had merit and estimable qualities; but his gloomy, bitter, and
overbearing temper made me equally afraid of his company, his
friendship, and his love. To make him happy, I must have
renounced all intercourse with society, and even the exercise of
my talents. I was poor and proud; I desire, and hope I shall ever
desire, to owe nothing to any one but myself. My friendship for
him prompted me to use every endeavor to lead him to more just
and reasonable sentiments: failing in this, and persuaded that
his obstinacy proceeded less from the excess of his passion than
from the violence of his character, I took the firm resolution to
separate from him entirely. I refused to see him in his last
moments, because the sight would have rent my heart; because I
feared to appear too barbarous if I remained inflexible, and to
make myself wretched if I yielded. Such, madame, are the
motives of my conduct--motives for which, I think, no one can
blame me.'
"'It would indeed,' said the lady, 'be unjust to condemn you. My
poor friend himself in his reasonable moments acknowledged all
that he owed you. But his passion and his malady overcame him,
and your refusal to see him hastened his last moments. He was
counting the minutes, when at half-past ten, his servant came to
tell him that decidedly you would not come. After a moment's
silence, he took me by the hand with a frightful expression of
despair. Barbarous woman! he cried; but she will gain nothing by
her cruelty. As I have followed her in life, I shall follow her
in death! I endeavored to calm him; he was dead.'
"I need scarcely tell you, my dear friend, what effect these last
words had upon me. Their analogy to all my apparitions filled me
with terror, but time and reflection calmed my feelings. The
consideration that I was neither the better nor the worse for all
that had happened to me, has led me to ascribe it all to chance.
I do not, indeed, know what _chance_ is; but it can not be denied
that the something which goes by that name has a great influence
on all that passes in the world.
"Such is my story; do with it what you will. If you intend to
make it public, I beg you to suppress the initial letter of the
name, and the name of the province."
This last injunction was not, as we see, strictly complied with; but, at
the distance of half a century, the suppression of a name was probably
of little consequence.
There is no reason to doubt the entire truth of Mademoiselle Clairon's
narrative. The incidents which she relates made such a deep and enduring
impression on her mind, that it remained uneffaced during the whole
course of her brilliant career, and, almost at the close of a long life
spent in the bustle and business of the world, inspired her with solemn
and religious thoughts. Those incidents can scarcely be ascribed to
delusions of her imagination; for she had a strong and cultivated mind,
not likely to be influenced by superstitious credulity; and besides, the
mysterious sounds were heard by others as well as herself, and had
become the subject of general conversation in Paris. The suspicion of a
trick or conspiracy never seems to have occurred to her, though such a
supposition is the only way in which the circumstances can be explained;
and we are convinced that this explanation, though not quite
satisfactory in every particular, is the real one. Several portentous
occurrences, equally or more marvelous, have thus been accounted for.
Our readers remember the history of the Commissioners of the Roundhead
Parliament for the sequestration of the royal domains, who were
terrified to death, and at last fairly driven out of the Palace of
Woodstock, by a series of diabolical sounds and sights, which were long
afterward discovered to be the work of one of their own servants, Joe
Tomkins by name, a loyalist in the disguise of a puritan. The famous
"Cocklane Ghost," which kept the town in agitation for months, and
baffled the penetration of multitudes of the divines, philosophers, and
literati of the day, was a young girl of some eleven or twelve years
old, whose mysterious knockings were produced by such simple means, that
their remaining so long undetected is the most marvelous part of the
story. This child was the agent of a conspiracy formed by her father,
with some confederates, to ruin the reputation of a gentleman by means
of pretended revelations from the dead. For this conspiracy these
persons were tried, and the father, the most guilty party, underwent the
punishment of the pillory.
A more recent story is that of the "Stockwell Ghost," which forms the
subject of a volume published in 1772, and is shortly told by Mr. Hone
in the first volume of his "Every Day Book." Mrs. Golding, an elderly
lady residing at Stockwell, in Surrey, had her house disturbed by
portents, which not only terrified her and her family, but spread alarm
through the vicinity. Strange noises were heard proceeding from empty
parts of the house, and heavy articles of furniture, glass, and
earthenware, were thrown down and broken in pieces before the eyes of
the family and neighbors. Mrs. Golding, driven by terror from her own
dwelling, took refuge, first in one neighboring house, and then in
another, and thither the prodigies followed her. It was observed that
her maid-servant, Ann Robinson, was always present when these things
took place, either in Mrs. Golding's own house, or in those of the
neighbors. This girl, who had lived only about a week with her mistress,
became the subject of mistrust and was dismissed, after which the
disturbances entirely ceased. But the matter rested on mere suspicion.
"Scarcely any one," says Mr. Hone, "who lived at that time listened
patiently to the presumption, or without attributing the whole to
witchcraft." At length Mr. Hone himself obtained a solution of the
mystery from a gentleman who had become acquainted with Ann Robinson
many years after the affair happened, and to whom she had confessed that
she alone had produced all these supernatural horrors, by fixing wires
or horse-hairs to different articles, according as they were heavy or
light, and thus throwing them down, with other devices equally simple,
which the terror and confusion of the spectators prevented them from
detecting. The girl began these tricks to forward some love affair, and
continued them for amusement when she saw the effect they produced.
Remembering these cases, we can have little doubt that Mademoiselle
Clairon's maid was the author of the noises which threw her mistress and
her friends into such consternation. Her own house was generally the
place where these things happened; and on the most remarkable occasions
where they happened elsewhere, is expressly mentioned that the maid was
present. At St. Cloud it was to the maid, who was her bed-fellow, that
Clairon was congratulating herself on being out of the way of the cry,
when it suddenly was heard in the very room. She had her maid in the
carriage with her on the Boulevards, and it was immediately after the
girl had asked her a question about the death of M. de S---- that the
gun-shot was heard, which seemed to traverse the carriage. Had the maid
a confederate--perhaps her fellow-servant on the box--to whom she might
have given the signal? When Mademoiselle Clairon went a-shopping to the
Rue St. Honore, she probably had her maid with her, either in or outside
the carriage; and, indeed, in every instance the noises took place when
the maid would most probably have been present, or close at hand. In
regard to the unearthly cry, she might easily have produced it herself
without any great skill in ventriloquism, or the art of imitating
sounds; a supposition which is rendered the more probable, as its
realization was rendered the more easy, by the fact of no words having
been uttered--merely a wild cry. Most of the common itinerant
ventriloquists on our public race-courses can utter speeches for an
imaginary person without any perceptible motion of the lips; the
utterance of a mere sound in this way would be infinitely less
difficult.
The noises resembling the report of fire-arms (very likely to have been
unconsciously, and in perfect good faith, exaggerated by the terror of
the hearers) may have been produced by a confederate fellow-servant, or
a lover. It is to be observed, that the first time this seeming report
was heard, the houses opposite were guarded by the police, and spies
were placed in the street, but Mademoiselle Clairon's own house was
merely "examined." It is evident that these precautions, however
effectual against a plot conducted from without, could have no effect
whatever against tricks played within her house by one or more of her
own servants.
As to the maid-servant's motives for engaging in this series of
deceptions, many may have existed and been sufficiently strong; the
lightest, which we shall state last, would probably be the strongest.
She may have been in communication with M. de S----'s relations for some
hidden purpose which never was effected. How far this circumstance may
be connected with the date of the first portent, the very night of the
young man's death, or whether that coincidence was simply accidental, is
matter for conjecture. The old lady, his relative, who afterward visited
Clairon, and told her a tale calculated to fill her with superstitious
dread, _may_ herself have been the maid-servant's employer for some
similar purpose; or (which is at least equally probable) the tale may
have had nothing whatever to do with the sound, and may have been
perfectly true. But all experience in such cases assures us that the
love of mischief, or the love of power, and the desire of being
important, would be sufficient motives to the maid for such a deception.
The more frightened Clairon was, the more necessary and valuable her
maid became to her, naturally. A thousand instances of long continued
deception on the part of young women, begun in mere folly, and continued
for the reasons just mentioned, though continued at an immense cost of
trouble, resolution, and self-denial in all other respects, are familiar
to most readers of strange transactions, medical and otherwise. There
seem to be strong grounds for the conclusion that the maid was the
principal, if not the sole agent in this otherwise supernatural part of
this remarkable story.
THE REV. WILLIAM LISLE BOWLES.
We must not allow a poet of the tender and manly feeling of Mr. Bowles
to pass away from among us with a mere notice of his death amid the
common gossip of the week. The peculiar excellence of his Sonnets and
his influence on English poetry deserve a further notice at our hands.
The Rev. William Lisle Bowles, of an ancient family in the county of
Wilts, was born in the village of King's Sutton, in Northamptonshire--a
parish of which his father was vicar--on the 24th of September, 1762.
His mother was the daughter of Dr. Richard Gray, chaplain to Nathaniel
Crew, bishop of Durham. He was educated at Winchester School, under Dr.
Joseph Warton, and rose to be the senior boy. Warton took much notice of
him; and, on his removal to Oxford, in 1782, was the means, we have
heard, of inducing him to enter at Trinity College, of which Tom Warton
was then the senior Fellow. "Among my contemporaries at Trinity," he
says, "were several young men of talents and literature--Headley, Kett,
Benwell, Dallaway, Richards, Dornford." Of these Headley is still
remembered by some beautiful pieces of poetry, distinguished for
imagery, pathos, and simplicity.
Mr. Bowles became a poet in print in his twenty-seventh year--publishing
in 1789 a very small volume in quarto, with the very modest title of
"Fourteen Sonnets." His excellencies were not lost on the public; and in
the same year appeared a second edition, with seven additional sonnets.
"I had just entered on my seventeenth year," says Coleridge, in his
"Biographia Literaria," "when the Sonnets of Mr. Bowles, twenty-one in
number, and just then published in a quarto pamphlet, were first made
known and presented to me by a schoolfellow [at Christ's Hospital] who
had quitted us for the University. As my school finances did not permit
me to purchase copies, I made, within less than a year and a half, more
than forty transcriptions--as the best presents I could offer to those
who had in any way won my regard. And with almost equal delight did I
receive the three or four following publications of the same author."
Coleridge was always consistent in his admiration of Mr. Bowles.
Charlotte Smith and Bowles, he says--writing in 1797--are they who first
made the sonnet popular among the present generation of English readers;
and in the same year in which this encomium was printed, his own volume
of poetry contains "Sonnets attempted in the manner of Mr. Bowles." "My
obligations to Mr. Bowles," he adds in another place, "were indeed
important, and for radical good;" and that his approbation might not be
confined to prose, he has said in verse:
"My heart has thanked thee, Bowles, for those soft strains
Whose sadness soothes me, like the murmuring
Of wild bees in the sunny showers of spring."
