_Man and Superman_ inaugurates another cycle of Shaw's theatre, and
first presents Shaw to the world as a conscious philosopher. By
reason of its bi-partite nature--it is sub-entitled _A Comedy and a
Philosophy_--this play furnishes the natural link between Shaw the
dramatist and Shaw the creator of a new form of stage entertainment.
It is worth recalling that at the time this play appeared Shaw had
not yet won the favour of the “great public” in England. He had,
however, won the attention and the enthusiastic, yet tempered, praise
of one of the ablest dramatic critics in England. Mr. William Archer
pronounced _Mrs. Warren's Profession_ a “masterpiece--yes, with all
reservations, a masterpiece,” and as each one of Shaw's plays appeared,
he discussed it in the fullest and most impartial way, bespoke for it
the attention of the British public, and roundly berated the managers
of the large West End theatres for letting slip through their fingers
the golden opportunities afforded by the brilliant works of the witty
Irishman.[181] For that matter, Shaw was not wanting in appreciative
students of his plays among the dramatic critics of the day; and even
Mr. Max Beerbohm and Mr. A. B. Walkley, though temperamentally Shaw's
opposites, took the liveliest interest in the Shavian drama.
Indeed, it was Mr. Walkley who asked Shaw to write a Don Juan play; and
the fulfilment of this request was _Man and Superman_. _Ab initio_,
Shaw realized that there are no modern English plays in which the
natural attraction of the sexes for one another is made the mainspring
of the action. The popular contemporary playwrights, thinking to
emulate Ibsen, had produced plays cut according to a certain pattern,
_i.e._, plays preoccupied with sex, yet really devoid of all sexual
interest. In plays, of which _The Second Mrs. Tanqueray_ is the type
illustration, the woman through indiscretion is brought in conflict
with the law which regulates the relation of the sexes, while the man
by marriage is brought in conflict with the social convention that
discountenances the woman. Such dramas, portraying merely the conflict
of the individual with society, Shaw had railed at in the preface to
his _Three Plays for Puritans_; such “senseless evasions” of the real
sex problem serve in part to explain Shaw's partial lack of sympathy
with Pinero during Shaw's _Saturday Review_ period. Shaw was in no mind
to treat his friend Walkley to a lurid play of identical import; nor
did the Don Juan of tradition, literature and opera, the libertine of a
thousand _bonnes fortunes_, suit his wants any better. The prototypic
Don Juan of sixteenth-century invention, Molière's persistently
impenitent type of impiety, and Mozart's ravishingly attractive enemy
of God had all served their turn; whilst in Byron's Don Juan, Shaw saw
only a vagabond libertine, a sailor with a wife in every port. Even
that spiritual cousin of Don Juan, Goethe's Faust, although he had
passed far beyond mere love-making to altruism and humanitarianism, was
still almost a century out of date.
This _reductio ad absurdum_ process finally gave Shaw the clue to the
mystery; the other types being perfected, and in a sense exhausted,
a Don Juan in the philosophic sense alone remained. The modern type
of Don Juan “no longer pretends to read Ovid, but does actually read
Schopenhauer and Nietzsche, studies Westermarck, and is concerned
for the future of the race instead of for the freedom of his own
instincts.” Confronted with the stark problem of the duel of sex, Shaw
solved it with the striking conclusion that Man is no longer, like Don
Juan, the victor in that duel. Though sharing neither the prejudices
of the homoist nor the enthusiasms of the feminist, Shaw found it
easy to persuade himself that woman has become dangerous, aggressive,
powerful. The _rôles_ established by romantic convention, and evidenced
in the hackneyed phrase “Man is the hunter, woman the game,” are now
reversed: Woman takes the initiative in the selection of her mate. Thus
is Don Juan reincarnated; once the headlong huntsman, he is now the
helpless quarry. _Man and Superman_, in Shaw's own words, is “a stage
projection of the tragi-comic love chase of the man by the woman.”
[Illustration: =Program of _Man and Superman_.
Hudson Theatre, N. Y. May 21st, 1906. Second Season.=]
Shaw's solution of the problem was generally regarded as audaciously
novel and original. And yet, as Shaw points out in the Dedicatory
Epistle, and as I have indicated in a former chapter, the notion is
very far from novel. Beaumont and Fletcher's _The Wild Goose Chase_
furnishes the interesting analogy of Mirabell, a travelled Italianate
gentleman and cynical philanderer, pursued by Oriana, the “witty
follower of the chase,” who employs a number of more or less crude and
coarse artifices to entrap him; when the ingenuity of the dramatists
is exhausted, Mirabell succumbs to Oriana's wiles.[182] And those who
have a passion for attributing all Shaw's ideas to Nietzsche, might
find some support in that passage in _A Genealogy of Morals_: “The
philosopher abhors _wedlock_ and all that would fain persuade to this
state, as being an obstacle and fatality on his road to the _optimum_.
Who among the great philosophers is known to have been married?
Heraclitus, Plato, Descartes, Spinoza, Kant, Schopenhauer--they were
not; nay, we cannot even so much as _conceive_ them as married. A
married philosopher is a figure _of comedy_....”
The attitude toward woman exhibited by Shaw in _Man and Superman_ has
won for him the appellation, “the most ungallant of dramatists.” Mr.
Huneker has ventured to assert that Shaw is “practically the first
literary man who has achieved the feat of making his heroines genuinely
disagreeable persons.” Now to Wilde and to Strindberg, woman is an
inferior being, the history of woman being the history of tyranny in
its harshest form, _i.e._, the tyranny of the weak over the strong.
Shaw is quite as far from misogyny on the one hand as from gynolatry
on the other. From the beginning of his literary career, Shaw has
been imbued with the conviction that, to use his own words, “women are
human beings just like men, only worse brought up, and consequently
worse behaved.” In Shaw's plays it is a toss-up between the men and
the women as to which are the worse behaved. The women in Shaw's
plays seem always deliberately to challenge the conventional ideal of
the womanly Woman. As a dramatist, Shaw rebelled from the very first
against the long-established custom of making all heroines perfect, all
heroes chivalrous and gallant, all villains irretrievably wicked. Stock
characters, in Shaw's view, must be swept off from dramatic art along
with romance, the womanly woman, the ideal heroine, and all the other
useless lumber that so fatally cumbered the British stage. In Shaw's
first play, he confessedly “jilted _the_ ideal lady for _a_ real one,”
and predicted that he would probably do it again and again, even at the
risk of having the real ones mistaken for counter-ideals. Shaw has kept
his promise, and has been jilting the ideal lady ever since.
M. Filon finds Shaw's “_galerie de femmes_” nothing short of
astonishing in the veracity and vitality of the likenesses. Ann
Whitefield, whom Shaw once pronounced his “most gorgeous female,”
is really one of his least successful portraits. “As I sat watching
_Everyman_ at the Charterhouse,” says Shaw, “I said to myself, 'Why
not Everywoman?' Ann was the result; every woman is not Ann; but Ann
is Everywoman.” Thus the play takes on the character of a “morality,”
and purports to adumbrate a deep, underlying truth of nature.
