CHAPTER XXXIII.

NORWAY DURING THE KALMAR UNION.

Olaf was succeeded both in Denmark and Norway by his mother, Margaret,

who became reigning queen. The real heir to the Norwegian throne was, in

accordance with the law of succession, the Lord High Steward (Drost)

Haakon Jonsson, a grandson of Agnes, an illegitimate daughter of Haakon

Longlegs. But he did not possess the power to assert his claim against

Margaret, who, by skilful intriguing, had induced the archbishop,

Vinald, and the majority of the clergy to take her side. The Norwegian

Council of Regency, in which the partisans of the queen likewise

preponderated, seemed ready to do any thing which she demanded, and even

yielded to her wish in pledging themselves to choose her grand-nephew,

Erik of Pomerania, as her successor (1388). In accordance with this

promise they declared Erik, during the following year (1389), king of

Norway, under the guardianship of Margaret, until he should reach his

majority.

The ambitious queen now turned her attention to Sweden, where she had a

bitter and determined foe in Albrecht of Mecklenburg. He was remotely

related to the royal house of Norway, and therefore believed himself to

be the nearest heir to the throne. He was boiling over with animosity

toward Margaret, whom he called "Queen Breechless," and never referred

to, except with opprobrious epithets. As this kind of harmless

ammunition produced no effect, however, he boldly assumed the title of

king of Denmark and Norway, and prepared to enforce his claim. But he

had reckoned without his host, when he supposed that the Swedes would

support him in this enterprise. The Swedish nobility, which possessed

greater power than the king, had long been dissatisfied with Albrecht,

because he had surrounded himself with Germans, to whom he had given

fiefs and posts of honor. They had long desired to rid themselves of

him, and when Margaret made overtures to them, they seized the

opportunity to accomplish their purpose. In February, 1389, Albrecht had

to confront a united Swedish, Danish, and Norwegian army. The battle,

fought at Falkoeping, in Vestergoetland, was fraught with great results.

Albrecht, who was unacquainted with the region, ventured with his heavy

cavalry out upon a frozen marsh, fell through, and was taken prisoner.

Margaret had him now in her power and determined to make him pay the

penalty for the liberty he had taken with her name. Instead of the crown

of Denmark, which he had meant to wear, she put upon his head a fool's

cap with a tail 28 feet long, and mocked him mercilessly. He was then

imprisoned in the castle of Lindholm, in Skaane, where he spent six

years.

After the battle of Falkoeping Margaret's army met with no resistance in

the southern provinces; but Stockholm had to be subjected to a long

siege, during which it suffered greater depredations from internal than

from external foes. Bloody feuds between two contending parties raged

within the city. A brotherhood of pirates, the so-called Vitalie

Brethren, furnished the citizens with provisions, thereby delaying their

surrender. These pirates had for the nonce entered into an alliance with

Rostock and Wismar, two cities of Mecklenburg, which sympathized with

the imprisoned Albrecht. In the end Stockholm was forced to open its

gates to Queen Margaret, in accordance with a compromise which was

concluded in 1395. Albrecht was to pay a ransom of sixty thousand marks,

and in case of his failure to provide this sum, within three years, he

should either return to his prison or surrender Stockholm. He chose to

do the latter.

Margaret had now reached the goal of her desires. She was the ruler of

the whole Scandinavian race. She might have placed the triple crown upon

her head, but preferred to secure this proud prize to her nephew, Erik

of Pomerania, by having him crowned while she was yet alive. To this end

she summoned representatives of the three kingdoms to a meeting in

Kalmar, where a draft was made for a constitution, upon which the union

was to be based. Although the document was signed by the Norwegian,

Swedish, and Danish magnates present, it was scarcely legally binding

upon their countrymen. It bears the date of July 20, 1397, and contains

the following stipulations:

1. The three kingdoms were to be eternally united under one king.

2. If the king died without issue, the magnates of the three kingdoms

should come together and peaceably elect a successor.

3. Each kingdom should be governed in accordance with its own laws and

customs; but if one of the kingdoms was attacked, the two others should,

in good faith, assist in its defence.

4. The king and his councillors from the three kingdoms should have the

right to enter into foreign alliances, and whatever they agreed upon

should be binding upon the three countries.