Mr. Bowles's sonnets were descriptive of his personal feelings; and the
manly tenderness which pervades them was occasioned, he tells us, by the
sudden death of a deserving young woman with whom
"Sperabat longos, heu! ducere soles,
Et fido acclinis consenuisse sinu."
An eighth edition appeared in 1802; and a ninth and a tenth have since
been demanded.
While at Trinity--where he took his degree in 1792--Mr. Bowles obtained
the Chancellor's prize for a Latin poem. On leaving the University he
entered into holy orders, and was appointed to a curacy in Wiltshire;
from which he was preferred to a living in Gloucestershire--and in 1803
to a canonry in Salisbury Cathedral. His next step was to the rectory of
Bremhill in Wiltshire--to which he was presented by Archbishop Moore.
Here he remained till his death--beloved by his parishioners and by all
who had the pleasure of his acquaintance. A volume of his sermons
("Paulus Parochialis"), designed for country congregations, was
published in 1826.
The Sonnets were followed, at an Horatian interval, by other poems
hardly of an inferior quality: such, for instance, as his "Hope, an
Allegorical Sketch"--"St. Michael's Mount"--"Coombe Ellen"--and "Grave
of Howard." His "Spirit of Discovery by Sea," the longest of his
productions, was published in 1804, and is now chiefly remembered by the
unhappy notoriety which Lord Byron obtained for it by asserting in his
"English Bards" that the poet had made the woods of Madeira tremble to a
kiss. Lord Byron subsequently acknowledged that he had mistaken Mr.
Bowles's meaning: too late, however, to remove the injurious impression
which his hasty reading had occasioned. Generally, Mr. Bowles's more
ambitious works may be ranked as superior to the poems of Crowe and
Carrington--both of which in their day commanded a certain
reputation--and as higher in academical elegance than the verse of Mr.
James Montgomery; while they have neither the nerve and occasional
nobility of Cowper, nor that intimate mixture of fancy, feeling, lofty
contemplations, and simple themes and images which have placed
Wordsworth at the head of a school.
The school of the Wartons was not the school of Pope; and the
comparatively low appreciation of the great poetical satirist, which Mr.
Bowles entertained and asserted in print, was no doubt imbibed at
Winchester under Joseph Warton, and strengthened at Oxford under Tom.
Mr. Bowles's edition of Pope is a very poor performance. He had little
diligence, and few indeed of the requirements of an editor. He undertook
to traduce the moral character of Pope; and the line in which Lord
Byron refers to him on that account
"To do for hate what Mallet did for hire"
will long be remembered to his prejudice. His so-called "invariable
principles of poetry" maintained in his Pope and in his controversy with
Byron and Campbell, are better based than critics hitherto have been
willing to admit. Considering how sharply the reverend Pamphleteer was
hit by the Peer's ridicule, it must be always remembered, to the credit
of his Christianity, that possibly the most popular of all the dirges
written on Lord Byron's death came from Mr. Bowles's pen; and the
following tributary stanza is deepened in its music by the memory of the
former war.
"I will not ask sad Pity to deplore
His wayward errors who thus sadly died,
Still less, CHILDE HAROLD, now thou art no more,
Will I say aught of Genius misapplied;
Of the past shadows of thy spleen or pride:
But I will bid th' Arcadian cypress wave,
Pluck the green laurel from the Perseus's side,
And pray thy spirit may such quiet have
That not one thought unkind be murmured o'er thy grave."
It only remains for us to add, that Mr. Bowles wrote a somewhat poor
life of Bishop Ken--that he was famous for his Parson Adams-like
forgetfulness--that his wife died in 1844, at the age of 72--and that he
himself at the time of his death was in his eighty-eighth year.--_London
Athenaeum._
MORNING IN SPRING.
(FROM THE GERMAN OF GUSTAV SOLLING.)
From the valleys to the hills
See the morning mists arise;
And the early dew distills
Balmy incense to the skies.
Purple clouds, with vapory grace,
Round the sun their soft sail fling;
Now they fade--and from his face
Beams the new-born bliss of Spring!
From the cool grass glitter bright
Myriad drops of diamond dew;
Bending 'neath their pressure light,
Waves the green corn, springing new
Nought but the fragrant wind is heard,
Whispering softly through the trees,
Or, lightly perched, the early bird
Chirping to the morning breeze
Dewy May-flowers to the sun
Ope their buds of varied hue.
Fragrant shades--his beams to shun--
Hide the violet's heavenly blue
A joyous sense of life revived
Streams through every limb and vein:
I thank thee, Lord! that I have lived
To see the bright young Spring again!
ETA.
[From Household Words.]
WORK! AN ANECDOTE.
A calvary officer of large fortune, who had distinguished himself in
several actions, having been quartered for a long time in a foreign
city, gradually fell into a life of extreme and incessant dissipation.
He soon found himself so indisposed to any active military service, that
even the ordinary routine became irksome and unbearable. He accordingly
solicited and obtained leave of absence from his regiment for six
months. But, instead of immediately engaging in some occupation of mind
and body, as a curative process for his morbid condition, he hastened to
London, and gave himself up entirely to greater luxuries than ever, and
plunged into every kind of sensuality. The consequence was a disgust of
life and all its healthy offices. He became unable to read half a page
of a book, or to write the shortest note; mounting his horse was too
much trouble; to lounge down the street was a hateful effort. His
appetite failed, or every thing disagreed with him; and he could seldom
sleep. Existence became an intolerable burden; he therefore determined
on suicide.
With this intention he loaded his pistols, and, influenced by early
associations, dressed himself in his regimental frock-coat and crimson
sash, and entered St. James's Park a little before sunrise. He felt as
if he was mounting guard for the last time; listened to each sound, and
looked with miserable affection across the misty green toward the Horse
Guards, faintly seen in the distance.
A few minutes after the officer had entered the park, there passed
through the same gate a poor mechanic, who leisurely followed in the
same direction. He was a gaunt, half-famished looking man, and walked
with a sad air, his eyes bent thoughtfully on the ground, and his large
bony hands dangling at his sides.
The officer, absorbed in the act he meditated, walked on without being
aware of the presence of another person. Arriving about the middle of a
wide open space, he suddenly stopped, and drawing forth both pistols,
exclaimed, "Oh, most unfortunate and most wretched man that I am!
Wealth, station, honor, prospects, are of no avail! Existence has become
a heavy torment to me! I have not strength--I have not courage to endure
or face it a moment longer!"
With these words he cocked the pistols, and was raising both of them to
his head, when his arms were seized from behind, and the pistols twisted
out of his fingers. He reeled round, and beheld the gaunt scarecrow of a
man who had followed him.
"What are you?" stammered the officer, with a painful air; "How dare you
to step between me and death?"
"I am a poor, hungry mechanic;" answered the man, "one who works from
fourteen to sixteen hours a day, and yet finds it hard to earn a living.
My wife is dead--my daughter was tempted away from me--and I am a lone
man. As I have nobody to live for, and have become quite tired of my
life, I came out this morning, intending to drown myself. But as the
fresh air of the park came over my face, the sickness of life gave way
to shame at my own want of strength and courage, and I determined to
walk onward and live my allotted time. But what are _you_? Have you
encountered cannon-balls and death in all shapes, and now want the
strength and courage to meet the curse of idleness?"
The officer was moving off with some confused words, but the mechanic
took him by the arm, and threatening to hand him over to the police if
he resisted, led him droopingly away.
This mechanic's work was that of a turner, and he lived in a dark
cellar, where he toiled at his lathe from morning to night. Hearing that
the officer had amused himself with a little turnery in his youth, the
poor artisan proposed to take him down into his work-shop. The officer
offered him money; and was anxious to escape; but the mechanic refused
it, and persisted.
He accordingly took the morbid gentleman down into his dark cellar, and
set him to work at his lathe. The officer began very languidly, and soon
rose to depart. Whereupon, the mechanic forced him down again on the
hard bench, and swore that if he did not do an hour's work for him, in
return for saving his life, he would instantly consign him to a
policeman, and denounce him for attempting to commit suicide. At this
threat the officer was so confounded, that he at once consented to do
the work.
When the hour was over, the mechanic insisted on a second hour, in
consequence of the slowness of the work--it had not been a fair hour's
labor. In vain the officer protested, was angry, and exhausted--had the
heartburn--pains in his back and limbs--and declared it would kill him.
The mechanic was inexorable. "If it _does_ kill you," said he, "then you
will only be where you would have been if I had not stopped you." So the
officer was compelled to continue his work with an inflamed face, and
the perspiration pouring down over his cheeks and chin.
At last he could proceed no longer, come what would of it, and sank back
in the arms of his persecuting preserver. The mechanic now placed before
him his own breakfast, composed of a two-penny loaf of brown bread, and
a pint of small beer; the whole of which the officer disposed of in no
time, and then sent out for more.
Before the boy who was dispatched on this errand returned, a little
conversation had ensued; and as the officer rose to go, he smilingly
placed his purse, with his card, in the hands of the mechanic. The poor,
ragged man received them with all the composure of a physician, and with
a sort of dry, grim humor which appeared peculiar to him, and the only
relief of his other wise rough and rigid character, made sombre by the
constant shadows and troubles of life.
But the moment he read the name on the card all the hard lines in his
deeply-marked face underwent a sudden contortion. Thrusting back the
purse and card into the officer's hand, he seized him with a fierce grip
by one arm--hurried him, wondering, up the dark broken stairs, along the
narrow passage--then pushed him out at the door!
"You are the fine gentleman who tempted my daughter away!" said he.
"I--_your_ daughter!" exclaimed the officer.
"Yes, my daughter; Ellen Brentwood!" said the mechanic. "Are there so
many men's daughters in the list, that you forget her name?"
"I implore you," said the officer, "to take this purse. _Pray_, take
this purse! If you will not accept it for yourself, I entreat you to
send it to her!"
"Go and buy a lathe with it," said the mechanic. "Work, man! and repent
of your past life!"
So saying, he closed the door in the officer's face, and descended the
stairs to his daily labor.
IGNORANCE IN ENGLAND.--Taking the whole of northern Europe--including
Scotland, and France and Belgium (where education is at a low ebb), we
find that to every 2-1/4 of the population, there is one child acquiring
the rudiments of knowledge; while in England there is only one such
pupil to every fourteen inhabitants. It has been calculated that there
are at the present day in England and Wales nearly 8,000,000 persons who
can neither read nor write--that is to say, nearly one quarter of the
population. Also, that of all the children between five and fourteen,
more than one half attend no place of instruction. These statements
would be hard to believe, if we had not to encounter in our every-day
life degrees of illiteracy which would be startling, if we were not
thoroughly used to it. Wherever we turn, ignorance, not always allied to
poverty, stares us in the face. If we look in the _Gazette_, at the list
of partnerships dissolved, not a month passes but some unhappy man,
rolling, perhaps, in wealth, but wallowing in ignorance, is put to the
_experimentum crucis_ of "his mark." The number of petty jurors--in
rural districts especially--who can only sign with a cross, is enormous.
