SVERRE SIGURDSSON (1182-1202).
It was a dangerous precedent Sverre established when, without any other
proof of his royal birth than his own assertion, he ascended the throne
of Norway. The prospect was thus opened to any ambitious adventurer,
skilled in mendacity and the use of arms, to snatch the crown at the
point of the sword. The mere fact that a doubt existed in the minds of
many, as to Sverre's origin, was in itself demoralizing. It destroyed
that bond of loyalty which had hitherto bound the people to the
descendants of Harold the Fairhaired, and made it easy for unscrupulous
pretenders, by the prospect of booty, to entice men into rebellion. We
see, therefore, during Sverre's reign and that of his immediate
successors, an abundant crop of pretenders and rebellious bands start up
in different parts of the country, only to be cut down after a more or
less extended existence by the constituted authority.
That Sverre, in a measure, had himself to thank for this state of things
he must have been well aware; and the frequency of his insistence upon
his mission to deliver Norway from the illegal sway of Erling Skakke's
son shows how anxious he was, lest the same thought should occur to
others. Even though he was the son of Sigurd Mouth (which, is indeed,
probable), he must have seen that the people were suffering no hardships
from Magnus' mild exercise of his power, while the wars which were
directly and indirectly inflicted upon the realm by his own
pretendership shook it to its very core. In the role of a deliverer
Sverre was therefore scarcely sincere, and a certain insecurity in his
position, springing, perhaps, from an inward doubt, made him at times
appear with less dignity than we might expect in a man of his genius and
power. Thus, when in 1181 a man named Erik, whose origin seems wrapped
in obscurity, obtained permission to prove by ordeal that he was Sigurd
Mouth's son, Sverre insisted upon inserting in his oath the words "and
Sverre's brother," thereby obtaining, as it were, a surreptitious proof
of his own descent from the royal house. Erik, however, objected to
assuming this double responsibility, but succeeded in proving the truth
of his assertion in regard to himself. He was from this time named Erik
Kingsson; but pledged himself never to aspire to the crown. Sverre gave
him first command of his household troops and made him later Earl of
Viken.
Sverre's first endeavor, after having become sole ruler in the land, was
to strengthen the foundation of his throne. An alliance with the
aristocracy who had hitherto wielded the greatest influence was out of
the question, first because the magnates had been the partisans of
Magnus, and secondly, because to the Birchlegs, to whom Sverre owed his
power, such an alliance would have been odious. He therefore determined
to seek the supports of his kingship among the same class, from which
his Birchlegs had come, viz., the tenants, small farmers, and, in
general, among the lower strata of the population. These men had
hitherto been at the mercy of the chieftains; and though it was in the
interest of the latter not to injure or maltreat them, their position
was one of dependence and penury. They were practically beyond the pale
of the law; because, if wronged by one of their superiors they lacked
the means and influence to prosecute him at the _thing_. In order to
improve the position of these lowly people and thereby gain their
friendship, Sverre appointed a new class of officers, the so-called
lawmen, whose business it should be to procure justice for the oppressed
at small expense and without delay. As one of the first appointed
lawmen, Gunnar Grjonbak in Troendelag, said: "King Sverre, when he gave
me this office, bade me administer justice among cottagers, not among
chieftains." The lawmen were thus judges who, backed by the authority of
the crown, were charged with the interests of the small, both in their
mutual quarrels and in their quarrels with the great. That their
appointment was a shrewd act, on Sverre's part, is obvious.
Another class of officers who, though they were not first appointed by
Sverre, had more definite functions and duties assigned to them by him,
were the prefects (_syslu-madr_ [A]). They were not, like the liegemen,
royal vassals who held land in fief and exercised independent authority,
but servants of the king and the representatives of his power.[B] They
collected the royal revenues in their districts, and watched over the
interests of the crown. They thus deprived the liegemen of their
principal functions and a large share of their income. As a measure
intended to weaken the influence of the aristocracy, the appointment of
these prefects was therefore most effective. Sverre was not minded to
share his power with these haughty magnates, many of whom had not
hesitated to barter away provinces and enter into alliances with foreign
princes against their own king. He wished the crown to be strong enough
to curb this unruly element, and by the aid of the small prevent the
great from growing above his head. With great shrewdness and
statesmanlike insight he began this work, which in one way or another
absorbed his time and energy during his entire reign.
[Footnote A: Vigfusson translates _syslu-madr_, "prefect, bailiff,
king's steward"; but he also translates _gjald-keri_ and _ar-madr_ with
steward, and in this case correctly. The only English term I know for an
officer whose functions correspond approximately to those of the
_syslu-madr_ is prefect, as the office now exists in France. Even this
term is, however, imperfect.]