Unfortunately, Shaw is not a flesh painter; Ann is not a successful
portrait of a woman who is “an unscrupulous user of her personal
fascination to make men give her what she wants.” She is deficient in
feminine subtlety--the obscurer instincts and emotions of sex. The
strong, heedless, unquestioning voice of fruitful nature voices its
command, not through the passion of a “mother woman,” but through
the medium of the comic loquacity of a laughing philosopher![183] In
the master works of that sovereign student of human nature, Thomas
Hardy, the Life Force holds full sway; Wedekind's _Erdgeist_ reveals
the omnivorous, man-eating monster, devouring her human prey with all
the ferocity of a she-lioness. Inability to portray sexual passion
convincingly is a limitation of Shaw's art. And yet in the present
instance we must not forget that, as Mr. Archer reminds us, “no doubt
the logic of allegory demanded that the case should be stated in its
extremest form, and that the crudest femineity should, in the end,
conquer the alertest and most open-eyed masculinity.” While concerned
with the problem of sex, _Man and Superman_ remains a drama of ideas.
And it is difficult to avoid the conclusion that, had the Life Force
in Ann been supreme, Maeterlinck would have been vindicated by her in
his fine saying: “The first kiss of the betrothed is but the seal which
thousands of hands, craving for birth, have impressed upon the lips of
the mother they desire.”
_Man and Superman_ is the most pervasively brilliant of all Shaw's
comedies. And in spite of the fact that the idea-plot is intricate and
requires to be disengaged from the action-plot the comedy, as I saw it
produced in both New York and London, gave rise to an almost unbroken
burst of merriment on the part of the audience. It is customary to
identify Shaw with Tanner; and in the first production of _Man and
Superman_ at the Court Theatre, Tanner (Mr. Granville Barker) was “made
up” to represent Shaw. As a matter of fact, Mr. Shaw once told me that
in Tanner, with all his headlong loquacity, is satirized Mr. H. M.
Hyndman, the great Socialist orator. One other detail in the play is
noteworthy--the extrinsically irrelevant incident which leaves everyone
at the end of the first act “cowering before the wedding-ring.” It is
an illustration of a curious device once or twice employed by Shaw--a
sort of comic “sell” of the audience, appearing beside the mark
because its relation with the action is ideological, not dramatic. In
general, the effect of _Man and Superman_ is to make one wish that
Shaw would write a comedy of matrimony furnishing the lamentable
spectacle pictured by Nietzsche of the married philosopher. Mr. Robert
Loraine has actually written a clever sketch upon this theme, entitled
_The Reformer's Revenge; or, the Revolutionist's Reconciliation to
Reality_;[184] and Mr. William Archer publicly urged Shaw to complete
his “Morality” and (following the precedent of _Lord Dundreary Married
and Settled_) give us _John Tanner Married and Done For_.
The play just discussed is the society comedy, as it appears in the
printed book, with the omission of the Shavio-Socratic scene in hell,
and one or two alterations and omissions in the printed play itself.
The dream in hell--Act III. of the printed book--is the ultimate form
of Shaw's drama of discussion, and has actually been successfully
presented at the Court Theatre, London. When I saw it produced there,
I was surprised to note the favour with which it was received, the
brilliancy and wit of the dialogue compensating in great measure for
the absence of all action and the exceptional length of the speeches.
At last Shaw's dream of long speeches, Shavian rhetoric, and a pit
of philosophers was realized. Upon the average popular audience, the
effect would doubtless have been devastating; and even under the most
favourable circumstances, the audience was partially seduced into
appreciative interest by well-executed scenic effects, exquisite
costumes specially designed by Charles Ricketts, and a long synopsis of
_Don Juan in Hell_, especially prepared by the author.[185]
The year 1904 marks a turning-point in the career of Bernard Shaw. The
average age at which artists create their greatest work is forty-six
to forty-seven, according to Jastrow's table; and so, practically
speaking, _John Bull's Other Island_ is chronologically announced as
Shaw's _magnum opus_. In the technical, no less than in the popular
sense, this path-breaking play registers the inauguration of a new
epoch in Shaw's career. In this new phase we find him breaking squarely
with tradition, and finding artistic freedom in nonconformity. A true
drama of national character, _John Bull's Other Island_ portrays the
conflict of racial types and exhibits its author as a descendant of
Molière, a master of comic irony, and at heart a poet.
Originally designed for production by Mr. W. B. Yeats under the
auspices of the Irish Literary Theatre, this play was found unsuited
both to the resources of the new Abbey Theatre and to the temper of
the neo-Gaelic movement.[186] Temperamentally incapable of visionarily
imagining Ireland as “a little old woman called Kathleen ni Hoolihan,”
Shaw drew a bold and uncompromising picture of the real Ireland of
to-day; and the sequel was the production of the play, not at the
Abbey, but at the Royal Court Theatre, London. That interesting
experiment in dramatic production inaugurated by Messrs. J. E.
Vedrenne and H. Granville Barker at the Royal Court Theatre in 1904,
furnishes material for the most interesting chapter in the history
of the development of the contemporary English drama.[187] The
companies trained by Mr. Barker, an able actor and already a promising
dramatist, wrought something very like a revolution in the art of
dramatic production in England. The unity of tone, the subordination
of the individual, the general striving for totality of effect, the
constant changes of bill, the abolition of the “star” system--all
were noteworthy features of these productions. There were given nine
hundred and eighty-eight performances of thirty-two plays by seventeen
authors; seven hundred and one of these performances were of eleven
plays by one author--Bernard Shaw. Plays of other authors--notably of
Mr. Barker himself--were produced, and often with noticeable success.
But in the main the whole undertaking may be regarded as a monster Shaw
_Festspiel_, prolonged over three years. Mr. Barker, Mr. Galsworthy,
the late Mr. Hankin, Miss Elizabeth Robins and Mr. Masefield, all came
prominently into public notice as dramatists of the “new” school.
The Court was not, in the strict sense, a repertory theatre; rather
it furnished a tentative compromise between the _théâtre à coté_ and
the actor-managed theatre backed by a syndicate of capitalists. The
Vedrenne-Barker enterprise did the imperatively needed pioneer work of
breaking ground for the repertory theatre idea; created a public of
intelligent playgoers with literary tastes, who had long since lost
interest in the theatre of commerce; developed a whole “school” of
playwrights, with Mr. Barker at their head; and brought to the English
public at large a belated consciousness of the greatness of Bernard
Shaw.
[Illustration: =H. Granville Barker.=]
_Alvin Langdon Coburn._ From the original monochrome, made in 1908.
Coming at a political _Sturm und Drang_ period, _John Bull's Other
Island_ achieved an immediate and immense success. Leading figures
in public life, including Mr. Arthur Balfour and the late Sir Henry
Campbell-Bannerman, again and again heard the play with unmitigated
delight; and, finally, King Edward “commanded” a special
performance. The gods of English society, upon whose knees ever rests
the ultimate fate of the British artist, suddenly awoke at last to
the realization of the fact that a genius was living in their midst.
_John Bull's Other Island_ marked a new stage in Shaw's career; for
whilst the play itself is the _fine fleur_ of Shavian dramaturgy, the
characters are set firmly upon solid ground. In Shaw's former plays, as
a rule, the locality was not strikingly material, the characters often
supra-natural, and the ideas deftly bandied about at times, much as a
juggler manipulates glass balls. This new play exhibited nothing short
of a new type of drama. Emotion is subsidiary to idea, action is less
important than character, and conflict of ideas replaces the conflict
of wills of the dramatic formula.
