Newburgh, March 4, 1783.
Dear Sir:
I have received your favor of February, and thank you for the
information and observations it has conveyed to me. I shall always
think myself obliged by a free communication of sentiments, and have
often thought (but suppose I thought wrong, as it did not accord with
the practice of Congress), that the public interest might be benefited,
if the Commander-in-Chief of the army was let more into the political
and pecuniary state of our affairs than he is. Enterprises, and the
adoption of military and other arrangements that might be exceedingly
proper in some circumstances, would be altogether improper in others.
It follows, then, by fair deduction, that where there is a want of
information, there must be chance-medley; and a man may be upon the
brink of a precipice before he is aware of his danger, when a little
foreknowledge might enable him to avoid it. But this by the by.
The hint contained in your letter, and the knowledge I have derived
from the public gazettes, respecting the non-payment of taxes, contain
all the information I have received of the danger that stares us in the
face on account of our funds; and so far was I from conceiving that
our finances were in so deplorable a state, _at this time_, that I had
imbibed ideas from some source or other, that, with the prospect of a
loan from Holland, we should be able to rub along.
To you, who have seen the danger to which the army has been exposed
to a political dissolution for want of subsistence, and the unhappy
spirit of licentiousness which it imbibed by becoming, in one or two
instances, its own proveditors, no observations are necessary to
evince the fatal tendency of such a measure; but I shall give it as my
opinion, that it would at this day be productive of civil commotions
and end in blood. Unhappy situation this! God forbid we should be
involved in it.
The predicament in which I stand, as citizen and soldier, is as
critical and delicate as can well be conceived. It has been the subject
of many contemplative hours. The sufferings of a complaining army on
one hand, and the inability of Congress, and tardiness of the States on
the other, are the forebodings of evil, and may be productive of events
which are more to be deprecated than prevented: but I am not without
hope, if there is such a disposition shown as prudence and policy
dictate, to do justice, your apprehensions, in case of peace, are
greater than there is cause for. In this, however, I may be mistaken,
if those ideas which you have been informed are propagated in the army,
should be extensive, the source of which may be easily traced; as the
old leaven, _it is said_, for I have no proof of it, is again beginning
to work, under the mask of the most perfect dissimulation and apparent
cordiality.
Be these things as they may, I shall pursue the same steady line
of conduct which has governed me hitherto; fully convinced, that
the sensible and discerning part of the army cannot be unacquainted
(although I never took pains to inform them) of the services I have
rendered it on more occasions than one. This, and pursuing the
suggestions of your letter, which I am happy to find coincide with
my own practice for several months past, and which was the means of
directing the business of the army into the channel it now is, leave me
under no _great_ apprehension of its exceeding the bounds of reason and
moderation; notwithstanding the prevailing sentiment in the army is,
that the prospect of compensation for past services will terminate with
the war.
The just claims of the army ought, and it is to be hoped will, have
their weight with every sensible Legislature in the Union, if Congress
point to their demands; show (if the case is so) the reasonableness of
them; and the impracticability of complying without their aid. In any
other point of view, it would, in my opinion, be impolitic to introduce
the army on the tapis, lest it should excite jealousy and bring on
its concomitants. The States cannot, surely, be so devoid of common
sense, common honesty, and common policy, as to refuse their aid, on
a full, clear, and candid representation of facts from Congress; more
especially, if these should be enforced by members of their own body,
who might demonstrate what the inevitable consequences of failure must
lead to.
In my opinion it is a matter worthy of consideration, how far an
adjournment of Congress for a few months is advisable. The delegates,
in that case, if they are in unison themselves respecting the great
defects of their Constitution, may represent them fully and boldly to
their constituents. To me, who know nothing of the business which is
before Congress, nor of the arcanum, it appears that such a measure
would tend to promote the public weal: for it is clearly my opinion,
unless Congress have powers competent to all _general_ purposes, that
the distresses we have encountered, the expenses we have incurred, and
the blood we have spilt, in the course of an eight years’ war, will
avail us nothing.
The contents of your letter is known only to myself; and your prudence
will direct what should be done with this.
With great esteem and regard,
I am, dear Sir,
Your most obedient servant,
G. Washington.
To the Hon. Alexander Hamilton, Esq.