[Footnote B: Munch, iii., 108.]
Seeing that the king meant to deprive them of their ancient privileges,
the remnants of the liegemen's party began to look about for a new
pretender, whom they could put in the field against Sverre. Such a one
was soon found in the person of a monk named Jon, who professed to be a
son of King Inge Crookback. Though his story was evidently mendacious,
there gathered about him a considerable band, which received the name
Kuvlungs or Cowlmen. Not all the former adherents of Magnus did, by any
means, join this band, but yet a sufficient number to make it
formidable. Now began the usual depredations along the coast, attacks
upon Bergen and Nidaros, indecisive fights and sudden retreats,
occasional victories, and a great deal of destructive guerilla warfare.
There was a suspicion that Archbishop Eystein, who hated Sverre, was the
power that kept the Kuvlungs in motion, and it was obvious that he
secretly favored them. The archbishop, however, died in 1188 having, as
Sverre asserted, made peace with him on his death-bed. Soon after, the
rebel band was destroyed in Bergen (1188) and their leader slain.
If Sverre had expected to sit at ease in the enjoyment of his power, he
must by this time have been undeceived. He had indeed sown the wind, and
he reaped the whirlwind. No sooner were the Kuvlungs out of the way than
a new band, called the Varbelgs (Wolf Skins), was organized by the
chieftain Simon Kaaresson, who picked up a pretender in the person of a
child, named Vikar. This boy, who was but a few years old, was born in
Denmark, and was alleged to be a son of King Magnus Erlingsson. But the
deception was a little too barefaced to gain credence, and the Varbelgs
came to an inglorious end at Bristein, near Tunsberg (1190), where both
the little Vikar and Simon Kaaresson were slain. Rebellion had by this
time grown so popular that any plausible impostor, who chose to take the
risks, might expect to gain a considerable number of adherents. The many
who were unable or indisposed to put up with the new order of things,
preferred to stake all on a desperate chance rather than submit meekly
to the terms of Sverre's amnesty. It was, therefore, of small
consequence who headed the rebellion; the rebellious spirit which was
abroad was sure to find expression, and was never in want of a leader.
The successors of the Varbelgs were called Oyeskeggs (the Islanders),
because their band was recruited largely from the Orkneys, where Earl
Harold favored them. Their chieftains were Hallkel Jonsson, a
brother-in-law of King Magnus, Sigurd Jarlsson, an illegitimate son of
Erling Skakke, and Olaf, a brother-in-law of Earl Harold, of the
Orkneys. All these had nominally submitted to Sverre and had received
many favors at his hands. Nay, even after they had hatched their
conspiracy, Olaf continued to act as the king's friend and sit at his
table. Sverre was, however, not deceived by his duplicity. One day when
they were talking together the king said: "Thou, Olaf, oughtest to have
been faithful to me."
"Why do you say that, my lord?" asked Olaf.
The king, instead of answering directly, made a thrust with his knife in
the air and said: "The followers of our foes are now swarming about us."
At this the traitor took alarm and quickly left the hall. Outside he met
his foster-son Sigurd, who was said to be a son of King Magnus, and was
later pushed into the role of a pretender by the Oyeskeggs.
"There we narrowly escaped a trap, foster-son," said he, as he took the
boy by the hand and hurried away. He immediately set sail for the
Shetland Islands, where he could mature his plans without interference.
In the summer of 1193 he appeared with Hallkel and Sigurd Jarlsson and a
large flock of rebels in Viken, where shire after shire submitted to
them without resistance. There were, probably, no royal troops in Viken
at this time, and the inhabitants, who had formerly been partisans of
King Magnus, had not recently acquired any deep sense of loyalty to
Sverre. When provisions became scarce, the rebel chieftains went aboard
their ships and began to prey upon the shipping in the Belts. In this
way they gained such large amounts of goods and money that they became
known as the "Goldlegs" (_Gullbeiner_). In the autumn of 1193 they
sailed northward, full of courage, hoping soon to make an end of Sverre,
who was understood to have but few people about him. They met him at
Florsvaag, near Bergen, and prepared for battle. His force amounted to
about twelve hundred men, while the Oyeskeggs had two thousand. As it
was too late to fight, when the fleets first approached each other,
Sverre betook himself to the city with a few followers in order to get
reinforcements. On his way back, it occurred to him that it might be a
good plan to pay the rebels a visit. In a small boat he rowed
stealthily, under cover of the darkness, up to the ship where the
chieftains were having a council of war, and had the pleasure of hearing
Hallkel Jonsson unfold the whole plan of the battle. He took his own
measures accordingly, and by his well-calculated manoeuvres frustrated
their plans. The battle was, however, a bloody one, and fiercely
contested. It looked badly for the Birchlegs for a while, but the
arrival of ninety well-armed men from the city decided the day in
Sverre's favor. The king of the Oyeskeggs leaped overboard, but was
pierced by a spear while he was swimming shoreward. All the rebel
chieftains, except Sigurd Jarlsson, and nearly all the men were slain
(1194).