In the Shavian _Anschauung_, the action and reaction of national types
inevitably takes precedence over the purely human problem of the love
story. The study in emotional psychology is the incidental underplot
to the larger study of England _versus_ Ireland; here we see the line
of cleavage between Shaw and the conventional dramatist. Shaw's hand,
so deft in the handling of national types, the portrayal of racial
traits, failed him in the delicate task of the exhibition of vital
emotion. “I do not accuse Mr. Shaw of dealing in symbols,” says Mr.
John Corbin, “but I shall not, I am sure, misinterpret him radically
in saying that _Nora_ is _Kathleen ni Hoolihan_--the embodiment of his
idea of Ireland. The real drama of the piece centres in the story of
how the Irishman loses Nora and the Briton wins her.... In his heart
Larry loves his countrywoman, as she has always loved him, and she has
no real affection for the Briton. Here lies the comic irony of the
_dénouement_, the very essence of Shaw's comment on his problem.”[188]
The “real drama,” one rather feels, is the death struggle of nations.
Ireland and England are the antagonist and protagonist, respectively,
of the drama; and the dramatic characters, in a broad sense, are both
individualized human beings and concrete impersonations of racial
traits. It seems to me quite improbable that _John Bull's Other
Island_ will “cross frontiers” as readily as many of Shaw's other
plays. For, despite the signal merits of the character-drawing, the
problem is essentially unique, and, as the title implies, peculiar to
the British Isles.
Roscullen, the scene of the play, is a segment of the living Ireland,
and here are encountered all those conflicting elements which have
made a hopeless enigma of the Irish question for so many generations.
In this miniature Ireland we find jostling each other the dreamer and
the bigot, the superstitious and the unilluded. Instead of the great
landowner, there is a group of small proprietors, who treat their
employees and tenants with a harshness and industrial cruelty that can
only result in the latter's ruin. Religion continues to be the dominant
force in the community; and the clergy exhibit that profound political
sagacity and that unscrupulousness in playing upon the superstition
of the credulous peasants which are such defining marks of the Roman
Catholic priesthood. Ireland's sense of her oppression and bitter
wrongs has not succeeded in destroying her sense of humour, her passion
for mysticism, and her native charm. These qualities we observe in
the ineffable merriment of the peasants over the comic spectacle of
Broadbent as an unconscious humorist; in the fascinating figure of the
Irish St. Francis, chatting amicably with the grasshopper and breaking
his heart over Ireland; and in Nora Reilly, quintessence of graceful
coquetry, _larmoyant_ piquancy and Celtic charm.
Thomas Broadbent, Shaw's conception of the typical Englishman,
approximates quite closely to Napoleon's description of the Englishman
in _The Man of Destiny_. To Mr. A. B. Walkley's characterization of
_John Bull's Other Island_ as a “Shavian farrago,” Shaw replied,
“Walkley is too thorough an Englishman to be dramatically conscious
of what an Englishman is, and too clever and individual a man to
identify himself with a typical averaged English figure. I delight in
Walkley: he has the courage of his _esprit_; and it gives me a sense
of power to be able to play with him as I have done in a few Broadbent
strokes which are taken straight from him.”[189] And in a letter to
Mr. James Huneker, of date January 4th, 1904, Shaw says, “I tell you,
you don't appreciate the vitality of the English.... Cromwell said
that no man goes farther than the man who doesn't know where he is
going.” In that you have the whole secret of the “typical averaged
English figure.” Endowed with the stolid density and exaggerated
self-confidence of the average Englishman, Broadbent resolves to
study the apparently insoluble Irish question “on the ground”; but
his incurable ignorance of Ireland's plight stands revealed in his
declared faith that the panacea for all of Ireland's ills is to be
found in the “great principles of the great Liberal party.” Ireland
irresistibly appeals to his sentimentalities through its traditional
charms--the Celtic melancholy, the Irish voice, the rich blarney, the
poetic brogue. “Of the evils you describe,” he says to Keegan, “some
are absolutely necessary for the preservation of society and others
are encouraged only when the Tories are in office.” ... “I see no
evils in the world--except, of course, natural evils--that cannot be
remedied by freedom, self-government, and English institutions. I think
so, not because I am an Englishman, but as a matter of common sense.”
With blundering shrewdness, Broadbent announces himself as a candidate
for the parliamentary seat, on the ground that he is a Home Ruler, a
Nationalist, and Ireland's truest friend and supporter. “Reform,” he
announces, “means maintaining these reforms which have already been
conferred on humanity by the Liberal party, and trusting for future
developments to the free activity of a free people on the basis of
these reforms.” In Shaw's description, he (Broadbent) is “a robust,
full-blooded, energetic man in the prime of life, sometimes eager and
credulous, sometimes shrewd and roguish, sometimes portentously solemn,
sometimes jolly and impetuous, always buoyant and irresistible, mostly
likable, and enormously absurd in his most earnest moments.”
Broadbent is a great comic figure, destined to take high rank in the
portrait-gallery of English letters. His foil, the Irishman, Larry
Doyle, without being less interesting, is less convincingly portrayed.
Doyle is cursed with the habitual self-questioning and disillusionment
of the self-expatriated Irishman. Realizing the charm of Ireland's
dreams and the brutality of English facts, Doyle longs discontentedly
for “a country to live in where the facts are not brutal and the dreams
not unreal.” His hope for a Greater Ireland is based on his own dream
of Irish intellectual lucidity mated with English push, the Irishman's
cleverness and power of facing facts grafted on the Englishman's
indomitable perseverance and high efficiency. And yet, he has absorbed
the English view of his own race; this “clear-headed, sane Irishman,”
so “hardily callous to the sentimentalities and susceptibilities and
credulities,” if we accept Shaw's estimate of the typical Irishman,
thus describes his own countrymen:
“Oh, the dreaming! the dreaming! the torturing, heart-scalding,
never-satisfying dreaming, dreaming, dreaming, dreaming! No
debauchery that ever coarsened and brutalized an Englishman can
take the worth and usefulness out of him like that dreaming. An
Irishman's imagination never lets him alone, never convinces
him, never satisfies him; but it makes him that he can't
face reality, nor deal with it, nor handle it, nor conquer
it: he can only sneer at them that do, and be 'agreeable to
strangers,' like a good-for-nothing woman on the streets. It's
all dreaming, all imagination. He can't be religious. The
inspired churchman that teaches him the sanctity of life and
the importance of conduct is sent away empty, while the poor
village priest that gives him a miracle or a sentimental story
of a saint has cathedrals built for him out of the pennies of
the poor. He can't be intelligently political: he dreams of
what the Shan Van Vocht said in '98. If you want to interest
him in Ireland you've got to call the unfortunate island
Kathleen ni Hoolihan and pretend she's a little old woman. It
saves thinking. It saves working. It saves everything except
imagination, imagination, imagination; and imagination's such a
torture that you can't bear it without whiskey.”
A noticeable feature of the play's construction is its slow beginning;
the first act might more properly be called a prologue. The remainder
of the play, although it has little or no story worth recounting,
is constructed with unusual care; the interest inheres chiefly in
the dialogue and the traits of the principal characters. When Shaw
was charged with throwing all attempt at construction overboard, he
vehemently replied:
“I never achieved such a feat of construction in my life.