It is not unusual to see parish documents of great local importance
defaced with the same humiliating symbol by persons whose office shows
them to be not only "men of mark," but men of substance. A housewife in
humble life need only turn to the file of her tradesmen's bills to
discover hieroglyphics which render them so many arithmetical puzzles.
In short, the practical evidences of the low ebb to which the plainest
rudiments of education in this country have fallen, are too common to
bear repetition. We can not pass through the streets, we can not enter a
place of public assembly, or ramble in the fields, without the gloomy
shadow of Ignorance sweeping over us.--_Dickens's "Household Words."_
[From The Ladies' Companion.]
MEN AND WOMEN.
A woman is naturally gratified when a man singles her out, and addresses
his conversation to her. She takes pains to appear to the best
advantage, but without any thought of willfully misleading.
How different is it with men! At least it is thus that women in general
think of men. The mask with them is deliberately put on and worn as a
mask, and wo betide the silly girl who is too weak or too unsuspicious,
not to appear displeased with the well-turned compliments and flattering
attentions so lavishly bestowed upon her by her partner at the ball. If
a girl has brothers she sees a little behind the scenes, and is saved
much mortification and disappointment. She discovers how little men mean
by attentions they so freely bestow upon the last new face which takes
their fancy.
Men are singularly wanting in good feeling upon this subject; they pay a
girl marked attention, flatter her in every way, and then, perhaps, when
warned by some judicious friend that they are going too far, "can hardly
believe the girl could be so foolish as to fancy that any thing was
meant."
The fault which strikes women most forcibly in men is _selfishness_.
They expect too much in every way, and become impatient if their
comforts and peculiarities are interfered with. If the men of the
present day were less selfish and self-indulgent, and more willing to be
contented and happy upon moderate means, there would be fewer causes of
complaint against young women undertaking situations as governesses when
they were wholly unfit for so responsible an office. I feel the deepest
interest in the present movement for the improvement of the female sex;
and most cordially do I concur in the schemes for this desirable purpose
laid down in "The Ladies' Companion;" but I could not resist the
temptation of lifting up my voice in testimony against some of the
every-day faults of men, to which I think many of the follies and
weaknesses of women are mainly to be attributed.
Mr. Thackeray is the only writer of the present day who touches, with
any severity, upon the faults of his own sex. He has shown us the style
of women that he thinks men most admire, in "Amelia," and "Mrs.
Pendennis." Certainly, my own experience agrees with his opinion; and
until men are sufficiently improved to be able to appreciate higher
qualities in women, and to choose their wives among women who possess
such qualities, I do not expect that the present desirable movement will
make much progress. The improvement of both sexes must be simultaneous.
A "gentleman's horror" is still a "blue stocking," which unpleasing
epithet is invariably bestowed upon all women who have read much, and
who are able to think and act for themselves.
A YOUNG WIFE
THE RETURN OF POPE PIUS IX. TO ROME.
The banishment of a Pope has hitherto been a rare event: the
following detailed and graphic description of the return of PIUS
IX. to his seat of empire, superadds a certain degree of
historical importance to its immediate interest. It is from the
correspondence of the "London Times."
VELLETRI, _Thursday, April_ 11.
All speculation is now set at rest--the last and the most important
stage in the Papal progress has been made--the Pope has arrived at
Velletri.
The Pope was expected yesterday at three o'clock, but very early in the
morning every one in the town, whether they had business to execute or
not, thought it necessary to rush about, here, there, and every where. I
endeavored to emulate this activity, and to make myself as ubiquitous as
the nature of the place, which is built on an ascent, and my own nature,
which is not adapted to ascents, would allow me. At one moment I stood
in admiration at the skill with which sundry sheets and napkins were
wound round a wooden figure, to give it a chaste and classic appearance,
which figure--supposed to represent Charity, Fortitude, Prudence, or
Plenty--was placed as a _basso relievo_ on the triumphal arch, where it
might have done for any goddess or virtue in the mythology or calendar.
At another moment I stood on the Grand Place, marveling at the arch and
dry manner in which half a dozen painters were inscribing to Pio Nono,
over the doors of the Municipality, every possible quality which could
have belonged to the whole family of saints--one man, in despair at
giving adequate expression to his enthusiasm, having satisfied himself
with writing _Pio Nono Immortale! Immortale! Immortale! Vero Angelo!_
But to say the truth, there was something very touching in the
enthusiasm of this rustic and mountain people, although it was sometimes
absurdly and quaintly expressed; for instance, in one window there was a
picture, or rather a kind of transparency, representing little angels,
which a scroll underneath indicated as the children of His Holiness.
Whether the Velletrians intended to represent their own innocence or to
question that of His Holiness, I did not choose to inquire. Then there
were other pictures of the Pope in every possible variety of dress;
sometimes as a young officer, at another as a cardinal; again, a corner
shop had him as a benevolent man in a black coat and dingy neck-cloth;
but, most curious of all, he at one place took the shape of a female
angel placing her foot on the demon of rebellion. The circumstance of
his Protean quality arose from each family having turned their pictures
from the inside outside the houses, and printed Pio Nono under each; but
if the features of each picture differed, not so the feelings that
placed them there: it was a touching and graceful sight to see the
people as they greeted each other that morning.
As the day drew on, the preparations were completed, and the material of
which every house was built was lost under a mass of scarlet and green.
But, alas! about three o'clock the clouds gathered upon Alba; Monte
Calvi was enveloped in mist, which sailed over the top of Artemisio; the
weather turned cold; and the whole appearance of the day became
threatening. The figure of the Pope on the top of the triumphal arch, to
compose which sundry beds must have been stripped of their sheets--for
it was of colossal dimensions--quivered in the breeze, and at every
blast I expected to see the worst possible omen--the mitre, which was
only fastened by string to the sacred head, falling down headless; but
having pointed this out to some persons who were too excited themselves
to see anything practical, a boy was sent up, and with two long nails
secured the mitre more firmly on the sacred head than even Lord Minto's
counsels could do. At three o'clock the Municipality passed down the
lines of troops amid every demonstration of noisy joy. There were half a
dozen very respectable gentlemen in evening dress, all looking
wonderfully alike, and remarkably pale, either from the excitement or
the important functions which they had to perform; but I ought to speak
well of them, for they invited me to the reserved part of the small
entrance square, where I had the good fortune to shelter myself from the
gusts of wind which drove down from the hills. From three to six we all
waited, the people very patient, and fortunately so crowded that they
could not well feel cold. The cardinal's servants--strange
grotesque-looking fellows in patchwork liveries--were running up and
down the portico, and the soldiers on duty began to give evident signs
of a diminution of ardor. Some persons were just beginning to croak,
"Well, I told you he would not come," when the cannon opened from the
heights, the troops fell in--a carriage is seen coming down the hill,
but it is the wrong road. Who can it be? The troops seem to know, for
the chasseurs draw their swords, the whole line present arms, the band
strikes up, and the French General Baraguay d'Hilliers dashes through
the gates. Again roar the cannon--another carriage is seen, and this
time in the right direction; it is preceded by the Pope's courier,
covered with scarlet and gold. The people cheered loudly, although they
could not have known whom it contained; but they cheered the magnificent
arms and the reeking horses. It was the Vice-Legate of Velletri,
Monsignore Beraldi. The Municipality rushed to the door of the carriage,
and a little, energetic-looking man in lace and purple descended, and
was almost smothered in the embraces of the half dozen municipal
officers, who confused him with questions--"Dove e la sua Santita!"
"Vicino! Vicino!" "E a Frosinone, e a Valomontone?" "Bellissimo,
bellissimo, recevimento! sorprendente! Tanto bello! tanto bello!" was
all the poor little man could jerk out, and at each word he was stifled
with fresh embraces; but he was soon set aside and forgotten, when half
a dozen of the Papal couriers galloped up, splashed from head to foot.
They were followed by several carriages with four or six horses, the
postillions in their new liveries; then came a large squadron of
Neapolitan cavalry, and immediately afterward the Pope. It was a
touching sight. While the women cried, the men shouted; but however
absurd a description of enthusiasm may be, in its action it was very
fine. As he passed on, the troops presented arms, and every one knelt.
He drew up in front of the municipality, who were so affected or so
frightened that their speech ended in nothing. The carriage door was
opened, and then the scene which ensued was without parallel; every one
rushed forward to kiss the foot which he put out. One little Abbate, Don
Pietro Metranga, amused me excessively. Nothing could keep him back; he
caught hold of the sacred foot, he hugged it, he sighed, he wept over
it. A knot of gentlemen were standing on the steps of the entrance,
among others Mr. Baillie Cochrane, in the Scotch Archers' uniform, whom
His Holiness beckoned forward, and put out his hand for him to kiss.
Again the carriages would have moved on, for it was late, and _Te Deum_
had to be sung; but for some time it was quite impossible to shake off
the crowd at the door. At last the procession moved, and I, at the peril
of my life--for the crowd, couriers, and chasseurs rode like
lunatics--ran down to the cathedral. To my surprise, the Pope had
anticipated me, and the door was shut. I was about to retire in despair,
when I saw a little man creeping silently up to a small gate, followed
by a very tall and ungainly prince in a red uniform, which put me very
much in mind of Ducrow in his worst days. I looked again, and I knew it
was my friend the Abbe, and if I followed him I must go right. It was as
I expected. While we had been abusing the arrangements, he had gone and
asked for the key of the sacristy, by which way we entered the church.
It was densely crowded in all parts, and principally by troops who had
preoccupied it. When the host was raised, the effect was grand in the
extreme. The Pope, with all his subjects, bowed their heads to the
pavement, and the crash of arms was succeeded by the most perfect
silence. The next ceremony was the benediction of the people from the
palace, which is situate on the extreme height of the town. Nerving
myself for this last effort, I struggled and stumbled up the hill. There
the thousands from the country and neighborhood were assembled, and in a
few minutes the Pope arrived. In the interval all the facades of the
houses had been illuminated, and the effects of the light on the various
picturesque groups and gay uniforms was very striking. A burst of music
and fresh cannon announced the arrival of His Holiness. He went straight
into the palace, and in a few minutes the priests with the torches
entered the small chapel which was erected on the balcony. The Pope
followed, and then arose one shout, such as I never remember to have
heard: another and another, and all knelt, and not a whisper was heard.
As the old man stretched out his hands to bless the people, his voice
rung clear and full in the night:
"Sit nomen Dei benedictum."
And the people, with one voice, replied:
"Ex hoc et nunc et in seculum."