This was the famous Kalmar Union, which might have been a blessing to

the brother kingdoms, but which to two of them, at least, became a

curse. At first sight, it seemed a rational arrangement which promised

success. The three nations were so closely akin, that they understood

without effort each other's languages, which were but slight

modifications of the same original tongue. If the forces which had been

wasted in mutual wars and rivalries could have been combined for mutual

help and common purposes, the kingdom of Scandinavia would have risen in

prosperity and strength and would have taken a place among the European

powers. Under a wise and far-sighted policy, the society of the three

kingdoms could have been gradually amalgamated, its similarities and

common interests emphasized, its differences slowly obliterated. If the

kings of the Union had had the slightest conception of the task that was

presented to them, and had been capable of viewing themselves apart

from their Danish nationality, such results might have been achieved.

But they were, with a single exception, utterly destitute of political

ability and foresight. They were determined to raise the Danish to the

position of a dominant nationality and to reduce Norway and Sweden to a

provincial relation. Hereby they aroused again the ancient jealousies.

They sent a troop of Danish and German nobles to prey upon the latter

countries, which they seemed to regard as conquered territory. The

Swedes complained of their being obliged to pay taxes, in order to

defray the expenses of Danish wars, and they were vehement in their

denunciation of the extortion of the Danish officials who plundered

their provinces like Roman proconsuls.

[Illustration: QUEEN MARGARET.]

The Norwegians were preliminarily disposed to be more patient, chiefly

because they lacked spokesmen, the remnants of their old nobility being

too powerless to assert themselves against the Danes. Nor can it be said

that, during Queen Margaret's life, the conditions were intolerable. She

died, however, in Flensborg (1412) aged 59 years, leaving her wide

dominions in the feeble hands of Erik of Pomerania.

Erik had inherited from Margaret a war with the dukes of Sleswick, which

lasted for twenty-five years, exhausting the resources of his realm and

completely revealing his incapacity for government. The Swedes grumbled

at the taxation which the war necessitated, and rebelled under the

leadership of Engelbrekt Engelbrektsson. A Danish prefect, Joesse

Eriksson, had been guilty of great cruelty to the peasants in Dalarne,

taking their horses and oxen from the plow, hitching their pregnant

wives to hay-loads, and horribly maiming all who dared to complain.

Engelbrekt went twice to Denmark and asked the king to remove this

malefactor, but was the first time put off with promises and the second

time bluntly rebuffed. He then placed himself at the head of a

rebellion, which spread from Dalarne over the whole kingdom. In Norway a

similar, though less formidable, revolt broke out under Amund

Sigurdsson Bolt (1436), who likewise sought to obtain redress against

the Danish magistrates. The king, however, who saw his advantage in

allowing considerable latitude to his creatures, wearied of the eternal

complaints, and, carrying with him whatever money was left in the

treasury, took up his residence in a fortified castle on the island of

Gottland (1438). He was now formally deposed both in Denmark and Sweden,

while in Norway the regent, or governor, Sigurd Jonsson, continued for a

while to conduct the government in his name. When it became generally

known, however, that the king had become a pirate, the Norwegians, too,

revoked their allegiance (1442). For ten years Erik lived in his castle

in Gottland, supporting himself by piracy, but was finally driven away.

He then returned to Pomerania, where he died in 1459.

During the reign of this unworthy king, the city of Bergen was twice

sacked and partly burned by the Vitalie Brethren, who murdered the

citizens, plundered the churches and the episcopal residence, and

carried away a rich booty.

With the tenacious fidelity peculiar to their race, the Norwegians

adhered to the cause of Erik, even after he himself had abandoned it.

They had, however, no choice but to recognize as his successor his

nephew, Christopher of Bavaria, who had already been proclaimed king in

Denmark and Sweden. In the latter country Charles Knutsson Peasant

(Bonde), who, after the murder of Engelbrekt, had become the leader of

the rebellion, and later regent, had vainly endeavored to break the

Union. The clergy made common cause with Christopher, and were

instrumental in securing his election.

Christopher was a jolly and good-natured man, who had no aptitude for

affairs of state. When the Swedes complained of the piracy of Erik of

Pomerania, he answered merrily: "Our uncle is sitting on a rock; he,

too, must earn his living."

He deserves, however, as far as Norway was concerned, the credit of good

intentions. He made an effort, though a futile one, to deprive the

Hanseatic cities of their monopoly of trade, by giving equal privileges

to the citizens of Amsterdam. The League was then less formidable than

it had been, owing to the successful rivalry of the Dutch in other

markets. It is difficult to say what the issue of the struggle would

have been, if Christopher had lived. Death overtook him in 1448, when he

was but thirty-two years old.

[Illustration]

[Illustration]

The Story of Norway · 第 33 / 36 章