While thus indefatigably engaged in quelling rebellion, Sverre had
another struggle on his hands which made even heavier demands upon his
vigilance and energy. The church is not apt to look with favor upon one
who deserts it, even for a throne, and the fact that the king had been
admitted to the lowest order of the priesthood, so far from reconciling
the priests to his authority, placed them in a hostile attitude to him.
In spite of this, however, there is little doubt but that he could have
bought their friendship by making the proper concessions. If he had been
willing to ratify the agreement between Archbishop Eystein and Erling
Skakke, hold his crown in fief from St. Olaf, which was but another name
for the hierarchy, and give the bishops the right to exact similar
conditions from his successors, his former deaconship would have proved
no obstacle to his receiving the support of the Church. Sverre knew,
however, too well the spirit of the priesthood to venture upon such
concessions. It was his policy to make the monarchy strong enough to
quell the unruly spirit of the aristocracy and give peace and security
to the people. The Church had from the beginning taken sides against
him, and secretly or openly aided every band of rebels which had
endeavored to overthrow his government. No wonder that, apart from all
other considerations, he was not favorably disposed toward the Church.
When Archbishop Eystein died, after having made a pretended peace with
the king, Bishop Erik, of Stavanger, was elected as his successor. It is
said that Eystein, on his death-bed, obtained Sverre's reluctant consent
to this choice. At all events, Erik was chosen, and was no sooner warm
in his seat, than he showed his disposition toward the king. Without
consulting Sverre, he named for his successor to the bishopric of
Stavanger one of his bitterest enemies, Nicholas Arnesson, a
half-brother of King Inge Crookback. Sverre naturally objected, first
because Nicholas had never taken orders, secondly because his election
had taken place in an illegal manner, the king having not been present.
For all that, he agreed in the end to waive his objections, because his
queen, Margaret (a sister of the Swedish king, Knut Eriksson),
interposed in Nicholas' behalf. The latter, who was a master of
intrigue, had, by his humility and flatteries, gained the favor of the
queen, and even Sverre, who was ordinarily a keen judge of men, was made
to waver in his distrust of him. He was, however, soon to have his eyes
opened. As soon as Nicholas had received his investiture, he again
joined the ranks of the king's enemies, making common cause with the
archbishop, who was indefatigably quarrelling with Sverre about the
alleged prerogatives of his office. First, he wanted the fines and
penances, payable to the Church in Troendelag, to be rendered according
to actual weight in silver, and not in the coin of the realm, which was
but worth half its nominal value. Secondly, he wished to reserve for
himself and his fellow bishops the right of making all clerical
appointments, and thirdly, he claimed the privilege of surrounding
himself with a kind of ecclesiastical court, and keeping ninety to one
hundred men-at-arms in his service, although the law only allowed him
thirty. To settle these points, Sverre summoned the archbishop to
Frosta-_thing_, and, after having read him the law, decided against him.
Full of wrath, the haughty prelate left the country, seeking refuge with
Archbishop Absalon in Denmark, who received him cordially. Here he
composed a letter to the Pope in which he bitterly complained of the
king's usurpations and infringements of the rights of the Church. The
Pope responded by putting Sverre in the ban and releasing his subjects
from their oath of allegiance. Before the bull reached Norway, however,
Sverre had induced the bishops, remaining in the country, to crown him
at Bergen (June 29, 1194). Even Bishop Nicholas, who had recently been
transferred from Stavanger to Oslo, had participated in this ceremony,
though probably much against his will. Sverre treated the papal bull, at
first, as a mere fraudulent invention of archbishops, Erik and Absalon,
but that he was far from believing this to be the case is shown by the
fact that he sent embassadors to Rome to present counter charges against
the archbishop, and to explain the causes of the controversy from his
point of view. As far as we know these embassadors accomplished
nothing, and on their homeward way they died suddenly in Denmark (1197),
having probably been poisoned. Soon after, a falsified papal bull was
published by Sverre, in which the ban was revoked. It is not improbable
that he was himself responsible for this falsification. It was a
question of "to be or not to be" with him, and he had been long enough
connected with the Church to know how to soothe his conscience in such a
matter. It is, moreover, scarcely credible that any one else would have
committed the fraud in his favor.