Then the Pope:
"Adjutorum nostrum in nomine Domini."
The people:
"Qui fecit coelum et terram."
His Holiness:
"Benedicat vos omnipotens Deus Pater, Filius, et Spiritus
Sanctus."
And the people, with one voice:
"Amen!"
_Thursday Evening._
The Velletri fireworks were certainly a failure; the population
understands genuflexions better than squibs and crackers; but the
illumination, which consisted of large pots of grease placed on posts at
intervals of a yard down every street, had really a very good effect,
and might afford a good hint for cheap illuminations in England. What is
most remarkable to an Englishman on such occasions is, the total absence
of drunkenness and the admirable and courteous conduct of the people to
each other. It seemed to me that the population never slept; they were
perambulating the streets chanting "Viva Pio Nono" all night; and, at 8
o'clock this morning, there was the same crowd, with the same
excitement. I went early to the Papal Palace to witness the reception of
the different deputations; but, notwithstanding my activity, I arrived
one of the last, and on being shown into a waiting-room found myself
standing in a motley group of generals of every clime, priests in every
variety of costume, judges, embassadors, and noble guards. A long suite
of ten rooms was thrown open, and probably the old and tapestried walls
had never witnessed so strange a sight before as the gallery presented.
There was a kind of order and degree preserved in the distribution of
the visitors. The first room mostly contained priests of the lower
ranks, in the second were gentlemen in violet colored dresses, looking
proud and inflated; then came a room full of officers, then
distinguished strangers, among whom might be seen General Baraguay
d'Hilliers, Count Ludolf, the Neapolitan embassador, the Princes
Massimo, Corsini, Ruspoli, Cesareni, all covered with stars, ribbons,
and embroidery. The door of each room was kept by the municipal troops,
who were evidently very new to the work, for the pages in their pink
silk dresses might be seen occasionally instructing them in the salute.
Presently there was a move, every one drew back for Cardinal Macchi; he
is the _doyen_ of the college, and, as Archbishop of Velletri, appeared
in his brightest scarlet robes--a fit subject for the pencil of the
great masters. He was followed by Cardinals Asquini and Dupont in more
modest garb, and each as he passed received and gracefully acknowledged
the homage of the crowd. While we were standing waiting, two priests in
full canonicals marched by with stately steps, preceded by the cross,
and bearing the consecrated elements which they were to administer to
the Pope; they remained with him about twenty minutes, and again the
doors were thrown open, and they came out with the same forms. The
Sacrament was succeeded by the breakfast service of gold, which it would
have made any amateurs of Benvenuto Cellini's workmanship envious to
see. At last the breakfast was ended, and I began to hope there was some
chance of our suspense terminating, when there was a great movement
among the crowd at one end of the gallery, the pages rushed to their
posts, flung back the two doors, and the Prime Minister, Cardinal
Antonelli, entered. Standing in that old palace, and gazing on the
Priest Premier, I could realize the times of Mazarin and Richelieu.
Neither of these could have possessed a haughtier eye than Antonelli, or
carried themselves more proudly: every action spoke the man
self-possessed and confident in the greatness of his position. He is
tall, thin, about forty-four or forty-five, of a dark and somewhat
sallow complexion, distinguished not by the regularity or beauty of his
features, but by the calmness and dignity of their expression. As the
mass moved to let him pass to the Papal apartments at the other
extremity of the gallery, there was nothing flurried in his manner or
hurried in his step--he knew to a nicety the precise mode of courtesy
which he should show to each of his worshipers; for instance, when the
French general--ay, the rough soldier of the camp--bent to kiss his
hand, he drew it back, and spoke a few low, complimentary words as he
bowed low to him, always graciously, almost condescendingly. When the
Roman princes wished to perform the same salute his hand met their lips
half-way. When the crowd of abbes, monks, priests, and deacons, seized
it, it passed on unresistingly from mouth to mouth, as though he knew
that blessing was passing out of him, but that he found sufficient for
all. I was beginning to marvel what had become of my little friend of
the preceding evening, Don Pietro, when I observed a slight stoppage,
occasioned by some one falling at the Cardinal's feet. It was Don
Pietro. He had knelt down to get a better hold of the hanging fringes,
and no power could withdraw them from his lips; he appeared determined
to exhaust their valuable savor, and, for the first time, I saw a smile
on Antonelli's countenance, which soon changed into a look of severity,
which so frightened the little abbate that he gave up his prey. Cardinal
Antonelli went in to the Pope, and expectation and patience had to be
renewed. Then came all the deputations in succession, men with long
parchments and long faces of anxiety. There could not have been less
than eight or ten of these, who all returned from the interview looking
very bright and contented, ejaculating "_Quanto e buono! quanto buono!_"
To my great disappointment, a very officious little gentleman, who, it
appears, is a nephew of Cardinal Borroneo, and who, only two days since,
had been appointed a kind of deputy master of the ceremonies, informed
me that it was very unlikely His Holiness could receive any more people,
as he had to go out at eleven, which fact was confirmed by the Papal
couriers, who marched, booted and spurred, whip in hand, into the
ante-room. This announcement had scarcely been made, when Cardinal
Antonelli appeared and informed us that the Pope would receive two or
three at a time, but that they must not stop long. The first batch
consisted of "our own correspondent;" Don Flavio Ghigi, I looked round
to see who was the third, it was the little abbate. As we entered the
presence chamber, I made an inclination, but, to my surprise, both Don
Flavio and Don Pietro rushed forward. The Ghigi gracefully, and with
emotion, kissed the Sovereign's foot, and then his hand, which was
extended to him. His Holiness had evidently been greatly excited. He
took Don Flavio by the hand, saying, "Rise up, my son, our sorrows are
over." Meanwhile Don Pietro had embraced not merely the foot, but the
ankle. Vainly the Pope bade him rise. At last he exclaimed, looking at
the little man with wonder, "Eh! Che Don Pietro con una barba!" "Ah,"
said the unclerical priest, not in any degree taken by surprise, "Since
our misfortunes, your Holiness, I never had the heart to shave." "Then,
now that happier times are come, we shall see your face quite clean,"
was the Pope's reply. More genuflexions, more embracings, and away we
went. After a few minutes' delay, the gentlemen of the chamber gave
notice that His Holiness was about to pass; he was preceded by priests
bearing the crucifix, and this time wore a rich embroidered stole; his
benevolent face lighted up as he blessed all his servants who knelt on
his passage. He has a striking countenance, full of paternal goodness;
nor does his tendency to obesity interfere with the dignity of his
movements. Some half-dozen Capuchins fell down before him, and the
guards had some difficulty in making them move out of the way. As the
Pope moved he dispensed his blessing to the right and to the left.
Meanwhile a great crowd had collected outside. When he appeared he was
enthusiastically cheered. He entered his carriage--the scarlet couriers
kicked, cracked, and spurred--the troops all knelt--the band played some
strange anthem, for he has become rather tired of "_Viva Pio Nono_,"
with which he has no agreeable associations--and the pageant passed
away.
I was compelled to decline the invitation from the Council of State;
and, soon after his Holiness's departure, I started for Rome, in order
to arrive before the gates were shut, for the passport system is in the
strictest operation. All along the road fortunately the preparations
have taken the turn of cleanliness--whitewash is at a premium. At
Genzano and Albano the woods of Dunsinane seem to be moving through the
towns. At the former place I saw General Baraguay d'Hilliers, who had to
send to Albano for two cutlets and bread, the supplies of Genzano being
exhausted. The Pope leaves Velletri to-morrow, Friday, 12th, at 8
o'clock. At Genzano the Neapolitan troops leave him, and are replaced by
the French; at Albano he breakfasts, and enters Rome at 4 o'clock.
Preparations are making for a grand illumination, and the town is all
alive.
ROME, _Friday Evening, April_ 12.
The history of the last two years has taught us to set very little
reliance on any demonstrations of public opinion. But for this sad
experience I should have warmly congratulated the Pope and his French
advisers on the success of their experiment, and augured well of the new
Roman era from the enthusiasm which has ushered it in. It is true that
there was wanting the delirious excitement which greeted our second
Charles on his return from a sixteen years' exile; nor were the forms of
courtly etiquette broken through as on that memorable 21st of March,
when Napoleon, accompanied by Cambronne and Bertrand dashed into the
court of the Tuileries and was borne on the shoulders of his troops into
the Salle des Marechaux. Even the genuine heartiness, the uncalculating
expression of emotion, which delighted the Pope at Frosinone and
Velletri, were not found in Rome; but then it must be remembered that it
was from Rome the Pope was driven forth as an exile--that shame and
silence are the natural expressions of regret and repentance; so,
considering every thing, the Pope was very well received. Bright banners
waved over his head, bright flowers were strewn on his path, the day was
warm and sunny--in all respects it was a morning _alba notanda creda_,
one of the _dies fasti_ of the reformed Papacy.
And yet the thoughts which the gorgeous scene suggested were not of
unmixed gratification. French troops formed the Papal escort; French
troops lined the streets and thronged St. Peter's. At first the mind was
carried back to the times when Pepin, as the eldest son of the Catholic
church, restored the Pope to the throne of the Apostle, and for the
moment we were disposed to feel that the event and the instrument were
happily associated; but a moment's glance at the tri-color standard, at
the free and easy manner of the general-in-chief when he met the Pope at
the gate of the Lateran, recalled the mind back to the French Republic,
with all its long train of intrigue, oppression, and infatuated folly.
But, whatever the change of scene may be, it must be admitted that the
drama was full of interest and the decorations magnificent. When the sun
shone on the masses collected in the Piazza of St. Giovanni, and the
great gates of the Lateran being thrown open the gorgeous hierarchy of
Rome, with the banners of the various Basilicae, the insignia and costume
of every office issued forth, the effect was beyond measure imposing. An
artist must have failed in painting, as he must have failed in composing
such a picture. Precisely at 4 o'clock the batteries on the Place
announced that the _cortege_ was in view, and presently the clouds of
dust blown before it gave a less agreeable assurance of its approach.
The procession was headed by a strong detachment of cavalry; then
followed the tribe of couriers, outriders, and officials--whom I
described from Velletri--more troops, and then the Pope. As he passed
the drums beat the _generale_, and the soldiers knelt, it was commonly
reported, but I know not with what truth; it was the first time they
ever knelt before the head of the church. Certainly, with the Italians
church ceremonies are an instinct--the coloring and grouping are so
accidentally but artistically arranged; the bright scarlet of the
numerous cardinals mingling with the solemn black of the _Conservatori_,
the ermine of the senate, the golden vestments of the high-priests, and
the soberer hues of the inferior orders of the clergy. When the Pope
descended from the carriage a loud cheer was raised and handkerchiefs
were waved in abundance; but, alas! the enthusiasm that is valuable is
that which does not boast of such a luxury as handkerchiefs. Very few
people seemed to think it necessary to kneel, and, on the whole, the
mass were more interested in the pageant itself than in the
circumstances in which it originated. The excitement of curiosity was,
however, at its height, for many people in defiance of horse and foot
broke into the square, where they afforded excellent sport to the
chasseurs, who amused themselves in knocking off their hats and then in
preventing them from picking them up. I ran down in time to see his
Holiness march in procession up the centre of the magnificent St.