Just consider my subject--the destiny of nations! Consider my
characters--personages who stalk on the stage impersonating
millions of real, living, suffering men and women. Good
heavens! I have had to get all England and Ireland into three
hours and a quarter. I have shown the Englishman to the
Irishman and the Irishman to the Englishman, the Protestant to
the Catholic and the Catholic to the Protestant. I have taken
that panacea for all the misery and unrest of Ireland--your
Land Purchase Bill--as to the perfect blessedness of which all
your political parties and newspapers were for once unanimous;
and I have shown at one stroke its idiocy, its shallowness,
its cowardice, its utter and foredoomed futility. I have
shown the Irish saint shuddering at the humour of the Irish
blackguard--only to find, I regret to say, that the average
critic thought the blackguard very funny and the saint very
unpractical. I have shown that very interesting psychological
event, the wooing of an unsophisticated Irishwoman by an
Englishman, and made comedy of it without one lapse from
its pure science. I have even demonstrated the Trinity to
a generation which saw nothing in it but an arithmetical
absurdity. I have done all this and a dozen other things so
humanely and amusingly that an utterly exhausted audience,
like the wedding guest in the grip of the Ancient Mariner, has
waited for the last word before reeling out of the theatre as
we used to reel out of the Wagner Theatre at Bayreuth after
_Die Götterdämmerung_. And this they tell me is not a play.
This, if you please, is not constructed.”[190]
Not the least noticeable feature of the play is the omission of the
character which, in former plays, appeared as Shaw in disguise. The
characters are sharply individualized, each is a personality as well
as a type. Moreover, Shaw has seized the situation with the hand of a
master; we discern an Irish Molière revelling in the comic irony of
character-reactions, and observing the rigid impartiality of the true
dramatist. This very fairness allows Shaw a free play of intellect
that partisanship would have stifled; every situation is transfused
with the Shavian ironic consciousness. I once asked Mr. William Archer
which play he regarded as Shaw's _magnum opus_. “I suppose _Man and
Superman_ is Shaw's most popular play,” said Mr. Archer, “but I have
always regarded it, somehow, as beneath--unworthy of--Shaw. I should be
inclined to rate _John Bull's Other Island_ as Shaw's greatest dramatic
work.” I remember remarking to Mr. Shaw one day that _John Bull's
Other Island_ revealed greater solidity of workmanship and greater
self-restraint than any of his former plays. “Yes, that is quite true,”
replied Mr. Shaw; “my last plays, beginning with _John Bull_, are set
more firmly upon the earth. They have ceased to be fantastic, and tend
to grow more solid and more human.” The cleverest and truest remark
about _John Bull_ was made by W. B. Yeats: “_John Bull's Other Island_
is the first play of Bernard Shaw's that has a genuine geography.”
While no character in the play can be called essentially Shavian, it
is noteworthy that Keegan, the unfrocked parish priest, is the “ideal
spectator”; in his mouth Shaw places his own poignant criticisms
penetrating to the heart of the situation. At last the mystic in Shaw's
temperament utters his noble message. And the true poet, vaguely
shadowed forth in that essentially romantic figure Marchbanks, speaks
from the heart of Bernard Shaw in the accents of Keegan, the mystic:
“In my dreams heaven is a country where the State is the Church
and the Church the people: three in one and one in three. It is
a commonwealth in which work is play and play is life: three in
one and one in three. It is a temple in which the priest is the
worshipper and the worshipper the worshipped: three in one
and one in three. It is a godhead in which all life is human
and all humanity divine: three in one and one in three. It is,
in short, the dream of a madman.”
[Illustration: =Program of _Candida_. The Princess Theatre, New York,
Director: Arnold Daly. December 8th, 1903. The first professional
performance in the United States.=]
[Illustration]
In _Major Barbara_, Shaw's next play, we discover a reversion to
the earlier economic tone of _Mrs. Warren's Profession_ combined
with a more specific elaboration of the “Shavian dramaturgy.” This
“Discussion in three acts” has aroused so much discussion as to its
meaning and purpose that the story of its genesis may throw some light
upon its obscurities. Mr. Shaw once related to me the circumstances
under which the germ ideas of the play first took form in his mind.
It seems that, while spending some time at his county place, Ayot St.
Lawrence, in Hertfordshire, he formed an acquaintance with a young man
who was a near neighbour, Mr. Charles McEvoy, the author of a play
entitled _David Ballard_, produced under the auspices of the London
Stage Society. At the close of the War between the States in America,
Mr. McEvoy's father, who had fought on the side of the Confederacy,
and was a most gentle and humane man, established a factory for the
manufacture of torpedoes and various high-power explosives. The
idea of this grey-haired gentleman, of peculiarly gentle nature and
benignant appearance, manufacturing the most deadly instruments for
the destruction of his fellow-creatures appealed to Shaw as the
quintessence of ironic contrast. Here, of course, we have the germ
idea of Andrew Undershaft. The contrast of the mild-mannered professor
of Greek with the militant armourer occurred to Shaw as the result
of his acquaintance with a well-known scholar, Professor Gilbert
Murray, admirably kodaked by Shaw in the stage description: “Cusins
is a spectacled student, slight, thin-haired and sweet voiced.... His
sense of humour is intellectual and subtle, and is complicated by an
appalling temper. The lifelong struggle of a benevolent temperament
and a high conscience against impulses of inhuman ridicule and fierce
impatience has set up a chronic strain which has visibly wrecked
his constitution. He is a most implacable, determined, tenacious,
intolerant person, who, by mere force of character, presents himself
as--and actually is--considerate, gentle, explanatory, even mild
and apologetic, capable possibly of murder, but not of cruelty or
coarseness.”
In 1902, when _Mrs. Warren's Profession_ was produced in London,
Shaw said in the _Author's Apology_ affixed to the Stage Society
edition of that play, “So well have the rescuers (of fallen and social
outcasts) learnt that Mrs. Warren's defence of herself and indictment
of society is the thing that most needs saying, that those who know me
personally reproach me, not for writing this play, but for wasting my
energies on 'pleasant plays' for the amusement of frivolous people,
when I can build up such excellent stage sermons on their own work.”
_Major Barbara_ marks a return to Shaw's earlier preoccupation with
economic themes and is a profound study of some of the greatest social
and economic evils of the contemporary capitalistic _régime_. In
conversation, Mr. Shaw gave me the reasons which led him to write this
play.
“For a long time,” he said, “I had had the idea of the religious play
in mind; and I always saw it as a conflict between the economic and
religious views of life.
“You see, long ago, I wrote a novel called _Cashel Byron's Profession_,
in which I showed the strange anomaly of a profession which has the
poetry and romance of fighting about it reduced to a perfectly and
wholly commercial basis. Here we see the pressure of economics upon the
profession of prize-fighting.
“After a while, I wrote a play which I called _Mrs. Warren's
Profession_. I showed that women were driven to prostitution, not at
all as the result of excessive female concupiscence, but because the
economic conditions of modern capitalistic society forced them into a
life from which, in another state of society, they would have shrunk
with horror. Here we see the pressure of economics upon the profession
of prostitution.
