whose inhabitants were all worshippers of the Sun. Hence most names are an
assemblage of his titles. Such is Cyrestia, Chalybon, Comana, Ancura,
Cocalia, Cabyra, Arbela, Amida, Emesa, Edessa, and the like. Emesa is a
compound of Ham-Es: the natives are said by Festus Avienus to have been
devoted to the Sun:
[632]Denique flammicomo devoti pectora Soli
Vitam agitant.
Similar to Emesa was Edessa, or more properly Adesa, so named from Hades,
the God of light. The emperor Julian styles the region--Ἱερον εξ αιωνος τῳ
Ἡλιῳ [633]Χωριον. This city was also, from its worship, styled [634]Ur,
Urhoe, and Urchoë; which last was probably the name of the [635]temple.
There were many places called Arsene, Arsine, Arsinoë, Arsiana. These were
all the same name, only varied in different countries; and they were
consequently of the same purport. Arsinoë is a compound of arez-ain, Solis
fons: and most places so denominated will be found famed for some fountain.
One of this name was in Syria; [636]Αρσινοη πολις εν Συριᾳ, επι βουνῳ
κειμενη. απο δε του βουνου κρηνας ερευγεται πλειονας--αφ' ὡν ἡ πολις
ωνομασται. _Arsinoë is a city in Syria, situated upon a rising ground, out
of which issue many streams: from hence the city had its name_. Arsine and
Arsiana in Babylonia had [637]fountains of bitumen. Arsene in Armenia was a
nitrous lake: [638]Αρσηνη λιμην--νιτριτις. Near Arsinoë, upon the Red Sea,
were hot streams of bitter [639]waters; and Arsinoë near [640]Ephesus had
waters equally bitter.
There were many people called Hyrcani; and cities and regions, Hyrcania: in
the history of which there will be uniformly found some reference to fire.
The name is a compound of Ur-chane, the God of that element. He was
worshipped particularly at Ur, in Chaldea: and one tribe of that nation
were called Urchani. Strabo mentions them as only one branch of the
[641]literati; but [642]Pliny speaks of them as a people, a tribe of the
Chaldeans. Here was the source of fire worship: and all the country was
replete with bitumen and fire. There was a region [643]Hyrcania, inhabited
by the Medes; which seems to have been of the same inflammable nature. The
people were called Hyrcani, and Astabeni: which latter signifies the sons
of fire. Celiarius mentions a city Hyrcania in [644]Lydia. There were
certainly people styled Hyrcani; and a large plain called Campus Hyrcanus
[645] in the same part of the world. It seems to have been a part of that
parched and burning region called κατακεκαυμενη, so named from the fires
with which it abounded. It was near Hierapolis, Caroura, and Fossa
Charonea; all famed for fire.
It may seem extraordinary, yet I cannot help thinking, that the Hercynian
forest in Germany was no other than the Hurcanian, and that it was
denominated from the God Urcan, who was worshipped here as well as in the
east. It is mentioned by Eratosthenes and Ptolemy, under the name of δρυμος
Ορκυνιος, or the forest of [646]Orcun; which is, undoubtedly, the same name
as that above. I have taken notice, that the name of the mountain Pyrene
signified a fountain of fire, and that the mountain had once flamed. There
was a Pyrene among the Alpes [647]Tridentini, and at the foot of it a city
of the same [648]name; which one would infer to have been so denominated
from the like circumstance. I mention this, because here was the regio
Hercynia, where the Hercynian forest[649] commenced, and from which it
received its name. Beatus Rhenanus, in his account of these parts, says,
that there was a tradition of this mountain Pyrene once[650] burning: and,
conformably to this notion, it is still distinguished by the name of the
great [651]Brenner. The country, therefore, and the forest may have been
called Orcunian upon this account. For as the worship of the Sun, the Deity
of fire, prevailed greatly at places of this nature, I make no doubt but
Hercynia, which Ptolemy expresses Ορκυνια was so named from Or-cun, the God
of that element.
We must not be surprised to find Amonian names among the Alpes; for some of
that family were the first who passed them. The merit of great performances
was by the Greeks generally attributed to a single person. This passage
therefore through the mountains is said by some to have been the work of
Hercules: by others of Cottus, and [652]Cottius. From hence this particular
branch of the mountains had the name of Alpes Cottiae; and the country was
called Regio Cottiana: wherein were about twelve capital [653]cities. Some
of that antient and sacred nation, the Hyperboreans, are said by Posidonius
to have taken up their residence in these parts. [654]Τους
Ὑπερβορεους--οικειν περι τας Αλπεις της Ιταλιας. Here inhabited the
Taurini: and one of the chief cities was Comus. Strabo styles the country
the land of [655]Ideonus, and Cottius. These names will be found hereafter
to be very remarkable. Indeed many of the Alpine appellations were Amonian;
as were also their rites: and the like is to be observed in many parts of
Gaul, Britain, and Germany. Among other evidences the worship of Isis, and
of her sacred ship, is to be noted; which prevailed among the Suevi.