Seeing that they could not destroy Sverre by spiritual weapons only, his
enemies resorted once more to the sword, and this time chance played
into their hands in a most remarkable manner. The Byzantine emperor
Alexius sent, in 1195, a Norseman named Reidar the Messenger
(_Sendemand_), to Norway to hire him 200 mercenaries, and Sverre, though
he was of opinion that Norway had no troops to spare, was persuaded to
permit the emperor's emissary to enlist such as desired to follow him.
Reidar went to work without delay and gathered a considerable force, but
in the meanwhile Bishop Nicholas had approached him and induced him to
enter into a league for the overthrow of Sverre's government. Next to
Nicholas himself, the most important man in the league was Sigurd
Jarlsson, the son of Erling Skakke, and formerly a chief of the
Oyeskeggs. A boy named Inge, alleged to be the son of King Magnus
Erlingsson, was their candidate for the throne. The band received the
name of _Bagler_, _i.e._, Crookmen, after _bagall_, a crook or bishop's
staff. They were, owing to the accession of Reidar's mercenaries, much
more formidable than any of the former bands which had risen in
rebellion against Sverre. In the first battle which the king fought with
them, they had no less than 125 ships and 5,000 men. This encounter,
which took place in Saltoe Sound, in Viken (1196), was indecisive, though
some advantage seems to have been gained by the Baglers. At all events,
Sverre dared not remain in Viken, but steered northward to Nidaros,
leaving the rebels masters of all the southern provinces. They had here
the sympathy of the population, and experienced no difficulty in having
the pretender Inge proclaimed king at Borgar-_thing_. Sverre, in the
meanwhile, levied troops in the northern provinces, and in the summer of
1197 attacked the rebels at Oslo, where they suffered a crushing defeat.
Here his prudent foresight and strategic skill insured him a splendid
success, while Nicholas showed himself a cowardly braggart, devoid of
generalship. He tried to make his men believe that the swords of the
Birchlegs would not bite, because they were in the ban, and when this
lie had been effectually disproved, the bishop was among the first to
take to his heels.
"Ride forth hard now, my lord," one of the Baglers called to him. "Our
men sorely need your help and exhortation; for, methinks, in sooth, that
the swords of the Birchlegs bite pretty well."
"No, let us ride away as fast as we can," Nicholas made answer; "for now
the Devil is loose."
After the battle the prelate sent a priest to Sverre with offers of
peace; but the latter, who knew the treacherous character of his foe,
would not treat with him, unless he appeared in person. He promised him
safe-conduct, averring that he had other means of gaining fame than by
killing a man like him. Nicholas made no response to this proposition;
but instead of presenting himself before the king, hastened with his men
overland to Nidaros, attacked the city, burned Sverre's fleet, which was
lying in the fjord, and besieged the block-house, which finally fell by
the treason of its commander, Thorstein Kugad. This was a severe blow to
the king, and placed him in the subsequent contest at a great
disadvantage. To meet the rebels on the sea with the small ships which
were now left to him, was hazardous, as the battle of Thorsberg, near
the mouth of the Drontheim fjord, during the following year plainly
showed (1198). The Birchlegs were here worsted, in spite of their
splendid bravery, and many of the king's staunchest friends and
adherents were slain. Sverre hastened thence to Bergen, where the Bagler
chief, Sigurd Jarlsson, in the meanwhile had been raging with fire and
sword. He had burned those of Sverre's ships which he had found in the
harbor, as well as the houses of the Birchlegs in the city, and he now
laid siege to the block-house, where Queen Margaret was with all her
household. As this rude fort was built of wood, his first intention was
to fire it, and he began, for this purpose, to pile up wood for an
enormous bonfire close to the walls. Sigurd Borgarklett, the commander
of the fort, succeeded in lighting the wood-pile, before it was large
enough to do any harm. The Baglers began to pile up wood once more, but
again the besieged flung burning barrels of tar down upon them and drove
them off. After many fruitless attempts, Sigurd Jarlsson gave up the
plan of firing the block-house.
[Illustration: THORGHAeTTEN, A FAMOUS ISLAND WITH A NATURAL TUNNEL, IN
NORDLAND.]