Giovanni. This religious part of the ceremony was perhaps more imposing
than that outside the church. The dead silence while the Pope prayed,
the solemn strains when he rose from his knees, the rich draperies which
covered the walls and cast an atmosphere of purple light around, the
black dresses and the vails which the ladies wore, mingling with every
variety of uniform, stars, and ribbons, produced an admirable effect.
The great object, when this ceremony was half finished, was to reach St.
Peter's before the Pope could arrive there, every body, of course,
starting at the same moment, and each party thinking they were going to
do a very clever thing in taking a narrow roundabout way to the Ponte
Sisto, so choking it up and leaving the main road by the Coliseum and
the Foro Trajano quite deserted. In the palmiest days of the circus Rome
could never have witnessed such chariot-racing. All ideas of courtesy
and solemnity befitting the occasion were banished. The only thing was
who could arrive first at the bridge. The streets as we passed through
were quite deserted--it looked like a city of the dead. As we passed
that admirable institution, the Hospital St. Giovanni Colabita, which is
always open to public view, the officiating priests and soldiers were
standing in wonder at the entrance, and the sick men raised themselves
on their arms and looked with interest on the excitement occasioned by
the return of the Head of that Church, to which they owed the foundation
where they sought repose, and the faith that taught them hope. By the
time we arrived at St. Peter's the immense space was already crowded,
but, thanks to my Irish pertinacity, I soon elbowed myself into a
foremost place at the head of the steps. Here I had to wait for about an
hour, admiring the untiring energy of the mob, who resisted all the
attempts of the troops to keep them back, the gentle expostulations of
the officers, and sometimes the less gentle persuasion of the bayonet.
At 6 o'clock, the banners flew from the top of Adrian's Tomb, and the
roar of cannon recommenced; but again the acclamations were very
partial, and, but for the invaluable pocket-handkerchiefs of the
ever-sympathizing ladies, the affair must have passed off rather coldly.
It was, however, very different in St. Peter's. When his Holiness trod
that magnificent temple the thousands collected within its walls
appeared truly impressed with the grandeur, the almost awful grandeur of
the scene. The man, the occasion, and the splendor, all so striking;
never was the host celebrated under a more remarkable combination of
circumstances. The word of command given to the troops rang through the
immense edifice, then the crash of arms, and every man knelt for some
moments amid a breathless silence, only broken by the drums, which
rolled at intervals. The mass was ended. St. Peter's sent forth the tens
of thousands, the soldiers fell in, the pageantry was at an end. Then
came the illumination, which was very beautiful, not from the brilliancy
of the lights, but from its being so universal. St. Peter's was only
lighted _en demi-toilette_, and is to appear in his glory to-morrow
evening; but as the wind played among the lamps, and the flames
flickered and brightened in the breeze, the effect from the Pincian was
singularly graceful. The Campodoglio, that centre of triumph, was in a
blaze of glory, and the statues of the mighty of old stood forth, like
dark and solemn witnesses of the past, in the sea of light. But one by
one the lamps died out, the silence and the darkness of the night
resumed their sway, and the glory of the day became the history of the
past.
Thus far prognostications have been defeated. The Pope is in the
Vatican. Let us hope the prophets of evil may again find their
predictions falsified; but, alas! it is impossible to be blind to the
fact, that within the last few days the happiness of many homes has been
destroyed, and that the triumph of the one has been purchased by the
sorrows of the many. True, some 30,000 scudi have been given in charity,
of which the Pope granted 25,000; but there is that which is even more
blessed than food--it is liberty. There were conspiracies, it is true.
An attempt was made to set fire to the Quirinal; a small _machine
infernale_ was exploded near the Palazzo Teodoli. There was the excuse
for some arrests, but not for so many. But if the hand of the
administration is to press too heavily on the people, the absence of
prudence and indulgence on the part of the church can not be compensated
for by the presence of its head. In former days of clerical ignorance
and religious bigotry the master-writings of antiquity, which were found
inscribed on old parchments, were obliterated to make way for missals,
homilies, and golden legends, gorgeously illuminated but ignorantly
expressed. Let not the church fall into the same error in these days, by
effacing from its record the stern but solemn lessons of the past, to
replace them by illiberal, ungenerous, and therefore erroneous views,
clothed although they may be with all the pride and pomp of papal
supremacy. Doubtless some time will elapse before any particular course
of policy will be laid down. The Pope will for the moment bide his time
and observe. No one questions his good intentions, no man puts his
benevolence in doubt. Let him only follow the dictates of his own
kindness of heart, chastened by his bitter experience, which will teach
him alike to avoid the extremes of indulgence and the excesses of
severity.
_Saturday Morning, April_ 13.
I am glad to be able to add that the night has passed off in the most
quiet and satisfactory manner, and I do not hear that in a single
instance public tranquillity was disturbed. The decorations, consisting
of bright colors and rich tapestry, which ornamented the windows and
balconies yesterday, are kept up to-day, and the festive appearance of
the city is fully maintained. There is an apparent increase of movement
in all the principal thoroughfares. His Holiness is engaged to-day in
receiving various deputations, but to-morrow the ceremonies will
recommence with high mass at St. Peter's, after which the Pope will
bless the people from the balcony, and no doubt for several days to come
religious observances will occupy all the time and attention of his
Holiness. I am very glad to find, from a gentleman who arrived last
night, having followed the papal progress through Cesterna, Velletri,
Genzano, and Albano, several hours after I had left, that the most
perfect tranquillity prevailed on the whole line of road, and up to the
gates of Rome, at four o'clock this morning not a single accident had
occurred to disturb the general satisfaction. Of course the whole city
is alive with reports of various descriptions; every body draws his own
conclusions from the great events of yesterday, and indulges in
vaticinations in the not improbable event of General Baraguay
d'Hilliers' immediate departure, now that his mission has been
accomplished. A fine field will be open for speculation. Meanwhile the
presence of the sovereign has been of one inestimable advantage to the
town--it has put the municipality on the alert. The heaps of rubbish
have been removed from the centres of the squares and the corners of the
different streets, to the great discomfiture of the tribes of hungry
dogs which, for the comfort of the tired population, had not energy to
bay through the night. Workpeople have been incessantly employed in
carting away the remains of republican violence. I observe, however,
that the causeway between the Vatican and St. Angelo, which was broken
down by the mob, has not yet been touched. Are we to hail this as an
omen that the sovereign will never again require to seek the shelter of
the fortress, or as an evidence that the ecclesiastical and the civil
power are not yet entirely united?
[From Bentley's Miscellany.]
THE GENIUS OF GEORGE SAND.
THE COMEDY OF FRANCOIS LE CHAMPI.
Scarcely half a dozen years have elapsed since it was considered a
dangerous experiment to introduce the name of George Sand into an
English periodical. In the interval we have overcome our scruples, and
the life and writings of George Sand are now as well known in this
country as those of Charles Dickens, or Bulwer Lytton. The fact itself
is a striking proof of the power of a great intellect to make itself
heard in spite of the prejudices and aversion of its audience.
The intellectual power of George Sand is attested by the suffrages of
Europe. The use to which she has put it is another question.
Unfortunately, she has applied it, for the most part, to so bad a use,
that half the people who acknowledge the ascendency of her genius, see
too much occasion to deplore its perversion.
The principles she has launched upon the world have an inevitable
tendency toward the disorganization of all existing institutions,
political and social. This is the broad, palpable fact, let sophistry
disguise or evade it as it may. Whether she pours out an intense novel
that shall plow up the roots of the domestic system, or composes a
proclamation for the Red Republicans that shall throw the streets into a
flame, her influence is equally undeniable and equally pernicious.
It has been frequently urged, in the defense of her novels, that they do
not assail the institution of marriage, but the wrongs that are
perpetrated in its name. Give her the full benefit of her intention, and
the result is still the same. Her eloquent expositions of ill-assorted
unions--her daring appeals from the obligations they impose, to the
affections they outrage--her assertion of the rights of nature over the
conventions of society, have the final effect of justifying the
violation of duty on the precarious ground of passion and inclination.
The bulk of her readers--of all readers--take such social philosophy in
the gross; they can not pick out its nice distinctions, and sift its
mystical refinements. It is less a matter of reasoning than of feeling.
Their sensibility, and not their judgment, is invoked. It is not to
their understanding that these rhapsodies are addressed, but to their
will and their passions. A writer who really meant to vindicate an
institution against its abuses, would adopt a widely different course;
and it is only begging George Sand out of the hands of the jury to
assert that the _intention_ of her writings is opposed to their
_effect_, which is to sap the foundations upon which the fabric of
domestic life reposes.
Her practice accords harmoniously with her doctrines. Nobody who knows
what the actual life of George Sand has been, can doubt for a moment the
true nature of her opinions on the subject of marriage. It is not a
pleasant subject to touch, and we should shrink from it, if it were not
as notorious as every thing else by which she has become famous in her
time. It forms, in reality, as much a part of the philosophy she desires
to impress upon the world, as the books through which she has expounded
her theory. It is neither more nor less than her theory of freedom and
independence in the matter of passion (we dare not dignify it by any
higher name) put into action--rather vagrant action, we fear, but, on
that account, all the more decisive. The wonder is, how any body,
however ardent an admirer of George Sand's genius, can suppose for a
moment that a woman who leads this life from choice, and who carries its
excesses to an extremity of voluptuous caprice, could by any human
possibility pass so completely out of herself into another person in her
books. The supposition is not only absurd in itself, but utterly
inconsistent with the boldness and sincerity of her character.
Some sort of justification for the career of Madame Dudevant has been
attempted to be extracted from the alleged unhappiness of her married
life, which drove her at last to break the bond, and purchase her
liberty at the sacrifice of a large portion of her fortune, originally
considerable. But all such justifications must be accepted with
hesitation in the absence of authentic data, and more especially when
subsequent circumstances are of a nature to throw suspicion upon the
defense. Cases undoubtedly occur in which the violent disruption of
domestic ties may be extenuated even upon moral grounds; but we can not
comprehend by what process of reasoning the argument can be stretched so
as to cover any _indiscretions_ that take place afterward.