[656]Pars Suevorum et Isidi sacrificat: unde causa et origo peregrino
sacro, parum comperi; nisi quod signum ipsum in modum Liburnæ figuratum
docet advectam religionem. The ship of Isis was also reverenced at Rome:
and is marked in the [657]calendar for the month of March. From whence the
mystery was derived, we may learn from [658]Fulgentius. Navigium Isidis
Ægyptus colit. Hence we find, that the whole of it came from Egypt. The
like is shewn by [659]Lactantius. To this purpose I could bring innumerable
proofs, were I not limited in my progress. I may perhaps hereafter
introduce something upon this head, if I should at any time touch upon the
antiquities of Britain and Ireland; which seem to have been but imperfectly
known. Both of these countries, but especially the latter, abound with
sacred terms, which have been greatly overlooked. I will therefore say so
much in furtherance of the British Antiquarian, as to inform him, that
names of places, especially of hills, promontories, and rivers, are of long
duration; and suffer little change. The same may be said of every thing,
which was esteemed at all sacred, such as temples, towers, and high mounds
of earth; which in early times were used for altars. More particularly all
mineral and medicinal waters will be found in a great degree to retain
their antient names: and among these there may be observed a resemblance in
most parts of the world. For when names have been once determinately
affixed, they are not easily effaced. The Grecians, who under Alexander
settled in Syria, and Mesopotamia, changed many names of places, and gave
to others inflections, and terminations after the mode of their own
country. But Marcellinus, who was in those parts under the Emperor Julian,
assures us, that these changes and variations were all cancelled: and that
in his time the antient names prevailed. Every body, I presume, is
acquainted with the history of Palmyra, and of Zenobia the queen; who
having been conquered by the emperor Aurelian, was afterwards led in
triumph. How much that city was beautified by this princess, and by those
of her family, may be known by the stately ruins which are still extant.
Yet I have been assured by my late excellent and learned friend Mr. Wood,
that if you were to mention Palmyra to an Arab upon the spot, he would not
know to what you alluded: nor would you find him at all more acquainted
with the history of Odænatus, and Zenobia. Instead of Palmyra he would talk
of Tedmor; and in lieu of Zenobia he would tell you, that it was built by
Salmah Ebn Doud, that is by Solomon the son of David. This is exactly
conformable to the account in the scriptures: for it is said in the Book of
Chronicles, [660]_He also_ (Solomon) _built Tadmor in the wilderness_. The
Grecian name Palmyra, probably of two thousand years standing, is novel to
a native Arab.
As it appeared to me necessary to give some account of the rites, and
worship, in the first ages, at least in respect to that great family, with
which I shall be principally concerned, I took this opportunity at the same
time to introduce these etymological inquiries. This I have done to the
intent that the reader may at first setting out see the true nature of my
system; and my method of investigation. He will hereby be able to judge
beforehand of the scope which I pursue; and of the terms on which I found
my analysis. If it should appear that the grounds, on which I proceed, are
good, and my method clear, and warrantable, the subsequent histories will
in consequence of it receive great illustration. But should it be my
misfortune to have my system thought precarious, or contrary to the truth,
let it be placed to no account, but be totally set aside: as the history
will speak for itself; and may without these helps be authenticated.
[Illustration: Pl. I. _Mons Argæus Ex Numism Tyanorum et Cæsariensium_]
* * * * *
OF
WORSHIP PAID AT CAVERNS;
AND OF
THE ADORATION OF FIRE
IN THE
FIRST AGES.
As soon as religion began to lose its purity, it degenerated very fast;
and, instead of a reverential awe and pleasing sense of duty, there
succeeded a fearful gloom and unnatural horror, which were continually
augmented as superstition increased. Men repaired in the first ages either
to the lonely summits of mountains, or else to caverns in the rocks, and
hollows in the bosom of the earth; which they thought were the residence of
their Gods. At the entrance of these they raised their altars and performed
their vows. Porphyry takes notice how much this mode of worship prevailed
among the first nations upon the earth: [661]Σπηλαια τοινυν και αντρα των
παλαιοτατων, πριν και ναους επινοησαι, θεοις αφοσιουντων και εν Κρητῃ μεν
Κουρητων Διι, εν Αρκαδιᾳ δε Σεληνῃ, και Πανι εν Λυκειῳ και εν Ναξῳ Διονυσῳ.