It was not, however, only his enemies without, who gave Sigurd
Borgarklett trouble. The queen, at the sight of the fire, grew frantic
and insisted upon surrendering; and all her women surrounded the brave
commander, tearfully imploring him not to expose them to being burned
alive. A friend of Sverre, named Aura-Paul, to whose care the queen had
especially been entrusted, feared that the lamentations of the women
might have a discouraging effect upon the garrison, and in order to save
the commander from their importunities, he persuaded them to enter the
room above the gate, which had been used as a jail, and there await the
issue of the negotiations with the Baglers. To this they readily
consented; and were forthwith locked up, with full permission to wail to
their hearts' content. When, however, the danger from fire was past,
Aura-Paul went to the queen and asked her, what she would give him if he
could induce the Baglers to depart. She offered him a great sum of
money; whereupon he begged the loan of her seal. He now sat down and
wrote a letter in the queen's name to two priests in the city, urging
them to use every means in their power to detain the enemy, as the king
was coming with a large force the next day and would be sure to make an
end of them. This communication he despatched by a small boy who managed
to be caught by the Baglers and, on being searched, had to deliver up
the letter. Sigurd Jarlsson, without suspecting the deceit, hurried away
as fast as he could, not, however, without having punished the two
priests, who, though professing friendship for him, yet were in
communication with the queen. This was regarded by the Birchlegs as a
delightful joke; for the priests were, like most of their order, enemies
of the king. But to make this comedy of errors complete, Sverre did
actually, to the surprise of his friends, arrive on the day appointed in
the letter. Nevertheless, it was fortunate that Sigurd Jarlsson had
taken to his heels; for the main force of the Baglers were pursuing the
king southward, and if the two divisions had effected a junction in
Bergen, Sverre would scarcely have been able to hold his own against
them.
The summer of 1198, which became known among the people as the Bergen
summer, was passed by the hostile armies in and about the latter city,
and there was almost an incessant skirmishing, besides some hard
fighting. A battle at the Jonvolds resulted in favor of the Birchlegs,
but was not decisive enough to destroy the Baglers' power of resistance.
The summer passed, neither party gaining any decided advantage. Then
Bishop Nicholas, despairing of destroying the Birchlegs as long as they
had the town to fall back upon, determined to deprive them of this
shelter. He accordingly set fire to the town and burned the greater part
of it. The Birchlegs had enough to do in saving the block-house, and
could give but little aid to the citizens in their efforts to limit the
conflagration. It is doubtful, however, if the Baglers gained any thing
by this unwarrantable destruction, for the citizens of Bergen, a large
number of whom had been favorably inclined toward them, became from this
day their enemies. Sverre was, indeed, compelled to abandon his
position, leaving, however, a garrison in the block-house. But the
Baglers scarcely profited by his departure, as the country round about
had been denuded of provisions, and want compelled them to move. Bishop
Nicholas then sailed northward to Nordmoere and Haalogaland, where he met
with no opposition; and desertion from the ranks of the Birchlegs
increased his army until its very magnitude caused him embarrassment.
Oddly enough, at this very time, when the king's fortune was at its
lowest ebb, the traitor, Thorstein Kugad, who had surrendered the
block-house in Nidaros, returned to him. He flung himself at Sverre's
feet, embraced his knees, and cried:
"Happy I am now, my lord, that I am so near you--that I can touch you. *
* * Dear my lord, receive me, and let me never more part from you."
Though his former comrades demanded his death, Sverre gave him full
pardon. The king's desperate position was indeed sufficient guaranty of
the sincerity of Thorstein's repentance. The whole country, outside of
Troendelag, was now in the hands of the rebels. The royal fleet was
burned, and even many of the veteran Birchlegs had deserted. Then, as
the final crushing blow, came the bull of Pope Innocent III., laying the
country under interdict, prohibiting the celebration of public worship
and the administration of the sacraments, in all those parts of the
kingdom that yet remained faithful to Sverre. If the vicar of Christ had
contented himself with hurling the thunderbolt of divine wrath against
the king, he might perhaps have achieved his destruction. But the Pope,
finding that the bull of his predecessor had been practically
ineffective, aimed this time to affect the popular conscience, and he
addressed to it certain arguments which showed how completely he had
allowed himself to be deceived by Sverre's enemies. In his bull he
described the king in a manner which must have appeared absurd to those
who knew him; he attributed to him crimes which all knew that he had
never committed; and exposed thereby--not Sverre's wickedness, but his
own fallibility and partisanship. The king, instead of meekly submitting
to an unfair sentence, felt, therefore, justified in coming forward in
his own defence. He wrote or caused to be written, under his immediate
supervision, a polemical brochure, in which he reviewed his relation to
the Church and ably defended his conduct. The behavior of the clergy he
subjected to a scathing criticism, showed the inconsistency of their
position, as the partisans of Baglers, and exposed the true motive of
their actions. The author's shrewdness, ability, and learning are
manifest in every page, and the lucidity of expression and the plain
common-sense arguments seem to reveal the well-known personality of
Sverre. That it had the effect of preventing many from leaving him, who
otherwise might have been frightened into desertion, is very probable.
