Newburgh, April 22, 1783.
Dear Sir:
I did not receive your letter of the fifteenth, till after my return
from Ringwood, where I had a meeting with the Secretary at War, for
the purpose of making arrangements for the release of our prisoners,
agreeably to the resolve of Congress of the fifteenth instant.
Finding a diversity of opinion respecting the treaty, and the line
of conduct we ought to observe with the prisoners, I requested, in
precise terms, to know from General Lincoln (before I entered on the
business), whether we were to exercise our own judgment with respect
to the _time_, as well as the _mode_, of releasing them; or were to be
confined to the latter: being informed that we had no option in the
first, Congress wishing to be eased of the expense as soon as possible,
I acted _solely_ on that ground.
At the same time, I scruple not to confess to you, that if this measure
was not dictated by necessity, it is, in my opinion, an impolitic
one; as we place ourselves in the power of the British, before the
treaty is definitive. The manner in which Peace was first announced,
and the subsequent declarations of it, have led the country and army
into a belief, that it was final. The ratification of the preliminary
articles, on the third of February, so far confirmed this, that one
consequence resulting from it, is, the soldiers for the war, conceive
the term of their services has actually expired; and I believe it is
not in the power of Congress, or their officers, to hold them much,
if any, longer; for we are obliged, at this moment, to increase our
guards, to prevent rioting, and the insults which the officers meet
with, in attempting to hold them to their duty. The proportion of
these men, amount to seven-elevenths of this army: these we shall lose
at the moment the British army will receive, by their prisoners, an
augmentation of five or six thousand men.
It is not for me to investigate the causes which induced this measure;
nor the policy of those letters (from authority) which gave the _ton_
to the present sentiment; but since they have been adopted, we ought,
in my opinion, to put a good face upon matters; and, by a liberal
conduct throughout, on our part (freed from appearances of distrust)
try if we cannot excite similar dispositions on theirs. Indeed,
circumstanced as things _now_ are, I wish, most fervently, that all
the troops which are not retained for a Peace Establishment, were
to be discharged immediately, or such of them, at least, as do not
incline to await the settlement of their accounts. If they continue
here, their claims, I can plainly perceive, will increase; and our
perplexities multiply. A petition is this moment handed to me, from the
non-commissioned officers of the Connecticut line, soliciting half pay.
It is well drawn, I am told, but I did not read it. I sent it back,
without appearing to understand the contents, because it did not come
through the channel of their officers. This may be followed by others:
and I mention it, to show the necessity, the absolute necessity, of
discharging the _Warsmen_ as soon as possible.
I have taken much pains to support Mr. Morris’s administration in the
army; and, in proportion to its numbers, I believe he had not more
friends any where: but if he will neither adopt the mode which has
been suggested, point out any other, nor show cause why the first is
either impracticable or impolitic (I have heard he objects to it),
they will certainly attribute their disappointment to a lukewarmness
in him, or some design incompatible with their interests. And here, my
dear Colonel Hamilton, let me assure you, that it would not be more
difficult to still the raging billows in a tempestuous gale, than to
convince the officers of this army, of the justice, or policy, of
paying men, in civil offices, full wages, when _they_ cannot obtain a
sixtieth part of their dues.
I am not unapprised of the arguments which are made use of, upon this
occasion, to discriminate the cases: but they really are futile; and
may be summed up in this: that though both are contending for the same
rights, and expect equal benefits, yet, both cannot submit to the same
inconveniences to obtain them: otherwise, to adopt the language of
simplicity and plainness, a ration of salt pork, with or without pease,
as the case often is, would support the one as well as the other; and,
in such a struggle as ours, would, in my opinion, be alike honorable in
both.
My anxiety to get home, increases with the prospect of it. But when
is it to happen? I have not heard that Congress have yet had under
consideration, the lands, and other gratuities, which, at different
periods of the war, have been promised to the army. Do not these things
evince the necessity of a committee’s repairing to camp, in order to
arrange and adjust matters without spending time in a tedious exchange
of letters? Unless something of this kind is adopted, business will
be delayed, and expenses accumulated; or the army will break up in
disorder, go home enraged, complaining of injustice, and committing
enormities on the innocent inhabitants in every direction.
I write to you unreservedly. If, therefore, contrary to my
apprehension, all these matters are in a proper train, and Mr. Morris
has devised means to give the army three months’ pay, you will, I am
persuaded, excuse my precipitancy and solicitude, by ascribing it to
an earnest wish to see the war happily and honorably terminated; to
my anxious desire of enjoying some repose; and the necessity of my
paying a little attention to my private concerns, which have suffered
considerably in eight years’ absence.
M’Henry, expressing, in a letter I have lately received from him, a
wish to be appointed official Secretary to the Court of Versailles, or
London, I have, by this opportunity, written to Mr. Livingston, and Mr.
Madison, speaking of him in warm terms; and wish him success with all
my heart.
I am, dear Sir,
With great esteem and regard,
Your most obedient servant,
G. Washington.
Colonel Hamilton.