“Finally, there came _Major Barbara_. Perhaps a more suitable title for
this play, save for the fact of repetition, would have been _Andrew
Undershaft's Profession_. Here we see the pressure of economics
upon the profession of dealing in death and destruction to one's
fellow-creatures. I have shown the conflict between the naturally
religious soul, Barbara, and Undershaft, with his gospel of money, of
force, of power and his doctrine not only that money controls morality,
but that it is a crime not to have money. The tragedy results from the
collision of Undershaft's philosophy with Barbara's.”
_Major Barbara_ is Shaw's presentment, as Socialist, of the problem
of social determinism. Undershaft began as an East Ender, moralizing
and starving, until he swore that he would be a full-fed free man
at all costs. “I said, 'Thou shalt starve ere I starve'; and with
that word I became free and great.” As in the case of Mrs. Warren,
“Undershaft is simply a man who, having grasped the fact that poverty
is a crime, knows that when society offered him the alternative of
poverty or a lucrative trade in death and destruction, it offered him
not a choice between opulent villainy and humble virtue, but between
energetic enterprise and cowardly infamy.” The doctrine of the direct
functionality of money and morality is no new doctrine. Colonel Sellers
maintained that every man has his price. Becky Sharp averred that any
woman can be virtuous on five thousand pounds a year. The penniless De
Rastignac on the heights of Montmartre, shaking his fist at the city
that never sleeps, bitterly exclaimed: “Money _is_ morality.” Shaw has
declared again and again in the public prints and on the platform, that
money controls morality, that money is the most important thing in the
world, and that all sound and successful personal and social morality
should have this fact for its basis. So Undershaft, asked if he calls
poverty a crime, replies:
“The worst of crimes. All the other crimes are virtue beside
it: all the other dishonours are chivalry itself by comparison.
Poverty blights whole cities: spreads horrible pestilences;
strikes dead the very souls of all who come within sight, sound
or smell of it. What you call crime is nothing: a murder here
and a theft there, a blow now and a curse then: what do they
matter? they are only the accidents and illnesses of life:
there are not fifty genuine professional criminals in London.
But there are millions of poor people, abject people, dirty
people, ill-fed, ill-clothed people. They poison us morally
and physically: they kill the happiness of society; they force
us to do away with our own liberties and to organize unnatural
cruelties for fear they should rise against us and drag us
down into their abyss. Only fools fear crime: we all fear
poverty. Pah! you talk of your half-saved ruffian in West Ham;
you accuse me of dragging his soul back to perdition. Well,
bring him to me here; and I will drag his soul back again to
salvation for you. Not by words and dreams; but by thirty-eight
shillings a week, a sound house in a handsome street, and a
permanent job. In three weeks he will have a fancy waistcoat;
in three months a tall hat and a chapel sitting; before the end
of the year he will shake hands with a duchess at a Primrose
League meeting, and join the Conservative party.... It is cheap
work converting starving men with a Bible in one hand and a
slice of bread-and-butter in the other. I will undertake to
convert West Ham to Mahommedanism on the same terms.... I had
rather be a thief than a pauper. I had rather be a murderer
than a slave. I don't want to be either; but if you force the
alternative on me, then, by Heaven! I'll choose the braver
and more moral one. I hate poverty and slavery worse than any
other crime whatsoever. And let me tell you this. Poverty and
slavery have stood up for centuries to your sermons and leading
articles: they will not stand up to my machine guns. Don't
preach at them: don't reason with them. Kill them.”
Now it is patent on reflection that poverty _per se_ is not a crime,
but frequently an incentive to crime; poverty is an evil that must
be remedied by social reforms.[191] The casuistry of Undershaft's
arguments lies in the assumption that good ends justify the worst
of crimes; but the very strongest case can be made out against this
materialist Socialism, inasmuch as it leaves out of consideration all
sense of individual integrity and personal honour. The implication
of _Major Barbara_ is that the _summum bonum vitæ_ is not virtue,
or honour, or goodness, or personal worth, but material well-being,
if not worldly prosperity. Undershaft expresses the doctrine of
those industrial captains of the predatory rich class whom Mr.
Roosevelt has entitled “malefactors of great wealth.” Mr. John D.
Rockefeller is publicly quoted as preaching to his Sunday School
class that it is every man's _religious_ duty to make as much money
as he possibly can--adding the sardonic parenthesis, “honestly, of
course.” Undershaft, whose motto is “Unashamed,” finds the parenthesis
superfluous--his expressed doctrine is to acquire money at all
hazards--_recte si possit, si non, quocumque modo rem_. He would
displace the Christian doctrine of submission with the Shavian doctrine
of self-assertion. If the present practice of the Christian religion
is found inadequate to modern social conditions, Undershaft asserts,
why, scrap the Christian morality, and try another--the Undershaft
morality, say, _faute de mieux_. But with that comic irony which never
deserts Shaw even in treating the characters most akin to himself in
temperament, he betrays the discrepancy in Undershaft's position: the
lack of connection between his “tall talk” and his perfectly legitimate
actions. There is no evidence that Undershaft employed dishonest
means in the acquisition of his wealth, or committed any violence in
the furtherance of his commercial ambition. Lady Britomart acutely
pricks the bubble in the assertion that she could not get along with
Undershaft because he gave the most immoral reasons for the most moral
conduct!
Shaw suffered the customary fate of the dramatist in having
Undershaft's Nietzschean doctrine of the “will to power” laid at
his own door. It is an historic fact that Shaw once dissuaded a mob
from going on another window-smashing excursion in the West End, by
convincing them of its futility: and yet in the preface to _Major
Barbara_ he says, “The problem being to make heroes out of cowards,
we paper apostles and artist magicians have succeeded only in giving
cowards all the sensations of heroes whilst they tolerate every
domination, accept every plunder, and submit to every oppression.” As
a Fabian, Shaw is a strict advocate of procedure by constitutional
means; he constitutionally agitated for Old Age Pensions, threatening
the Liberal Party all the while with speedy dissolution if this measure
were not carried into effect. It is quite evident that in _Major
Barbara_, Shaw is endeavouring to awake public thought and arouse
public sentiment in England upon the momentous problems of poverty
and the unemployed. To rich and poor alike, he quite consistently and
impartially preaches Socialism, finding this to be most effectively
accomplished by putting in the mouths of his dramatic characters
extremes of opinion expressed in the extremest ways. Shaw advises
the malefactor of great wealth, after acquiring a swollen fortune,
to turn Socialist and, emulating the examples of Carnegie and Rhodes
in educational and other fields, to employ his wealth in improving
the conditions of life for the working classes.[192] To the poor,
Shaw points out the inadequacy of the “paper apostles and artist
magicians,” and the imperative necessity of militant opposition to
oppression, revolt against subjection and poverty. In speaking of
Undershaft's “hideous gospel,” Sir Oliver Lodge pertinently says,
“Perhaps, after all, it is only the wealthy cannon-maker's gospel that
is being preached to us; why should we take it as the gospel of Shaw
himself? Shaw must have a better gospel than that in the future, and
some day he will tell it us, but not yet. As yet, perhaps, it has not
dawned clearly on him.... In nearly all Bernard Shaw's writings ...
the background of strenuous labour, of poverty and overwork, which
constitutes the foundation of modern society, is kept present to the
consciousness all the time, is borne in upon the mind even of the most
thoughtless: it is not possible to overlook it, and that is why his
writings are so instructive and so welcome.”[193]
From the dramatic standpoint, _Major Barbara_ is the most remarkable
demonstration yet given by Shaw of the vitality of a type of
entertainment in complete contradistinction to the classical model.