When in process of time they began to erect temples, they were still
determined in their situation by the vicinity of these objects, which they
comprehended within the limits of the sacred inclosure. These melancholy
recesses were esteemed the places of the highest sanctity: and so greatly
did this notion prevail, that, in aftertimes, when this practice had
ceased, still the innermost part of the temple was denominated the
_cavern_. Hence the Scholiast upon Lycophron interprets the words παρ'
αντρα in the poet, [662]Τους εσωτατους τοπους του ναου. _The cavern is the
innermost place of the temple_. Pausanias, speaking of a cavern in Phocis,
says, that it was particularly sacred to Aphrodite. [663]Αφροδιτη δ' εχει
εν σπηλαιῳ τιμας. _In this cavern divine honours were paid to Aphrodite._
Parnassus was rendered holy for nothing more than for these unpromising
circumstances. Ἱεροπρεπης ὁ Παρνασσος, εχων αντρα τε και αλλα χωρια
τιμωμενα τε, και, ἁγιστευομενα.[664] _The mountain of Parnassus is a place
of great reverence; having many caverns, and other detached spots, highly
honoured and sanctified_. At Tænarus was a temple with a fearful aperture,
through which it was fabled that Hercules dragged to light the dog of hell.
The cave itself seems to have been the temple; for it is said, [665]Επι τῃ
ακρᾳ Ναος εικασμενος σπηλαιῳ. _Upon the top of the promontory stands a
temple, in appearance like a cavern_. The situation of Delphi seems to have
been determined on account of a mighty chasm in the hill, [666]οντος
χασματος εν τῳ τοπῳ: and Apollo is said to have chosen it for an oracular
shrine, on account of the effluvia which from thence proceeded.
[667]Ut vidit Pæan vastos telluris hiatus
Divinam spirare fidem, ventosque loquaces
Exhalare solum, sacris se condidit antris,
Incubuitque adyto: vates ibi factus Apollo.
Here also was the temple of the [668]Muses, which stood close upon a
reeking stream. But, what rendered Delphi more remarkable, and more
reverenced, was the Corycian cave, which lay between that hill and
Parnassus. It went under ground a great way: and Pausanias, who made it his
particular business to visit places of this nature, says, _that it was the
most extraordinary of any which he ever beheld_. [669]Αντρον Κωρυκιον
σπηλαιων, ὡν ειδον, θεας αξιον μαλιστα. There were many caves styled
Corycian: one in Cilicia, mentioned by Stephanus Byzantinus from
Parthenius, who speaks of a city of the same name: Παρ' ᾑ το Κωρυκιον
αντρον Νυμφων, αξιαγαστον θεαμα. _Near which city was the Corycian cavern,
sacred to the nymphs, which afforded a sight the most astonishing_. There
was a place of this sort at [670]Samacon, in Elis; and, like the above,
consecrated to the nymphs. There were likewise medicinal waters, from which
people troubled with cutaneous and scrofulous disorders found great
benefit. I have mentioned the temple at Hierapolis in [671]Phrygia; and the
chasm within its precincts, out of which there issued a pestilential
vapour. There was a city of the same name in [672]Syria, where stood a
temple of the highest antiquity; and in this temple was a fissure, through
which, according to the tradition of the natives, the waters at the deluge
retired. Innumerable instances might be produced to this purpose from
Pausanias, Strabo, Pliny, and other writers.
It has been observed, that the Greek term κοιλος, hollow, was often
substituted for Coëlus, heaven: and, I think, it will appear to have been
thus used from the subsequent history, wherein the worship of the
Atlantians is described. The mythologists gave out, that Atlas supported
heaven: one reason for this notion was, that upon mount Atlas stood a
temple to Coëlus. It is mentioned by Maximus Tyrius in one of his
dissertations, and is here, as in many other instances, changed to κοιλος,
hollow. The temple was undoubtedly a cavern: but the name is to be
understood in its original acceptation, as Coël, the house of God; to which
the natives paid their adoration. This mode of worship among the Atlantian
betrays a great antiquity; as the temple seems to have been merely a vast
hollow in the side of the mountain; and to have had in it neither image,
nor pillar, nor stone, nor any material object of adoration: [673]Εστι δε
Ατλας ορος κοιλον, επιεικως ὑψηλον.--Τουτο Λιβυων και ἱερον, και θεος, και
ὁρκος, και αγαλμα. _This Atlas (of which I have been speaking) is a
mountain with a cavity, and of a tolerable height, which the natives esteem
both as a temple and a Deity: and it is the great object by which they
swear; and to which they pay their devotions_. The cave in the mountain was
certainly named Co-el, the house of God; equivalent to Cœlus of the Romans.