Madame Dudevant was married in 1822, her husband is represented as a
plain country gentleman, very upright and literal in his way, and quite
incapable, as may readily be supposed, of sympathizing with what one of
her ablest critics calls her "aspirations toward the infinite, art and
liberty." She bore him two children, lived with him eight years, and,
shortly after the insurrection of July, 1830, fled from her dull house
at Nohant, and went up to Paris. Upon this step nobody has a right, to
pronounce judgment. Nor should the world penetrate the recesses of her
private life from that day forward, if her life could be truly
considered private, and if it were not in fact and in reality a part and
parcel of her literary career. She has made so little scruple about
publishing it herself, that nobody else need have any such scruple on
that head. She has been interwoven in such close intimacies with a
succession of the most celebrated persons, and has acted upon all
occasions so openly, that there is not the slightest disguise upon the
matter in the literary circles of Paris. But even all this publicity
might not wholly warrant a reference to the erratic course of this
extraordinary woman, if she had not made her own experiences, to some
extent, the basis of her works, which are said by those most familiar
with her habits and associations, to contain, in a variety of forms, the
confession of the strange vicissitudes through which her heart and
imagination have passed. The reflection is not limited to general types
of human character and passion, but constantly descends to
individualization; and her intimate friends are at no loss to trace
through her numerous productions a whole gallery of portraits, beginning
with poor M. Dudevant, and running through a remarkable group of
contemporary celebrities. Her works then are, avowedly, transcripts of
her life; and her life consequently becomes, in a grave sense, literary
property, as the spring from whence has issued the turbid principles she
glories in enunciating.
We have no desire to pursue this view of George Sand's writings to its
ultimate consequences. It is enough for our present purpose to indicate
the source and nature of the influence she exercises. Taking her life
and her works together, their action and re-action upon each other, it
may be observed that such a writer could be produced and fostered only
in such a state of society as that of Paris. With all her genius she
would perish in London. The moral atmosphere of France is necessary
alike to its culture and reception--the volcanic soil--the perpetual
excitement--the instability of the people and the government--the
eternal turmoil, caprice, and transition--a society agitated and
polluted to its core. These elements of fanaticism and confusion, to
which she has administered so skillfully, have made her what she is. In
such a country as England, calm, orderly, and conservative, her social
philosophy would lack earth for its roots and air for its blossoms. The
very institutions of France, upon which no man can count for an hour,
are essential to her existence as a writer.
But time that mellows all things has not been idle with George Sand.
After having written "Indiana," "Lelie," "Valentine," and sundry other
of her most conspicuous works, she found it necessary to defend herself
against the charge of advocating conjugal infidelity. The defense, to be
sure, was pre-eminently sophistical, and rested on a complete evasion of
the real question; but it was a concession to the feelings and decorum
of society which could not fail in some measure to operate as a
restraint in future labors. Her subsequent works were not quite so
decisive on these topics; and in some of them marriage was even treated
with a respectful recognition, and love was suffered to run its course
in purity and tranquillity, without any of those terrible struggles with
duty and conscience which were previously considered indispensable to
bring out its intensity.
And now comes an entirely new phase in the development of George Sand's
mind. Perhaps about this time the influences immediately acting upon her
may have undergone a modification that will partly help to explain the
miracle. Her daughter, the fair Solange, is grown up and about to be
married; and the household thoughts and cares, and the tenderness of a
serious and unselfish cast, which creep to a mother's heart on such
occasions, may have shed their sweetness upon this wayward soul, and
inspired it with congenial utterances. This is mere speculation, more or
less corroborated by time and circumstance; but whatever may have been
the agencies by which the charm was wrought, certain it is that George
Sand has recently produced a work which, we will not say flippantly in
the words of the song,
"Has for once a moral,"
but which is in the highest degree chaste in conception, and full of
simplicity and truthfulness in the execution. This work is in the form
of a three-act comedy, and is called "Francois le Champi." (For the
benefit of the country gentlemen, we may as well at once explain that
the word _champi_ means a foundling of the fields.)
The domestic morality, the quiet nature, the _home feeling_ of this
comedy may be described as something wonderful for George Sand; not that
her genius was not felt to be plastic enough for such a display, but
that nobody suspected she could have accomplished it with so slight an
appearance of artifice or false sentiment, or with so much geniality and
faith in its truth. But this is not the only wonder connected with
"Francois le Champi." Its reception by the Paris audience was something
yet more wonderful. We witnessed a few weeks ago at the Odeon its
hundred and fourth or fifth representation--and it was a sight not
readily forgotten. The acting, exquisite as it was through the minutest
articulation of the scene, was infinitely less striking than the
stillness and patience of the spectators. It was a strange and curious
thing to see these mercurial people pouring in from their gay _cafes_
and _restaurants_, and sitting down to the representation of this
dramatic pastoral with much the same close and motionless attention as a
studious audience might be expected to give to a scientific lecture. And
it was more curious still to contrast what was doing at that moment in
different places with a like satisfaction to other crowds of listeners;
and to consider what an odd compound that people must be who can equally
enjoy the rustic virtues of the Odeon, and the grossnesses and prurient
humors of the Varietes. Paris and the Parisians will, probably, forever
remain an enigma to the moral philosopher. One never can see one's way
through their surprising contradictions, or calculate upon what will
happen next, or what turn any given state of affairs will take. In this
sensuous, sentimental, volatile, and dismal Paris, any body who may
think it worth while to cross the water for such a spectacle, may see
reproduced together, side by side, the innocence of the golden age, and
the worst vices of the last stage of a high civilization.
At the bottom of all this, no doubt, will be found a constitutional
melancholy that goes a great way to account for the opposite excesses
into which the national character runs. A Frenchman is at heart the
saddest man in the universe; but his nature is of great compass at both
ends, being deficient only in the repose of the middle notes. And this
constitutional melancholy opposed to the habitual frivolity (it never
deserved to be called mirth) of the French is now more palpable than
ever. Commercial depression has brought it out in its darkest colors.
The people having got what they wanted, begin now to discover that they
want every thing else. The shops are empty--the Palais Royal is as
_triste_ as the suburb of a country town--and the drive in the Champs
Elysees, in spite of its display of horsemen and private carriages,
mixed up in motley cavalcade with hack cabriolets and omnibuses, is as
different from what it used to be in the old days of the monarchy, as
the castle of Dublin will be by-and-by, when the viceregal pageant is
removed to London. The sparkling butterflies that used to flirt about in
the gardens of the Tuileries, may now be seen pacing moodily along,
their eyes fixed on the ground, and their hands in their pockets,
sometimes with an old umbrella (which seems to be received by common
assent as the emblem of broken-down fortunes), and sometimes with a
brown paper parcel under their arms. The animal spirits of the Parisians
are very much perplexed under these circumstances; and hence it is that
they alternately try to drown their melancholy in draughts of fierce
excitement, or to solace it by gentle sedatives.
George Sand has done herself great honor by this charming little drama.
That she should have chosen such a turbulent moment for such an
experiment upon the public, is not the least remarkable incident
connected with it. Only a few months before we heard of her midnight
revels with the heads of the Repulican party in the midst of the fury
and bloodshed of an _emeute_; and then follows close upon the blazing
track of revolution, a picture of household virtues so sweet and
tranquil, so full of tenderness and love, that it is difficult to
believe it to be the production of the same hand that had recently flung
flaming addresses, like brands, into the streets to set the town on
fire. But we must be surprised at nothing that happens in France, where
truth is so much stranger than fiction, as to extinguish the last
fragment of an excuse for credulity and wonder.
AMUSEMENTS OF THE COURT OF LOUIS XV.
At one time the whole court was thrown into great commotion by a sudden
fancy which the king took for worsted work. A courier was instantly
dispatched to Paris for wool, needles, and canvas. He only took two
hours and a half to go and come back, and the same day all the courtiers
in Versailles were seen, with the Duke of Gesvres at their head,
embroidering like their sovereign. At a later period, both the new and
the old nobility joined in the common pursuit of pleasure before their
fall. Bad taste and frivolousness marked their amusements. Titled
ladies, who eagerly sought the favor of being allowed a seat in the
presence of Madame de Pompadour, visited in secret the popular ball of
the Porcherons, or amused themselves by breaking plates and glasses in
obscure cabarets, assuming the free and reckless tone of men. Their
husbands in the meanwhile embroidered at home, or paced the stately
galleries of Louis XIV, at Versailles, a little painted cardboard figure
in one hand, while with the other they drew the string which put it in
motion. This preposterous amusement even spread throughout the whole
ration, and grave magistrates were to be met in the streets playing,
like the rest, with their _pantins_, as these figures were called. This
childish folly was satirized in the following epigram:
"D'un peuple frivole et volage
Pantin fut la divinite.
Faut-il etre s'il cherissait l'image
Dont il est la realite?"
The general degeneracy of the times was acknowledged even by those who
shared in it. The old nobles ascribed it to that fatal evil, the want of
female chastity. Never, indeed, had this social stain been so universal
and so great.--_Women in France during the Eighteenth Century._
THE PLEASURES OF OLD AGE.--One forenoon I did prevail with my mother to
let them carry her to a considerable distance from the house, to a
sheltered, sunny spot, whereunto we did often resort formerly to hear
the wood-pigeons which frequented the fir trees hereabout. We seated
ourselves, and did pass an hour or two very pleasantly. She remarked,
how merciful it was ordered that these pleasures should remain to the
last days of life; that when the infirmities of age make the company of
others burdensome to us and ourselves a burden to them, the quiet
contemplation of the works of God affords a simple pleasure which
needeth not aught else than a contented mind to enjoy: the singing of
birds, even a single flower, or a pretty spot like this, with its bank
of primroses, and the brook running in there below, and this warm
sunshine, how pleasant they are. They take back our thoughts to our
youth, which ago doth love to look back upon.--_Diary of Lady
Willoughby._
[From Bentley's Miscellany.]
THE CIRCASSIAN PRIEST-WARRIOR AND HIS WHITE HORSE.
A TRUE TALE OF THE DAGHESTAN.
The Russian camp lay at the foot
Of a bold and lofty hill,
Where many a noble tree had root,
And babbled many a rill;
And the rill's laughter and the shade--
The melody and shade combin'd--
Men of most gentle feelings made,
But of unbending mind.
On that hill's side, concealed by trees,
Slumber'd Circassia's might,
Awaiting till the war-horse neighs
His welcome to the light.
The first gray light broke forth at length,
And with it rose the Invader's strength.
Now, if the Vulture, reasoning bird,
Foretelling blood and scenting strife,
Had not among the hill-clouds stirr'd,
One would have said that human life,
Save that of shepherds tending flocks,
Breathed not among yon silent rocks.
What Spectre, gliding tow'rd the rays
Of rising sun, meets Russian gaze,
And is it fright, amaze, or awe,
Distends each eye and hangs each jaw?