Shaw has created a form of stage representation, not differing
externally from the conventional form of drama, in which material
action attains its irreducible minimum, and the conflict takes place
absolutely within the minds and souls of the characters. _Major
Barbara_ consists in a succession of logical demonstrations, flowing
from conflicting reactions set up in the souls of the leading
characters by the simplest actions, externally trivial but subjectively
of vital significance. In this play Shaw fully justifies his cardinal
tenet of dramatic criticism that _illumination of life_ is the prime
function of the dramatist, and that the life of drama is not merely
the passion of sexual excitement, but the social, _religious and
humanitarian passions_. The drama of the future will concern itself
with the passion of humanity for all great ends.
_Major Barbara_ is epoch-making in virtue of its theme: the evolutional
struggle of the religious consciousness in a single personality. The
stage upon which the drama is enacted is the soul of the Salvation
Army devotee. “Since I saw the Passion Play at Oberammergau,” said Mr.
W. T. Stead in writing of _Major Barbara_, “I have not seen any play
which represented so vividly the pathos of Gethsemane, the tragedy
of Calvary.”[194] I do not see how anyone can read this story of a
soul's tragedy, or see the play upon the stage, without a quickening
of the nobler emotions, and a realization that Bernard Shaw is a man
of profound feeling and of sentiment, in the best sense. The second
act is the acme of great art, alike in the validity of its emotive
power and the marvellous portraiture of true practical Christianity in
the character of Major Barbara. The sanity and sweetness of her noble
nature, the positive divination of her religious sense which inspires
her to sink self and go straight to the heart of the religious problem,
are revelations in the art of character-portrayal. Her loss of faith
appears insufficiently motived in the play; her conversion in the last
act is even less convincing. Undershaft's intellectuality dominates
Barbara's emotionality; slight reflection might well have convinced
her that the Salvation Army accepted Undershaft's and Bodger's
“tainted money” without explicit or tacit obligation of any sort
whatsoever.[195] But perhaps she saw--as Shaw intends us to see--that
the Salvation Army is foredoomed to failure so long as its chief means
of support is derived from the very class against which it animadverts.
If the Salvation Army goes so far as actually to threaten the incomes
of the predatory rich, it will at once discover that its means of
support derived from that quarter, will be forthcoming no longer.
Not without its significance is the fact that, in _Major Barbara_,
leading dramatic critics found fantastic and absurd what leading
publicists found momentous and profound. To Mr. Walkley, _Major
Barbara_ was a “farrago,” to Mr. Archer, a play in which there are
“no human beings.” On the other hand, Sir Oliver Lodge and Mr. W. T.
Stead were immensely impressed with this play as a vital study of
contemporary religious and social manifestations. These contrasted
views tend to emphasize the facts that the plot of _Major Barbara_ is
quite obviously fantastic, and Undershaft a mystic whose ideas are
dangerously unpractical. And yet the separate characters in the play,
with the exception of Undershaft--and even in his case, we should
remember that no character is impossible in a world which holds a
Bernard Shaw--are all perfectly natural and perfectly comprehensible.
Shaw's practically unlimited acquaintance with all ranks of society
enables him to exhibit characters so diametrically diverse as Bill
Walker and Major Barbara, Lady Britomart and Mrs. Baines, Undershaft
and Cusins, Lomax and “Snobby” Price. The play's greatest faults
are the fantastic plot, the exaggerated discursiveness degenerating
toward the close into rather wearisome prolixity, and the lack of
conviction inspired by Barbara's “conversion” to Undershaftism at the
close. The seriousness of the theme is everywhere lightened by the
brilliancy of the dialogue, the deadly accuracy of the paradoxes,
and the satiric portraiture of social types. But Shaw's incorrigible
dialecticism leaves something to be desired; and we feel toward Shaw
the playwright much as Lady Britomart felt towards Undershaft. “Stop
making speeches, Andrew,” she says. “This is not the place for them”;
to which Undershaft (_punctured_) replies: “My dear, I have no other
way of conveying my ideas.”
Shaw recently asserted that the “way to get the real English public
into the theatre was to give them plenty of politics, to suffuse the
politics with religion, and have as many long speeches as possible.
I knew this because I was in the habit of delivering long speeches
to British audiences myself.” At the Court Theatre, and later at
the Savoy, Shaw drew the real English public to the theatre with
the politics of _John Bull's Other Island_, the religion of _Major
Barbara_, and the long speeches of these two and _Man and Superman_.
In his next play, which he told me he regarded as his most human and
most rational drama, Shaw's active and long-continued interest in
modern medicine found full vent. “The theme of my new play is modern
serumpathy; and the hero is a doctor,” he wrote me while engaged upon
the first act of _The Doctor's Dilemma_.
One day in the summer of 1906, during a visit to the Shaws at
Mevagissey on the seacoast of Cornwall, Mr. Granville Barker told
Mrs. Shaw about a friend of his, a Dr. W----, who had recently been
treated for tuberculosis at a London hospital. Mrs. Shaw was struck
by the recital, which prompted the consideration of the vast pains
often taken by medical scientists to preserve the lives of people who,
unlike Dr. W----, were quite useless to the world. Such people, whose
constitutions were hopelessly undermined, should not be dabbled over
for endless time to no purpose: it was agreed that they ought to be put
into the lethal chamber.
“Why, yes,” exclaimed Mrs. Shaw in a moment of inspiration, “there's a
play in that!”
Mr. Shaw replied: “Sure enough, I believe you are right. Hand me my
tablet and I will go to work on it at once.” The necessary writing
materials were immediately handed him; this was the beginning of _The
Doctor's Dilemma_.
Upon the leading motive of the play hinges the principal criticism
which might be directed against Shaw as a realist. Almost everyone is
inclined to maintain that, whereas problems of the most serious ethical
significance confront even the most ordinary practitioner, the dilemma
in which Ridgeon finds himself placed is one that would never arise in
actual experience. The truth of the matter is that the play is based
upon an actual incident; and Mr. Shaw once related the story to me in
detail. One day he was at St. M----'s Hospital, London, visiting a
famous physician, Sir A---- W----. The size of the hospital admitted
of only a few patients for treatment, say fifteen all told. In the
course of the conversation, an assistant came in to report to the head
of the hospital that some unknown man had made an urgent request to
be taken in as a patient at the hospital. “Is he worth it?” asked the
eminent physician. “This gave me the clue to _The Doctor's Dilemma_,
you see,” explained Mr. Shaw. “A choice between those worthy and those
unworthy to be treated, and presumably saved, was an ethical question
inevitably arising in virtue of the cramped facilities of the hospital.
The question whether the patient was physically worthless or not was in
no sense an inhuman question; and my own treatment, you see, is in no
sense either freakish or inhuman.”