The disloyal clergy had, however, better facilities for reaching the
people than the few who were yet faithful, and they improved their
opportunity in inciting the peasants to an unreasoning, fanatical
hostility to the excommunicated king. The Pope, in the meanwhile, was
active in stirring up foreign enemies against him, and wrote the most
urgent letters to the kings of Sweden and Denmark, exhorting them to
merit the gratitude of God and his vicar, the Pope, by destroying the
sacrilegious monster, Sverre. Happily, these exhortations had no effect;
for King Knut of Denmark had his hands full at home, and King Sverke of
Sweden was rather favorably inclined toward his neighbor.
In this desperate strait Sverre's true greatness revealed itself. He had
been accustomed to fight against heavy odds, and the sense of danger
served to bring all his energies into play. With undaunted resolution he
set to work to repair his losses and to equip himself once more to meet
his foes. His first task was to build a fleet instead of the one which
the Baglers had destroyed; for without ships he would have been at their
mercy. The Troenders whom he called upon for help assisted him
faithfully; and by the beginning of spring (1199) he had eight large
galleys ready to be launched. Besides these he expected a number of
others which the peasants were building for him throughout Troendelag.
The city of Nidaros he fortified with a large new block-house, and built
hurling-machines which were used for throwing stones at the enemy. Early
in June the Baglers appeared in the fjord with a large fleet, and the
usual skirmishing commenced. All their efforts to capture the city were,
however, unavailing, and in the battle at Strindsoe (June, 1199) their
great fleet, which had formerly given them an advantage over the
Birchlegs, fell into Sverre's hands. The battle was stubbornly
contested, and both parties were wrought up to a warlike fury which
refused to give or to take quarter. The king, whose gentleness and
humane sentiments had made his stern resolution and courage the more
admirable, put here a blot upon his fair name. He yielded to the
importunities of his men, and allowed them to avenge the death of their
kinsman upon the prisoners. It is but fair to ascribe this single act of
cruelty to the momentary ferment of his blood and the hate that flared
up uncontrollably against the authors of all his misfortunes.
After the battle of Strindsoe the Baglers fled southward with the few
ships that were left to them, and were pursued by Sverre, who did not,
however, succeed in overtaking them. They found, as usual, a refuge in
Denmark, where they continued to plot mischief. They felt themselves, in
point of strength and resources, so superior to Sverre that it seemed to
them merely a question of time, when they should gain possession of the
entire land. Even in Nidaros, where the king was yet able to hold his
own, the rebels had many sympathizers among the clergy. After his
victory at Strindsoe, Sverre sailed southward and went into
winter-quarters in Oslo. The Baglers took advantage of his absence to
visit Nidaros where they fought indecisively with an army of 1,800
peasants who undertook to defend the city. In the meanwhile a storm was
drawing up over Sverre's head more menacing than any which he had
hitherto weathered. The preaching of the disloyal clergy was beginning
to show its effects. The peasants of Viken and the Oplands rose in
rebellion, and poured in great torrents toward Oslo, for the purpose of
destroying the excommunicated king. From three different directions
their armies came marching, intending to effect a junction near the
city, and by their greatly superior numbers overwhelm Sverre. The king
had then only three thousand men, while the forces of the peasants, all
told, must have numbered forty or fifty thousand. To fight against such
odds would seem to be simple madness. Nevertheless he determined to sell
his life dearly. Never did his genius shine more brightly than in the
hour of danger. Calmly and confidently he addressed his men, assigning
to each commander his task, and exhorting his Birchlegs to be brave, and
to trust in God. Then, by a series of swift manoeuvres, he prevented the
junction of the hostile armies, leaving his sons, Sigurd Lavard and
Haakon, to guard his rear, while he engaged and defeated the two main
divisions of the peasant army. The force under Sigurd and Haakon, which
only numbered four hundred and eighty men, had in the meanwhile been
routed by the third division, numbering twenty-four hundred, and the
king would have had small chance of escape, if the peasants had had the
wit to follow up their advantage. Instead of that they began carousing
in the city, and even refrained from firing the royal fleet, which was
in their power, because they regarded it already as their own. When,
however, the sanguinary battle which was in progress out on the ice was
at an end, the hilarious peasants discovered their mistake. Sverre came,
not as vanquished, but as victor. Then there was hurly-burly of battle
once more--fight, flight, and pursuit. The yeomen, sturdy fellows though
they were, and not unaccustomed to war, lacked discipline, and above all
they lacked a competent commander. Sverre chased them so hotly that they
had to fling away their shields and trust for safety to their speed
alone.