To this the people made their offerings: and this was the heaven which
Atlas was supposed to support. It seems to have been no uncommon term among
the Africans. There was a city in Libya named Coël, which the Romans
rendered Coëlu. They would have expressed it Coelus, or Cœlus; but the name
was copied in the time of the Punic wars, before the s final was admitted
into their writings. Vaillant has given several specimens of coins struck
in this city to the honour of some of the Roman [674]emperors, but
especially of Verus, Commodus, and Antoninus Pius.
[Illustration: Pl. II. _Temple of Mithras near Naki Rustan in Persia. Also
temples in the rock near the Plain of the Magi._ From Le Bruyn.]
Among the Persians most of the temples were caverns in rocks, either formed
by nature, or artificially produced. They had likewise Puratheia, or open
temples, for the celebration of the rites of fire. I shall hereafter shew,
that the religion, of which I have been treating, was derived from the sons
of Chus: and in the antient province of Chusistan, called afterwards
Persis, there are to be seen at this day many curious monuments of
antiquity, which have a reference to that worship. The learned Hyde
supposes them to have been either [675]palaces, or tombs. The chief
building, which he has taken for a palace, is manifestly a Puratheion; one
of those open edifices called by the Greeks Ὑπαιθρα. It is very like the
temple at Lucorein in upper Egypt, and seems to be still entire. At a
glance we may perceive, that it was never intended for an habitation. At a
distance are some sacred grottos, hewn out of the rock; the same which he
imagines to have been tombs. Many of the antients, as well as of the
moderns, have been of the same opinion. In the front of these grottos are
representations of various characters: and among others is figured, more
than once, a princely personage, who is approaching the altar where the
sacred fire is [676]burning. Above all is the Sun, and the figure of a
Deity in a cloud, with sometimes a sacred bandage, at other times a serpent
entwined round his middle, similar to the Cnuphis of Egypt. Hyde supposes
the figure above to be the soul of the king, who stands before the altar:
but it is certainly an emblem of the Deity, of which we have a second
example in Le [677]Bruyn, copied from another part of these edifices. Hyde
takes notice, that there were several repetitions of this history, and
particularly of persons, solem et ignem in pariete delineatos intuentes:
yet he forms his judgment from one specimen only. These curious samples of
antient architecture are described by [678]Kæmpfer, [679]Mandesloe,
[680]Chardin, and [681]Le Bruyn. They are likewise taken notice of by
[682]Thevenot, and Herbert. In respect to the grottos I am persuaded, that
they were temples, and not tombs. Nothing was more common among the
Persians than to have their temples formed out of rocks. Mithras e
[683]Petrâ was in a manner a proverb. Porphyry assures us, that the Deity
had always a rock or cavern for his temple: that people, in all places,
where the name of Mithras was known, paid their worship at a [684]cavern.
Justin Martyr speaks to the same [685]purpose: and Lutatius Placidus
mentions that this mode of worship began among the Persians, [686]Persæ in
spelæis coli solem primi invenisse dicuntur. There is therefore no reason
to think that these grottos were tombs; or that the Persians ever made use
of such places for the sepulture of their kings. The tombs of [687]Cyrus,
[688]Nitocris, and other oriental princes, were within the precincts of
their cities: from whence, as well as from the devices upon the
entablatures of these grottos, we may be assured that they were designed
for temples. Le Bruyn indeed supposes them to have been places of burial;
which is very natural for a person to imagine, who was not acquainted with
the antient worship of the people. Thevenot also says, that he [689]went
into the caverns, and saw several stone coffins. But this merely
conjectural: for the things, to which he alludes, were not in the shape of
coffins, and had undoubtedly been placed there as cisterns for water, which
the Persians used in their nocturnal lustrations. This we may, in great
measure, learn from his own words: for he says, that these reservoirs were
square, and had a near resemblance to the basons of a fountain. The hills,
where these grottos have been formed, are probably the same, which were of
old famous for the strange echoes, and noises heard upon them. The
circumstance is mentioned by Clemens Alexandrinus[690], who quotes it from
the writers, who treated of the Persic history. It seems that there were
some sacred hills in Persis, where, as people passed by, there were heard
shouts, as of a multitude of people: also hymns and exultations, and other
uncommon noises. These sounds undoubtedly proceeded from the priests at
their midnight worship: whose voices at that season were reverberated by
the mountains, and were accompanied with a reverential awe in those who
heard them. The country below was called Χωρα των Μαγων, the region of the
Magi.