A Horse, as snow on mountain height,
His master clothed all, too, in white,
Moved slowly up the mountain's side,
Arching his neck in conscious pride.
And though the cannon pointed stood,
Charged with its slumb'ring lava flood,
The rider gave no spur nor stroke,
Nor did he touch the rein which lay
Upon the horse's neck--who yoke
Of spur nor rein did e'er obey.
His master's voice he knew--the horse,
And by it checked or strain'd his course.
But even no voice was needed now,
For when he reach'd the mountain's brow,
He halted while his master spread
His arms full wide, threw back his head,
And pour'd to Allah forth a pray'r--
Or seem'd to pray--for Russian ear
Even in that pure atmosphere,
The name of Allah 'lone could hear.
The sound, whose purport is to name
God's name--it is an awful sound,
No matter from what lips it came,
Or in what form 'tis found--
Jehovah! Allah! God alike,
Most Christian heart with terror strike.
For ignorant as may be man,
Or with perverted learning stored,
There is, within the soul's wide span,
A deep unutterable word.
A music, and a hymn,
Which any voice of love that breaks
From pious spirit gently wakes,
Like slumb'ring Cherubim.
And "Allah, Allah, Allah!" rose
More thrilling still for Russian foes
By Russian eyes unseen!
Behind a thick wood's screen,
Circassia's dreadful horsemen were
Bowed to the earth, and drinking there
Enthusiasm grand from pray'r,
Ready to spring as soldier fir'd,
When soldier is a Priest inspir'd.
Ay, o'er that host the sacred name
Of Allah rolled, a scorching flame,
That thrilled into the heart's deep core,
And swelled it like a heaving ocean
Visited by Tempest's roar.
Invader! such sublime emotion
Bodes thee no good--so do not mock
The sacred sound which fills each rock.
"Yon Priest must fall, and by his blood
Damp the affrighted army's zeal,
Who dream his body's proof and good
'Gainst flying ball or flashing steel."
A gun was pointed--match applied--
The ball leaped forth; the smoke spread wide.
And cleared away as the echo died,
And "Allah! Allah! Allah!" rose
From lips that never quiver'd:
Nor changed the White Priest's grand repose,
The White Horse never shiver'd.
The cannoneer, now trembling, blushed,
For he rarely missed his aim,
While his commander forward rushed,
With words of bitter blame.
"There is no mark to guide the eye,"
Faltered the chidden man;
"Yon thing of white is as the sky--
No difference can I scan!"
"Let charge the gun with _mitraille_ show'r,
And Allah will be heard no more."
And the gun was charged, and fixed, and fired;
Full fifty bullets flew.
The smoke hung long, the men admired
How the cannon burst not through.
And the startled echoes thundered,
And more again all wondered--
As died away the echoes' roar--
The name of Allah rose once more.
And "Allah! Allah! Allah!" rose,
While horse and rider look'd repose,
As statues on the mountain raised,
Round whom the _mitraille_ idly blazed,
And rent and tore the earth around;
But nothing shook except the ground,
Still the untroubled lip ne'er quivered,
Still that white altar-horse ne'er shivered.
"Wait his return," the captain cried;
"The mountain's side a mark supplies,
And range in line some twenty guns:
Fire one by one, as back he runs;
With _mitraille_ loaded be each gun--
For him who kills a grade is won!"
But back the White Horse ran not--no!
His pace was gentle, grand, and slow;
His rider on the holy skies,
In meditation fix'd his eyes.
The enemy, with murderous plan,
Knew not which to most admire,
The grand White Steed, the grander man,
When, lo! the signal--"Fire!"
"Unscath'd! unscath'd! now mark the race!"
The laughing soldiers cried:
The White Horse quickens not his pace,
The Priest spurs not his side.
"Ha! mark his figure on the rock!"
A second gun is ringing,
The rock itself is springing,
As from a mine's low shock,
Its splinters flying in the air,
And round the Priest and steed is there
Of balls and stones an atmosphere.
What not one stain upon his side!
The whited robe remains undyed--
No bloody rain upon the path--
Surprise subdues the soldier's wrath.
"Give him a chance for life, one chance;
(Now, hear the chance the captain gave)
Let every gun be fired at once--
At random, too--and he, the brave,
If he escape, will have to tell
A prodigy--a miracle--
Or meet the bloodiest grave
That ever closed o'er human corse,
O'er rider brave, or gallant horse."
And away, and away, like thunder weather,
Full twenty cannon blaze together;
Forth the volcano vomits wide.
The men who fired them spring aside,
As back the cannons wheeled.
Then came a solemn pause;
One would have thought the mountain reeled,
As a crater opes its jaws.
But the smoke and sulphur clearing,
Down the mountain's side, unfearing,
Phantom-like glided horse and man,
As though they had no danger ran.
"Hurrah! hurrah!" the soldiers cheer,
And clap their hands in wild delight.
Circassia's Priest, who scorn'd to fear,
Bears the applause of Muscovite.
But, soldiers, load your guns once more;
Load them if ye have time,
For ears did hear your cannons roar,
To whom it is as sweet bells chime,
Inviting to a battle feast.
Dark eyes did see the _mitraille_ driven,
With murderous intent,
'Gainst the High Priest, to whom was given
Protection by offended Heaven,
From you on murder bent,
Haste, sacrilegious Russian, haste,
For behold, their forest-screen they form,
With the ominous sounds of a gathering storm.
Promptly--swiftly--fatally burst,
That storm by Patriot-piety nursed;
Down it swept the mountain's side;
Fast o'er the plain it pour'd,
An avalanche--a deluge wide,
O'er the invader roared.
A White Horse, like a foaming wave,
Dashed forward 'mong the foremost brave,
And swift as is the silver light,
He arrowy clear'd his way,
And cut the mass as clouds a ray.
Or meteor piercing night.
Aimed at him now was many a lance,
No spear could stop his fiery prance,
Oft would he seize it with his mouth,
With snort and fierce tempestuous froth,
While swift the rider would cut down
The lanceman rash, and then dash on
Among advancing hosts, or flying,
Marking his path with foemen dying.
Now, the morning after, when
The gray light kiss'd the mountain,
And down it, like a fountain,
Freshly, clearly ran--oh, then
The Priest and White Horse rose,
So white they scarce threw shade,
But now no sacrilegious blows
At man nor horse are made.
The eyes profane that yester glared,
Hung'ring for that sacred life,
Were quench'd in yester's fatal strife,
And void of meaning stared.
No lip could mock--no Russian ear
Thanksgiving unto Allah hear,
"To Allah, the deliverer!"
The mountain look'd unchang'd, the plain is red;
Peaceful be the fallen invaders' bed.
_Paris._ J.F.C.
ON ATHEISM.--"I had rather," says Sir Francis Bacon, "believe all the
fables in the Legend, the Talmud, and the Koran, than that this
universal frame is without a mind. God never wrought miracles to
convince Atheists, because His ordinary works are sufficient to convince
them. It is true, that a little philosophy inclineth men's minds to
Atheism; but depth in philosophy bringeth them back to religion; for
while the mind of man looketh upon second causes scattered, it may
sometimes rest on them, and go no further; but when it beholdeth the
chain of them confederate and linked together, it must needs fly to
Providence and Deity."
[From the London Examiner.]
UNSECTARIAN EDUCATION IN ENGLAND.
Upon none of the various classes of official men who have been employed
for the last twenty years in introducing or extending social and
administrative reforms, has a more delicate, invidious, and thankless
task devolved, than upon those who have had the charge of the
preliminary arrangements for a system of national education.
A growing sense of the importance of this great subject has been slowly
manifesting itself since the close of last century. The Edgeworths
diffused practical views of individual education. Lancaster demonstrated
the possibility, by judicious arrangement, of imparting instruction to
great numbers of children at once, and, by thus reducing the cost of
education, of rendering it acceptable to the poorest. Before Lancaster
entered the field some benevolent persons, among whom Nonconformists
were the most numerous and active, had set on foot Sunday schools for
the benefit of those whose week-day toil left them no leisure for mental
cultivation. The High Church and Tory parties at first very bitterly
opposed these Sunday and Lancaster schools; but finding the tide too
strong against them, they set up Dr. Bell, as a Churchman, against
Lancaster the Dissenter, and organized the National School Society in
opposition to the British and Foreign School Society. Controversy, as
usual, not only increased the numbers of those who took an interest in
the discussion, but rectified and improved public opinion on the matters
at issue. The _Edinburgh Review_ took the lead, and for a considerable
time kept it, as the champion of unsectarian education; and the wit and
wisdom of Sydney Smith did invaluable service in this field.
The result was, that, very gradually, by means of individuals and
private associations, opportunities of education were extended to
classes who had not previously enjoyed them; improved methods of tuition
were introduced; and the good work went on in an imperfect, scrambling,
amorphous way till after the passing of the reform bill, and the
establishment of the Whigs in power. From this time we have to date the
first regular efforts--poor enough at first, lamentably inadequate
still, but steadily and progressively increasing--to countenance and
extend general education by the government and legislature.
The beginnings were very feeble, as we have said. From 1833 to 1838,
L20,000 was annually voted for the promotion of educational purposes,
and this paltry sum was administered by the Lords of the Treasury. Since
1839 the annual grant has been administered by the Committee of Council
on Education, and its amount has been progressively augmented. From 1839
to 1842 inclusive it was L30,000 per annum; in 1843 and 1844 it was
L40,000; L75,000 in 1845; L100,000 in 1846 and in 1847; and in 1848 it
was raised to L125,000. The distribution of this grant being intrusted
to a committee of council, the president became to a certain extent
invested with the character of a Minister of Education. A machinery of
government inspectors of schools was organized, and a permanent
educational secretary attached to the committee. Not to mention other
valuable results, we may add that the establishment of workhouse and
factory schools, and the institution of the normal school for training
teachers at Kneller Hall, are among the most prominent benefits for
which we are indebted to this growing recognition of a care for the
extension of general education as one of the duties of government.
When we thus look back on the twenty years since 1830, it can not be
denied that a great advance has been made. We have now the rudiments of
an educational department of government. The grants annually voted by
parliament for educational purposes are still, it must be confessed,
unworthily small, when contrasted with the sums freely voted for less
essential objects; and the operations of the committee on education have
been thwarted, impeded, and obstructed by all kinds of narrow-minded and
vexatious opposition. Still we can console ourselves by the reflection
that we have got an educational department of government; that the
public mind is becoming familiarized with its existence, and convinced
of its utility; and that its organization, slowly indeed, but surely, is
being extended and perfected.