After Ibsen's death Shaw wrote a critical appreciation of Ibsen's work,
in the course of which he said: “Ibsen seems to have succumbed without
a struggle to the old notion that a play is not really a play unless
it contains a murder, a suicide, or something else out of the _Police
Gazette_.... The Brand infant and Little Eyolf are as tremendously
effective as a blow below the belt; but they are dishonourable as
artistic devices, because they depend on a morbid horror of death
and a morbid enjoyment of horror.”[196] Loyally championing Ibsen and
the fundamental principles of drama--for the above quotation appeared
to be nothing short of an attack upon tragedy--Mr. William Archer
characterized Shaw's charge as “the æstheticism of the fox without a
tail ... the instinctive self-justification of the dramatist fatally at
the mercy of his impish sense of humour.” In a challenging tone he went
on to aver that Shaw “eschews those profounder revelations of character
which come only in crises of tragic circumstance. He shrinks from that
affirmation and consummation of destiny which only death can bring.
Death is, after all, one of the most important incidents of life, not
only to him or her who dies, but to those who survive.... If, in Mr.
Shaw's own phrase, 'the illumination of life' is the main purpose of
drama, what illuminant, we may ask, can be more powerful than death?...
It is not the glory but the limitation of Mr. Shaw's theatre that it is
peopled by immortals.”[197]
A few weeks later--as Mr. Archer himself has recorded[198]--a paragraph
appeared in the _Tribune_, “from an unexceptionable source,” announcing
the practical completion of _The Doctor's Dilemma_. This was its
substance:
“Mr. Bernard Shaw has been taking advantage of his seaside
holidays in Cornwall to write a new play.... It is the outcome
of the article in which Mr. William Archer penned a remarkable
dithyramb to Death, and denied that Mr. Shaw could claim the
highest rank as a dramatist until he had faced the King of
Terrors on the stage. Stung by this reproach from his old
friend, Mr. Shaw is writing a play all about death.... He has
not evaded the challenge by a quip; the play is in five acts,
with the fatal situation in the correct position--at the end
of the fourth. The death scene will be unlike any ever before
represented.”
The conversation at Mevagissey and the incident at the hospital in
London prior thereto were the real clues to the creation of _The
Doctor's Dilemma_. Mr. Archer's “challenge,” as Mr. Shaw assured me,
happened to fit in conveniently with his already formulated dramatic
plan. When the play was actually produced, Mr. Archer triumphantly
declared that Shaw had ingeniously evaded his challenge to “keep a
straight face long enough to write a scene of pathos or of tragedy.”
He explained that “death, of all things, requires to be approached
in humility of spirit, and that humility has been omitted from Mr.
Shaw's moral equipment. He must always be superior to every character,
every emotion, every situation he portrays.... If the 'King of
Terrors' thinks he can perturb or overawe the cool, clear, quizzical
intelligence of G. B. S., his majesty is very much mistaken.... As
he (Mr. Shaw) is superior to life, there is no reason in the world
why he should not be superior to death.”[199] In a later article Mr.
Archer maintained that Shaw had “doctored” the situation of Dubedat's
death. Moreover, Mr. Archer gave his case away in the words: “He has
not treated death soberly, seriously, naturally, or, in a word, with
a straight face. He has chosen an extremely exceptional case, and
has treated it realistically in outward detail; ironically in spirit
and effect. It was not realism I demanded--it was poetry!”[200] Now,
to expect a man quintessentially an ironic and comedic dramatist to
throw around death a halo of imaginative poetry is to commit the
critical blunder of complaining of one author that he does not write
like another--say, that Shaw does not write like Shakespeare. If
there is anything that Shaw abhors, it is the spectacle of death made
stage-sublime. And it is quite unreasonable not to expect a man who
does not believe in personal immortality to be “superior to death”; and
Shaw once said, as I have remarked elsewhere, that he was looking for
a race of men who were not afraid to die. Death is approached in _The
Doctor's Dilemma_ with neither awe nor humility; not by the doctors
who are professionally callous, or by the amoral atheist, Dubedat. We
are made to realize Jennifer's anguish during Dubedat's dissolution;
her action following Dubedat's death--the action of a Ouida or a
Laurence Hope--is both logical and psychological. It is quite true that
Shaw has not complied with Mr. Archer's unreasonable and extravagant
request; but he has treated the scene, allowing for the indispensable
“heightening for dramatic effect,” with acute psychological
penetration, with wonderful art, and with absolute consistency to his
own view of life--an eminently honest and square course to pursue.
Various other incidents in the play, branded unqualifiedly by numerous
critics as impish, in execrable taste, or frankly impossible, are
based upon actual occurrences; the names of the parties concerned and
the details are quite well known to others besides Shaw himself. For
example, Dubedat's disgraceful suggestion about the worthless cheque,
which of necessity must eventually be paid by Jennifer to avert
Dubedat's disgrace, is an exact record of a similar proposal once made
to Shaw himself by a man whose name, because of its association with
that of one of the greatest thinkers of the nineteenth century, is
known all over the world. Dubedat's lack of any sense of obligation to
finish pictures paid for before execution is paralleled in an episode
in the life of a well-known sculptor. The incident of the reporter's
suggestion to interview the artist's widow five minutes after
bereavement on “How it feels to be a widow,” is founded on fact. “A few
years ago,” Shaw recounts, “when Mrs. Patrick Campbell's husband died
in South Africa, a leading London paper sent a man up on the instant
to interview her. Of course, she didn't see him, and next morning
the editor of the paper in his story of the death actually expressed
grieved surprise at her lack of hospitality.” There is a scene in the
play in which Dubedat attempts to justify his conduct on the ground
that he is a disciple of Bernard Shaw, whom he calls “the most
advanced man now living.” To remove any misapprehension in the public
mind on the subject, Shaw recently told the following story:
“Some people have thought that by allowing the immoral artist
to say he was my disciple, I have virtually admitted that
all my disciples die immoral and that immorality is what my
teachings amount to. Of course, that is not what I meant. The
incident, as I say, was founded on fact. About six months ago
a scampish youth tried to blackmail his own father, and the
old gentleman, a most respectable person, was actually forced
to prosecute him. At his trial the youth excused himself just
as the dying artist in my play attempted to excuse himself--by
asserting that he was a 'follower of Bernard Shaw.' Then the
youth said some irreligious things that scandalized the judge,
and finally got sent to prison, where he actually expected me
to go to visit him and act as a sort of chaplain to him.”[201]
Lastly, there is the creed of the dying artist, beginning
with the words: “I believe in Michelangelo, Velásquez, and
Rembrandt”--universally deplored as impossible, to say nothing of
its being in execrable taste. “This creed of the dying artist,” Shaw
found himself forced to explain, “which has been reprobated on all
hands as a sally of which only the bad taste of a Bernard Shaw could
be capable, is openly borrowed with gratitude and admiration by me
from one of the best known prose writings of the most famous man of
the nineteenth century. In Richard Wagner's well-known story, dated
1841, and translated under the title, _An End in Paris_, by Mr. Ashton
Ellis (Vol. VII. of his translation of Wagner's prose works), the
dying musician begins his creed with 'I believe in God, Mozart and
Beethoven.'”[202]
In _The Doctor's Dilemma_ medical quackery and humbug are portrayed
with a satiric verve truly Molièresque. The long first act does little
to further the action beyond indicating that “to put a tube of serum
into Bloomfield-Bonington's hands is murder--simple murder,” and
suggesting that Ridgeon has a temporary “idiosyncrasy” to fall in love
with the first pretty woman that comes along. The real purpose of
the first act is to portray the state of modern medical science; the
quackeries of M. Purgon and Mr. Diafoirus come at once to mind, and
one feels that the picture drawn by Shaw is done much as Molière would
have done it, had he been alive to-day. In Dubedat Mr. Max Beerbohm has
discovered a strong resemblance to the Roderick Hudson of Henry James.