[Illustration: HOeNEFOSS.]
The exhausted Birchlegs had now need of rest, and the king ordered the
famous _loor_ Andvake to be blown, and gathered the army about him. Food
and drink were brought from the city and the hungry warriors were about
to refresh themselves, when they perceived that the fugitives of the
several peasant armies had united, and were returning to challenge once
more the fortune of battle. The rebels had discovered that they were
yet, with a proper plan of attack, formidable enough to destroy the
Birchlegs. Their chief purpose now was to kill Sverre, because they
supposed that if he were dead, the resistance of his party would soon
collapse. Reluctant though they were to fight again, the Birchlegs
responded bravely to their king's exhortation. They stormed down to the
frozen fjord, where the peasants were forming their battle line, and
made a fierce onset. Sverre, as was his wont, rode about among them, was
now at the front, now in the rear, and with his clear eye directed each
manoeuvre. The peasants, when they saw him, cried out: "Stab him, hew
him down, kill him, cut his horse from under him." And from all sides
resounded hoarsely the shout: "Stab him, kill him." But in their
eagerness to slay Sverre, they neglected to preserve order. Their battle
array broke up into a series of wild and irregular charges, the weak
points of which Sverre was not slow to detect. The Birchlegs rushed in
among them and routed them with great carnage. A liegeman, named Aale
Hallvardsson, whom the rebels mistook for the king, because he was
similarly dressed, fell after a brave defence, and an exultant shout was
heard, that the king was slain. The Birchlegs were for a moment stricken
with terror, and stopped in their pursuit. But suddenly Sverre came
dashing forward on his horse; the warriors rallied joyously about him,
the _loor_ was blown for a fresh attack, and at the head of his men the
king charged once more and broke the last resistance of the discomfited
peasants.
This was the greatest victory that Sverre ever won, and altogether one
of the most extraordinary battles ever fought in Norway. For the
peasants a day of accounting was now at hand, and the king made them
feel the heavy hand of his wrath. A policy of gentleness and amnesty
they would have mistaken for fear; only severity could inspire them with
respect. Many farms were burned and great fines in money and provisions
were exacted from those who had taken part in the rebellion. One
incident will suffice to show, however, how little Sverre's heart was in
this work. As he was approaching a farm, a little boy came running out
of the woods and begged him piteously not to burn his home.
"Nay, surely it shall be spared, since thou askest," answered Sverre,
gently; "and if the peasants had stayed at home and begged for peace, no
farm would have been burned. Tell them now, that the rest will be
spared."
Forthwith he gave orders to his men to refrain from further destruction.
The heroic endurance which Sverre had developed in this long and
exhausting struggle had indeed weakened the cause of the Baglers, but
had by no means deprived them of their courage. A civil war and
particularly a war of classes, such as this was, arouses fiercer hates
and passions than international contests, and must therefore continue,
until one party or the other is utterly humbled or destroyed. The Norse
magnates, who formed the bone and sinew of the Bagler party, hated
Sverre, not only because they believed him to be an upstart and an
adventurer, but as the destroyer of the old oligarchic government, in
which they had secured the lion's share of power. A class, so formidably
intrenched both in the institutions and the traditions of the country,
could not be overthrown at one blow; nor could it be humbled by
misfortunes and reverses. It was not in his clerical capacity, but as
the most eminent representative of the old aristocracy, that Bishop
Nicholas became their leader; and the adherence of the clergy to the
Bagler party was not so much the result of a personal sympathy with him,
as of a common animosity to the democratic king, the leveller of
distinctions, the champion of the rabble. These proud descendants of
the great historic families of Norway were of the same blood as the
Norman nobility of England, and though they did not live in castles, nor
dress in satin and ermine, yet they were animated by the same spirit.
They were ready to fight for their rights, whether real or imagined,
even against their own king and country.
