
their social aspect[207], and the procession was again reinvigorated. The
pomp which signalised George the Fourth's coronation may also have given a
stimulus to pageantry. The arbours were repaired and rebuilt, and the year
1849 witnessed a grand revival of the procession. Attempts in this
direction were now not infrequent, but were necessarily spasmodic. Yet the
time-honoured Show was found to be possessed of wonderful vitality. When
the Municipal Corporations Act destroyed the exclusive privileges of
trading which the companies possessed they clung to their annual feast and
to the yearly procession, for which they retained the arbours at some
expense and self-denial. Gradually however as the successive freemen died
the arbours reverted one by one to the corporation of the town; the other
Gild property, which was not already divided, was shared among surviving
members, or fell through debt or similar causes into other hands.
Kingsland itself was to revert to the town at the decease of the last of
the members of the companies, according to an arrangement concluded in
1862.
Even still the old Show was hard to kill. In spite of much that was
saddening, and much degradation, the procession lingered on till some
twelve or fourteen years ago, when it died a natural death. So another
link with the past was broken, and another spot of colour wiped away from
these duller days of uniformity and routine.