1788.
Sir:
Your favor of the 6th of September has been duly handed to me, and I
receive great pleasure from the hopes you appear to entertain of a
favorable turn of affairs in Vermont in regard to the new Government.
It is certainly an object of mutual importance to yourselves, and to
the Union, and well deserves the best endeavors of every discerning and
good man.
I observe with satisfaction your opinion that Vermont will not make
a point of introducing amendments. I mean as a condition of her
accession. That ground would be the most hazardous which she could
venture upon, as it is very probable that such amendments as might
be popular with you would be deemed inadmissible by the friends of
the system, who will doubtless be the most influential persons in the
national councils; and who would rather submit to the inconvenience
of your being out of the Union, till circumstances should alter, than
consent to any thing that might impair the energy of the Government.
The article of taxation is, above all, the most delicate thing to
meddle with; for as _plenary_ power in that respect must ever be
considered as the vital principle of government, no abridgment
or constitutional suspension of that power can ever, upon mature
consideration, be countenanced by the intelligent friends of an
effective National Government. You must, as I remarked in my former
letter, rely upon the natural course of things, which I am satisfied
will exempt you in ordinary times from direct taxation, on account
of the difficulty of exercising it in so extensive a country, so
peculiarly situated, with advantage to the revenue or satisfaction to
the people. Though this difficulty will be gradually diminished from
various causes, a considerable time must first elapse; and, in the
interim, you will have nothing to apprehend on this score.
As far as indirect taxation is concerned, it will be impossible to
exempt you from sharing in the burthen, nor can it be desired by your
citizens. I repeat these ideas to impress you the more strongly with
my sense of the danger of touching this chord, and of the impolicy
of perplexing the main object with any such collateral experiments,
while I am glad to perceive that you do not think your people will be
tenacious on the point.
It will be useless for you to have any view in your act to the
present Congress. They can of course do nothing in the matter. All
you will have to do, will be to pass an act of accession to the new
Constitution, on the conditions upon which you mean to rely. It will
then be for the new Government, when met, to declare whether you can be
received on your terms or not.
I am sorry to find that the affair of boundary is likely to create
some embarrassment. Men’s minds, every where out of your State, are
made up upon and reconciled to that which has been delineated by
Congress. Any departure from it must beget new discussions, in which
all the passions will have their usual scope, and may occasion greater
impediments than the real importance of the thing would justify. If,
however, the further claims you state cannot be gotten over with you,
I would still wish to see the experiment made, though with this clog,
because I have it very much at heart that you should become a member
of the Confederacy. It is, however, not to be inferred that the same
disposition will actuate every body. In this State, the pride of
certain individuals has too long triumphed over the public interest;
and in several of the Southern States a jealousy of Northern influence
will prevent any great zeal for increasing in the national councils the
number of Northern votes.
I mention these circumstances (though I dare say they will have
occurred to you), to show you the necessity of moderation and caution
on your part, and the error of any sanguine calculation upon a
disposition to receive you at any rate. A supposition of this nature
might lead to fatal mistakes.
In the event of an extension of your boundary beyond the Congressional
line, would it be impracticable for you to have commissioners appointed
to adjust any differences which might arise? I presume the principal
object with you in the extension of your boundary would be to cover
some private interests. This might be matter of negotiation. There is
one thing which I think it proper to mention to you, about which I have
some doubt; that is, whether a legislative accession would be deemed
valid. It is the policy of the system to lay its foundations in the
_immediate_ consent of the people. You will best judge how far it is
safe or practicable to have recourse to a convention. Whatever you do,
no time ought to be lost. The present moment is undoubtedly critically
favorable. Let it by all means be improved. I remain, with esteem, Sir,
Your obedient and humble servant,
A. Hamilton.
Nathaniel Chipman, Esq.