In the spring of 1201 Sverre called fresh levies from the ever faithful
North, and sailed again southward, leaving a garrison in Bergen under
the command of his friend, Dagfinn Peasant, and his son-in-law Einar,
surnamed the Priest. He learned that the Bagler chief, Reidar Messenger,
with about two hundred and forty men had taken possession of the
block-house at Tunsberg, and he thought the opportunity a favorable one
for annihilating one of his most dangerous enemies. To this end he laid
siege to the block-house, which, however, from its situation on the
mountain, overlooking the town, was wellnigh impregnable. His attempt to
take it by storm failed, and his various ingenious stratagems were
likewise unsuccessful. After a siege of twenty weeks, the Baglers were
reduced to such a strait that for their Christmas dinner they had to eat
boiled and chopped ropes, made out of walrus and sealskin. They could
not endure this long; one by one they began to desert, in the dead of
night, and instead of being slain, as they expected, they were received
with kindness by the king. The Birchlegs grumbled loudly at his
forbearance, but he rebuked them sternly, and they had to own that he
was right. Last of all came Reidar Messenger with the little band that
had remained with him. Sverre not only spared his life, but he treated
him with the greatest consideration. He warned the Baglers not to eat
too heartily after their long fast, and cared for those among them who
were ill. Many who disregarded his advice died; while others dragged
themselves through life with ruined health. The chief himself also
suffered much, although Sverre exerted all his medical skill to cure
him.
The incessant hardships of war and the strain upon his energies which
they involved had, in the meanwhile, undermined the king's strength, and
he was after a while compelled to take to his bed. When he left Tunsberg
in January or February, 1202, he had his bed made on the raised poop of
the deck, and that of the Bagler chief was placed at his side. And there
lay, side by side, the conqueror and the conquered, gazing up into the
wintry sky, and watching the clouds that chased each other under the
wind-swept vault. Often they talked pleasantly together, and each
learned to admire the remarkable qualities of the other. Reidar, who had
been a crusader, told of his adventures and observations in
Constantinople, and the Holy Land; and the days passed quickly to the
king, while he listened to the entertaining narrative. On the arrival of
the fleet in Bergen, the king was moved to the royal mansion where his
bed was made in the great hall. When he felt that his death was near, he
called some of his trusted friends to him and declared solemnly, in
their presence, that he had but one son living, namely Haakon, and if
any one else claimed to be his son, he was a rebel, and an impostor.
Then he ordered a letter, which he had dictated to Haakon, to be read
and sealed, and he charged his nephews, Haakon Galen, and Peter Steyper,
to deliver it into his hands.
"I wish," he said, "before receiving the extreme unction, to be lifted
into my high-seat, and there await life or death."
When the sacrament, in spite of his excommunication, had been
administered to him, he continued: "My kingship has brought me more
tribulation, disquietude, and danger, than ease and pleasure, and
methinks that mere envy has impelled many to become my enemies, which
sin may God now forgive them, and judge between them and me and in my
whole cause."
King Sverre expired March 9th, 1202. He was in point of genius the
greatest king who has ever ruled over Norway. A bright, clear, and
resolute spirit dwelt within his small frame. His presence of mind and
his wonderful fertility of resource saved him out of the most desperate
situations. Firmness, and gentleness were admirably united in his
character. A clear-sighted policy, based upon expediency as well as upon
conviction, governed his actions from the beginning of his reign to its
end. He possessed the faculty of attaching men to him, even when he
punished them and restrained their lawless passions. Though he did not
possess the beauty or the magnificent physical presence of the earlier
kings of Norway, he knew how to inspire respect as well as love. The
charm of his conversation, and his affability of manner impressed every
one who came in contact with him. "What especially makes his personality
interesting," says Munch,[A] "is the remarkable mingling of seriousness
and humor, which seems to be peculiar to the Norse national character,
and which, in his demeanor, was so striking that he may almost be
regarded as its embodiment."
[Footnote A: Munch, iii., 391.]
In many respects he was much in advance of his age. Thus, it is told of
him that, so far from regarding the national vice, drunkeness, as an
amiable weakness, for which no man was any the worse, he endeavored
earnestly to check it, and punished with severity those who committed
excesses under the influence of drink. As far as his constant occupation
with war permitted him, he encouraged trade and all industrial pursuits.
For learning he had a high regard; was himself a good Latin scholar and
well read in the law, and displayed much zeal in procuring for his sons
the best educational advantages that the time afforded. In spite of the
hardships and dangers, to which he was constantly exposed, he lived to
be fifty years old,--an age which, since the death of Harold the
Fairhaired, but one king of Norway had reached.
[Illustration]