III

Does it reside perchance in some primitive instinct of _taboo_;

of a superstition of fetish-worship fencing off sacred things as

unmentionable, and reinforced by the bad Puritan notion that holy

things are by no means to be enjoyed?

If so, I begin by referring you to the Greeks and their attitude

towards the Homeric poems. We, of course, hold the Old Testament

more sacred than Homer. But I very much doubt if it be more

sacred to us than the Iliad and the Odyssey were to an old

Athenian, in his day. To the Greeks--and to forget this is the

fruitfullest source of error in dealing with the Tragedians or

even with Aristophanes--to the Greeks, their religion, such as it

was, mattered enormously. They built their Theatre upon it, as we

most certainly do not; which means that it had sunk into their

daily life and permeated their enjoyment of it, as our religion

certainly does not affect _our_ life to enhance it as amusing or

pleasurable. We go to Church on Sunday, and write it off as an

observance; but if eager to be happy with a free heart, we close

early and steal a few hours from the working-day. We antagonise

religion and enjoyment, worship and holiday. Nature being too

strong for any convention of ours, courtship has asserted

itself as permissible on the Sabbath, if not as a Sabbatical

institution.

Now the Greeks were just as much slaves to the letter of their

Homer as any Auld Licht Elder to the letter of St Paul. No one

will accuse Plato of being overfriendly to poetry. Yet I believe

you will find in Plato some 150 direct citations from Homer, not

to speak of allusions scattered broadcast through the dialogues,

often as texts for long argument. Of these citations and

allusions an inordinate number seem to us laboriously trivial--

that is to say, unless we put ourselves into the Hellenic mind.

On the other hand Plato uses others to enforce or illustrate his

profoundest doctrines. For an instance, in "Phaedo" (§ 96)

Socrates is arguing that the soul cannot be one with the harmony

of the bodily affections, being herself the master-player who

commands the strings:

'--almost always' [he says] opposing and coercing them in all

sorts of ways throughout life, sometimes more violently with the

pains of medicine and gymnastic; then again more gently;--

threatening, and also reprimanding the desires, passions, fears,

as if talking to a thing which is not herself; as Homer in the

Odyssey represents Odysseus doing in the words

[Greek: stethos de plexas kradien enipape mutho:

tetlathi de, kradie; kai kynteron allo pot etles]

He beat his breast, and thus reproached his heart:

Endure, my heart; far worse hast thou endured.

Do you think [asks Socrates] that Homer wrote this under the idea

that the soul is a harmony capable of being led by the affections

of the body, and not rather of a nature which should lead and

master them--herself a far diviner thing than any harmony?

A Greek, then, will use Homer--_his_ Bible--minutely on niceties

of conduct or broadly on first principles of philosophy or

religion. But equally, since it is poetry all the time to him, he

will take--or to instance particular writers, Aristotle and the

late Greek, Longinus will take--a single hexameter to illustrate

a minute trick of style or turn of phrase, as equally he will

choose a long passage or the whole "Iliad," the whole "Odyssey,"

to illustrate a grand rule of poetic construction, a first

principle of aesthetics. For an example--'Herein,' says

Aristotle, starting to show that an Epic poem must have Unity of

Subject--'Herein, to repeat what we have said before, we have a

further proof of Homer's superiority to the rest. He did not

attempt to deal even with the Trojan War in its entirety, though

it was a whole story with a definite beginning, middle and end--

feeling apparently that it was too long a story to be taken in at

one view or else over-complicated by variety of incidents.' And

as Aristotle takes the "Iliad"--_his_ Bible--to illustrate a

grand rule of poetical construction, so the late writer of his

tradition--Longinus--will use it to exhibit the core and essence

of poetical sublimity; as in his famous ninth chapter, of which

Gibbon wrote:

The ninth chapter ... {of the [Greek: PERI UPSOUS] or "De

Sublimitate" of Longinus} is one of the finest monuments of

antiquity. Till now, I was acquainted only with two ways of

criticising a beautiful passage: the one, to show, by an exact

anatomy of it, the distinct beauties of it, and whence they

sprung; the other, an idle exclamation, or a general

encomium, which leaves nothing behind it. Longinus has

shown me that there is a third. He tells me his own feelings

upon reading it; and tells them with so much energy, that he

communicates them. I almost doubt which is more sublime,

Homer's Battle of the Gods, or Longinus's Apostrophe to

Terentianus upon it.

Well, let me quote you, in translation, a sentence or two from

this chapter, which produced upon Gibbon such an effect as almost

to anticipate Walter Pater's famous definition, 'To feel the

virtue of the poet, of the painter, to disengage it, to set it

forth--these are the three stages of the critic's duty.'

'Elsewhere,' says Longinus, 'I have written as follows:

_Sublimity is the echo of a great soul._'

'Sublimity is the echo of a great soul.'--It was worth repeating

too--was it not?

For it is not possible that men with mean and servile ideas and

aims prevailing throughout their lives should produce anything

that is admirable and worthy of immortality. Great accents we

expect to fall from the lips of those whose thoughts are deep

and grave.... Hear how magnificently Homer speaks of the higher

powers: 'As far as a man seeth with his eyes into the haze of

distance as he sitteth upon a cliff of outlook and gazeth over

the wine-dark sea, even so far at a bound leap the neighing

horses of the Gods.'

'He makes' [says Longinus] 'the vastness of the world the

measure of their leap.' Then, after a criticism of the Battle of

the Gods (too long to be quoted here) he goes on:

Much superior to the passages respecting the Battle of the

Gods are those which represent the divine nature as it really

is--pure and great and undefiled; for example, what is said of

Poseidon.

Her far-stretching ridges, her forest-trees, quaked in dismay,

And her peaks, and the Trojans' town, and the ships of Achaia's

array,

Beneath his immortal feet, as onward Poseidon strode.

Then over the surges he drave: leapt, sporting before the God,

Sea-beasts that uprose all round from the depths, for their king

they knew,

And for rapture the sea was disparted, and onward the car-steeds

flew[1].

Then how does Longinus conclude? Why, very strangely--very

strangely indeed, whether you take the treatise to be by that

Longinus, the Rhetorician and Zenobia's adviser, whom the Emperor

Aurelian put to death, or prefer to believe it the work of an

unknown hand in the first century. The treatise goes on:

Similarly, the legislator of the Jews [Moses], no ordinary

man, having formed and expressed a worthy conception of

the might of the Godhead, writes at the very beginning of his

Laws, 'God said'--What? 'Let there be light, and there was

light'

On The Art of Reading · 第 95 / 132 题