The principal building also, which is thought to have been a palace, was a
temple; but of a different sort. The travellers above say, that it is
called Istachar: and Hyde repeats it, and tells us, that it signifies e
rupe sumptum, seu rupe constans saxeum palatium: and that it is derived
from the Arabic word sachr, rupes, in the eighth [691]conjugation. I am
sorry, that I am obliged to controvert this learned man's opinion, and to
encounter him upon his own ground, about a point of oriental etymology. I
am entirely a stranger to the Persic, and Arabic languages; yet I cannot
acquiesce in his opinion. I do not think that the words e rupe sumptum, vel
rupe constans saxeum palatium, are at any rate materials, out of which a
proper name could be constructed. The place to be sure, whether a palace,
or a temple, is built of stone taken from the quarry, or rock: but what
temple or palace is not? Can we believe that they would give as a proper
name to one place, what was in a manner common to all; and choose for a
characteristic what was so general and indeterminate? It is not to be
supposed. Every symbol, and representation relates to the worship of the
country: and all history shews that such places were sacred, and set apart
for the adoration of fire, and the Deity of that element, called Ista, and
Esta.[692] Ista-char, or Esta-char is the place or temple of Ista or Esta;
who was the Hestia, Ἑστια, of the Greeks, and Vesta of the Romans. That the
term originally related to fire we have the authority of Petavius.
[693]Hebraïcâ linguâ אש ignem significat, Aramæâ אשתא quâ voce ignem a
Noëmo vocatum Berosus prodidit: atque inde fortassis Græci Ἑστιας originem
deduxerunt. Herbert, therefore, with great propriety, supposes the building
to have been the temple of [694]Anaia, or Anaïs; who was the same as Hanes,
as well as Hestia. Procopius, speaking of the sacred fire of the Persians,
says expressly, that it was the very same which in aftertimes the Romans
worshipped, and called the fire of Hestia, or Vesta. [695]Τουτο εστι το
πυρ, ὁπερ Ἑστιαν εκαλουντο, και εσεβοντο εν τοις ὑστεροις χρονοις Ρωμαιοι.
This is farther proved from a well known verse in Ovid.
[696]Nec tu aliud Vestam, quam vivam intellige flammam.
Hyde renders the term after Kæmpfer, Ista: but it was more commonly
expressed Esta, and Asta. The Deity was also styled Astachan, which as a
masculine signified Sol Dominus, sive Vulcanus Rex. This we may infer from
a province in Parthia, remarkable for eruptions of fire, which was called
[697]Asta-cana, rendered by the Romans Astacene, the region of the God of
fire. The island Delos was famous for the worship of the sun: and we learn
from Callimachus, that there were traditions of subterraneous fires
bursting forth in many parts of it.
[698]Φυκος ἁπαν κατεφλεξας, επει περικαιεο πυρι.
Upon this account it was called [699]Pirpile; and by the same poet Histia,
and Hestia, similar to the name above. [700]Ιστιη, ω νησων ευεστιη. The
antient Scythæ were worshippers of fire: and Herodotus describes them as
devoted to Histia[701]. Ἱλασκοντας Ἱστιην μεν μαλιστα. From hence, I think,
we may know for certain the purport of the term Istachar, which was a name
given to the grand Pureion in Chusistan from the Deity there worshipped. It
stands near the bottom of the hills with the caverns in a widely-extended
plain: which I make no doubt is the celebrated plain of the magi mentioned
above by Clemens. We may from these data venture to correct a mistake in
Maximus Tyrius, who in speaking of fire-worship among the Persians, says,
that it was attended with acclamations, in which they invited the Deity to
take his repast[702]. Πυρ, δεσποτα, εσθιε. What he renders εσθιε, was
undoubtedly Ἑστιε, Hestie, the name of the God of fire. The address was, Ω
Πυρ, δεσποτα, Ἑστιε: O mighty Lord of fire, Hestius: which is changed to O
Fire, come, and feed.
The island Cyprus was of old called [703]Cerastis, and Cerastia; and had a
city of the same name. This city was more known by the name of Amathus: and
mention is made of cruel rites practised in its [704]temple. As long as the
former name prevailed, the inhabitants were styled Cerastæ. They were more
particularly the priests who were so denominated; and who were at last
extirpated for their cruelty. The poets imagining that the term Cerastæ
related to a horn, fabled that they were turned into bulls.