This was substantially admitted by Mr. Fox in the able speech
introducing his supplementary educational plan to the House of Commons;
and with the strongest sense of the merits and claims of the government
measure, we find ourselves able very heartily to approve of the proposal
of Mr. Fox. It would remedy the defects of the existing system with the
least possible jar to existing prejudices. With nothing heretofore set
on foot for the promotion of educational purposes would it in any way
meddle--being addressed simply to the remedy of notorious defects, and
for that purpose using and strengthening the machinery at present
employed by government. It is on every account desirable that a fair and
earnest consideration should be given to the second reading of this
bill. It has been mixed up with other educational projects lately set on
foot, and not a very correct impression prevails respecting it.
For here we must be allowed to remark, in passing, that of all the
caviling and vexatious obstructions which the committee of council have
had to encounter, the most ungracious and indefensible appear to have
been those offered by advocates of unsectarian education less reasonable
and considerate than Mr. Fox. We are not going to challenge any
particular respect for the feelings of men in office. It is the
well-understood fate of those who undertake reforms to be criticised
sharply and unreflectingly; such unsparing treatment helps to harden
them for the discharge of unpalatable duties; and even the most captious
objections may be suggestive of improved arrangements. But making every
allowance on this score, it remains incontrovertible that men
entertaining sound abstract views respecting unsectarian education, and
the importance of intrusting to the local public a large share in the
control of educational institutions, like the members of the Lancashire
School Association and others, have not only refused to make due
allowance for the obstructions opposed to the committee of council on
education by the prepossessions of the general public, but, by assuming
an attitude of jealous opposition to it, have materially increased the
difficulties with which it has had to labor. These gentlemen think no
reform worth having unless it accord precisely with their preconceived
notions; and are not in the least contented with getting what they wish,
unless they can also have it in the exact way they wish it. Other and
even more factious malcontents have been found among a class of very
worthy but not very wise persons, who, before government took any charge
of education, had exerted themselves to establish Sunday and other
schools; and have now allowed the paltry jealousy lest under a new and
improved system of general education their own local and congregational
importance may be diminished, to drive them into a virulent opposition
to any scheme of national education under the auspices or by the
instrumentality of government. But all this parenthetically. Our
immediate object is to comment upon an opposition experienced in
carrying out the scheme of operations which the state of public opinion
has compelled government to adopt, coming from the very parties who were
most instrumental in forcing that scheme upon it.
The committee of council, finding it impossible, in the face of
threatened resistance from various religious bodies, to institute
schools by the unaided power of the secular authorities, yielded so far
as to enter into arrangements with the existing societies of promoters
of schools, with a view to carry out the object through their
instrumentality. The correspondence commenced in 1845 under the
administration of Sir Robert Peel, and the arrangements were concluded
under the ministry of Lord John Russell in 1846. It was agreed that
money should be advanced by government to assist in founding and
supporting schools in connection with various religious communions, on
the conditions that the schools should be open to the supervision of
government inspectors (who were, however, to be restrained from all
interference "with the religious instruction, or discipline, or
management of the schools"), and that certain "management clauses,"
drawn up in harmony with the religious views of the respective
communions, should be adhered to. On these terms arrangements were
concluded with the National Society, representing the promoters of
Church of England schools; with the British and Foreign School Society;
with the Wesleyan body; and with the Free Church of Scotland. A
negotiation with the Poor-school Committee of the Roman Catholic Church
is still pending.
With the exception of the National Society all the bodies who entered
into these arrangements with the Committee of Council have co-operated
with it in a frank and fair spirit, and to good purpose. A majority of
the National Society, on the other hand, have made vehement efforts to
recede from the very arrangements which they themselves had proposed;
and have at length concluded a tedious and wrangling attempt to cajole
or bully the committee on education to continue their grants, and yet
emancipate them from the conditions on which they were made, by passing,
on the 11th of December last, a resolution which virtually suspends all
co-operation between the society and government. The state of the
controversy may be briefly explained.
The "management clauses" relating to Church of England schools are few
in number. They relate, first, to the constitution of the managing
committee in populous and wealthy districts of towns; second, to the
constitution of the committee in towns and villages having not less than
a population of five hundred, and a few wealthy and well-educated
inhabitants; third, to its constitution in very small parishes, where
the residents are all illiterate, or indifferent to education; and,
fourth, to its constitution in rural parishes having a population under
five hundred, and where, from poverty and ignorance, the number of
subscribers is limited to very few persons. There are certain provisions
common to all these clauses. The master, mistress, assistant teachers,
managers, and electors, must all be _bona fide_ members of the church;
the clergyman is _ex-officio_ chairman of the committee, with power to
place his curate or curates upon it, and with a casting vote; the
superintendence of the religious and moral instruction is vested
exclusively in the clergyman, with an appeal to the bishop, whose
decision is final; the bishop has a veto on the use of any book, in
school hours, which he deems contrary to the doctrines of the church; in
matters not relating to religious and moral instruction, an appeal lies
to the president of the council, who refers it to one of the inspectors
of schools nominated by himself, to another commissioner nominated by
the bishop of the diocese, and to a third named by the other two
commissioners. It must be kept in mind as bearing on the composition of
such commissions, that the concurrence of the archbishop of the province
is originally requisite in appointing inspectors of church schools, and
that the third commissioner must be a magistrate and member of the
church. We now come to the points of difference in these "management
clauses." They relate exclusively to the constitution of the local
school committees. In the first class of schools, the committee is
elected by annual subscribers; in the second, it is nominated by the
promoters, and vacancies are supplied by election; in the third it is
nominated, as the promotions and vacancies are filled up, by the
remaining members, till the bishop may direct the election to be thrown
open to subscribers; in the fourth no committee is provided, but the
bishop may order one to be nominated by the clergyman from among the
subscribers.
The management clauses, thus drawn, were accepted by the National
Society. The provisions for appeal, in matters of moral and religious
instruction, had been proposed by themselves, and were in a manner
forced by them on the committee of council. Let us now look at the
claims which the society has since advanced, and on account of the
refusal of which it has suspended, if not finally broken off, its
alliance with the committee.
The National Society required: 1st, that a free choice among the several
clauses be left to the promoters of church schools; 2d, that another
court of appeal be provided, in matters not relating to religious and
moral instruction; and 3d, that all lay members of school committees
shall qualify to serve, by subscribing a declaration not merely to the
effect that they are members of the church, but that they have for three
years past been communicants. And because demur is made to these
demands, the committee of the society have addressed a letter to the
committee of council, in which they state that they "deeply regret the
resolution finally adopted by the committee of council to exclude from
all share in the parliamentary grant for education, those church schools
the promoters of which are unwilling to constitute their trust deeds on
the model prescribed by their lordships."
It is a minor matter, yet, in connection with considerations to be
hereafter alluded to, not unworthy of notice, that this statement is
simply untrue. The committee of council have only declined to
contribute, in the cases referred to, to the building of schools; they
have not absolutely declined to contribute to their support when built.
They have refused to give public money to build schools without a
guarantee for their proper management; but they have not refused to give
public money to support even such schools as withhold the guarantee, so
long as they _are_ properly conducted.
The object of the alterations in the management clauses demanded by the
National Society is sufficiently obvious. It is asked that a free choice
among the several clauses be left to the promoters of church schools.
This is a Jesuitical plan for getting rid of the co-operation and
control of lay committee-men. The fourth clause would uniformly be
chosen, under which no committee is appointed, but the bishop may
empower the clergyman to nominate one. It is asked that another court of
appeal be provided in matters relating to the appointment, selection,
and dismissal of teachers and their assistants. By this means the
teachers would be placed, in all matters, secular as well as religious,
under the despotic control of the clergy instead of being amenable, in
purely secular matters, to a committee principally composed of laymen,
with an appeal to lay judges. The third demand also goes to limit the
range of lay interference with, and control of church schools. The sole
aim of the demands of the National Society, however variously expressed,
is to increase the clerical power. Their desire and determination is to
invest the clergy with absolute despotic power over all Church of
England Schools.
In short, the quarrel fastened by the National Society on the committee
on education is but another move of that clerical faction which is
resolute to ignore the existence of laymen as part of the church, except
in the capacity of mere passing thralls and bondsmen of the clergy. It
is a scheme to further their peculiar views. It is another branch of the
agitation which preceded and has followed the appeal to the judicial
committee of the privy council in the Gorham case. It is a trick to
render the church policy and theories of Philpotts omnipotent. The
equivocation to evade the arrangement investing a degree of control over
church schools in lay contributors to their foundation and support, by
insisting upon liberty to choose an inapplicable "management clause," is
transparent. So is the factious complaint against the court of appeal
provided in secular matters, and the allegation that Nonconformists have
no such appeal, when the complainants know that this special arrangement
was conceded at their own request. The untrue averment that the
committee of council have refused to contribute to the support of
schools not adopting the management clauses is in proper keeping with
these equivocations. Let us add that the intolerant, almost blasphemous
denunciations of the council, and of all who act with it, which some
advancers of these falsehoods and equivocations have uttered from the
platform, are no more than might have been expected from men so lost to
the sense of honesty and shame.
The position of the committee of council on education is, simply and
fairly, this: They have yielded to the religious sentiment of an
overwhelming majority in the nation, and have consented to the
experiment of conducting the secular education of the people by the
instrumentality of the various ecclesiastical associations into which
the people are divided. But with reference to the church, as to all
other communions, they insist upon the laity having a fair voice in the
administration of those schools which are in part supplied by the public
money, and which have in view secular as well as religious instruction.
The clergy of only two communions seek to thwart them in this object,
and to arrogate all power over the schools to themselves. The conduct of
the ultra-High Church faction in the Anglican establishment we have
attempted to make clear. The conduct of the Roman Catholic clergy has
been more temperate, but hardly less insincere or invidious. Their
poor-school committee declare that their prelates would be unwilling "to
accept, were it tendered to them, an appellate jurisdiction over schools
in matters purely secular;" but at the same time they claim for their
"ecclesiastical authorities" the power of deciding what questions do or
do not affect "religion and morals." The committee of the council, on
the one hand, are exerting themselves to give effect to the desire of a
great majority of the English public, that religious and moral shall be
combined with intellectual education; and, on the other, to guard
against their compliance with this desire being perverted into an
insidious instrument for enabling arrogant priesthoods to set their feet
on the necks of the laity.
We challenge for public men thus honorably and usefully discharging
important duties a more frank and cordial support than it has yet been
their good fortune to obtain. Several ornaments of the church,
conspicuous for their learning and moderation--such men as the Bishop of
Manchester, Archdeacon Hare, and the Rev. Henry Parr Hamilton--have
already borne direct and earnest testimony to the temper and justice, as
well as straightforward, honesty of purpose, displayed by the committee
of council. It is to be hoped that the laity of the church will now
extend to them the requisite support; and that the Nonconformists and
educational enthusiasts, who, by their waywardness, have been playing
the game of the obscurantist priests, may see the wisdom of altering
this very doubtful policy.