One catches here and there, too, a suggestion of the Oscar Wilde who
said: “If one love art at all, one must love it beyond all things in
the world, and against such love the reason, if one listened to it,
would cry out. There is nothing sane about the worship of beauty. It
is something entirely too splendid to be sane. Those of whose lives
it forms the dominant note will always seem to the world to be pure
visionaries.” This figure of a clever young artist, of rare charm of
temperament and phenomenal executive skill, who came to an early,
untimely end through disease had several prototypes in actual life; but
on the whole Dubedat must be regarded as a composite picture, and not a
portrait.” Dubedat raises the eternal question as to how far genius is
a morbid symptom.[203] The most notable passage in the play is the
discussion between Sir Colenso Ridgeon and Sir Patrick Cullen as to the
worthlessness of Dubedat, and the value of Blenkinsop.
“Well, Mr. Saviour of Lives,” asks Sir Patrick, “which is it to
be--that honest man, Blenkinsop, or that rotten blackguard of an
artist, eh?”
[Illustration: =Playbill of _The Doctor's Dilemma_. Schauspielhaus,
Cologne. January 23d, 1910. One hundred and sixty-first performance.=]
[Illustration: =Playbill of _Arms and the Man_. Schauspielhaus,
Frankfurt. October 6th, 1906. First performance at this theatre.=]
“It's not an easy case to judge, is it?” queries Ridgeon. “Blenkinsop's
an honest, decent man; but is he any use? Dubedat's a rotten
blackguard; but he's a genuine source of pretty and pleasant and good
things.”
“What will he be a source of for that poor innocent wife of his, when
she finds him out?”
“That's true. Her life is a hell.”
“And tell me this: Suppose you had this choice put before you: Either
to go through life and find all the pictures bad, but all the men and
women good, or to go through life and find all the pictures good and
the men and women rotten. Which would you choose?”
“That's a devilish difficult question, Paddy. The pictures are
so agreeable, and the good people so infernally disagreeable and
mischievous, that I really can't undertake to say off-hand which I
should prefer to do without.”
“Come, come! none of your cleverness with me: I'm too old for it.
Blenkinsop isn't that sort of good man; and you know it.”
“It would be simpler if Blenkinsop could paint Dubedat's pictures.”
“It would be simpler still if Dubedat had some of Blenkinsop's honesty.
The world isn't going to be made simpler for you, my lad: you must take
it as it is.”
After further discussion, Sir Patrick finally poses the issue in
clear-cut terms:
“It's a plain choice between men and pictures.”
“It's easier to replace a dead man than a good picture,” parries
Ridgeon.
“Colly, when you live in an age that runs to pictures and statues and
plays and brass bands, because its men and women are not good enough
to comfort its poor aching soul, you should thank Providence that you
belong to a high and great profession, because its business is to heal
and mend men and women.”
“In short, as a member of a high and great profession, I am to kill my
patient.”
“Don't talk wicked nonsense. You can't kill him. But you can leave him
in other hands.”
“In B. B.'s, for instance, eh?” queries Ridgeon, looking at Sir Patrick
significantly.
“Sir Ralph Bloomfield-Bonington is a very eminent physician.”
“He is,” accedes Ridgeon.
“I'm going for my hat,” adds Sir Patrick, with conclusive finality.
Whilst all the characters are admirably drawn and sharply
individualized, Shaw's inspiration is singularly displayed in making
of Jennifer a native of Cornwall, that land of rhapsodic faith and
splendid religious enthusiasm. She is a true child of nature, impulsive
and romantic, to whom belief in Dubedat's genius, much more than love
for his personality, has become nothing short of a religion. To engarb
herself in the “purple pall of tragedy,” the instant Dubedat is dead,
is a perfectly characteristic action. “Jennifer is an impossible person
to live with, I grant you,” Mr. Shaw once remarked to me, “but it is
clear to me that her impulsiveness and her unquestioning fidelity to
Dubedat's memory must find immediate expression in fulfilment of the
dying injunction of her King of Men. Even if I had been writing a
novel, in which the treatment is more leisurely”--this in answer to my
question--“I should have made her act precisely as she did.”
The first three acts of _The Doctor's Dilemma_ are as able in treatment
and solid in workmanship as anything Shaw has ever achieved. The
pervasive comic irony is tremendous; and if in the latter part of the
play there is a regrettable drop into farce-comedy, one should remember
that this is a fault shared in by the plays of Sheridan and Molière.
The anti-climax of the epilogue is banal--“a sell” of the true Shavian
brand. It is exceedingly amusing to the dispassionate onlooker to note
the discomfiture of the dismayed audience over the discovery that the
enigmatic author regards the identity of Jennifer's second husband as a
quite pointless secret between Jennifer and Bernard Shaw![204]
“I have just finished a crude melodrama in one act--the crudity and
melodrama both intentional,” Mr. Shaw wrote me on March 15th, 1909,
“which I should say will be played by Tree if it were not that my
plays have such an extraordinary power of getting played by anybody
in the world rather than by the people for whom they were originally
intended.” Even then, it seems, Mr. Shaw dimly foresaw the banning of
his play by the King's Reader of Plays, and the enforced alteration
of plans for its production entailed by that decision. Promised
initial production by Sir (then Mr.) H. Beerbohm Tree, “the first of
our successful West End managers to step into the gap left by the
retirement of Messrs. Vedrenne and Barker from what may be called
National Theatre work with his Afternoon Theatre,” _Blanco Posnet_
was driven away to far-off Dublin, where it first saw the light of
production. Upon no play of Shaw's, with the single exception of _Mrs.
Warren's Profession_, are we so fully “documented”--primarily due in
both cases to the interdict of the Censorship. Fortunately a letter
which Shaw wrote to Tolstoy in the autumn of 1909 gives a detailed
account of the genesis of the play. Tolstoy had been reading Shaw's
plays, and evinced much interest in the plot of _Blanco Posnet_ as it
had come to his ears. He expressed a wish to read the play, says Mr.
Aylmer Maude in his biography of Tolstoy, “because, as he said, to
many people the working of man's conscience is the only proof of the
existence of a God.”[205] When Mr. Maude repeated this conversation to
Mr. Shaw, the latter sent Tolstoy a copy of the play with the following
letter (quoted in part):
“MY DEAR COUNT TOLSTOY,--I send you herewith, through our
friend, Aylmer Maude, a copy of a little play called _The
Showing Up of Blanco Posnet_. 'Showing up' is American
slang for unmasking a hypocrite. In form it is a very crude
melodrama, which might be played in a mining camp to the
roughest audience.
“It is, if I may say so, the sort of play you do
extraordinarily well. I remember nothing in the whole range
of drama that fascinated me more than the old soldier in your
_Power of Darkness_. One of the things that struck me in that
play was the feeling that the preaching of the old man, right
as he was, could never be of any use--that it could only anger
his son and rub the last grains of self-respect out of him. But
what the pious and good father could not do, the old rascal of
a soldier did as if he was the voice of God. To me that scene
where the two drunkards are wallowing in the straw, and the
older rascal lifts the younger one above his cowardice and his
selfishness, has an intensity of effect that no merely romantic
scene could possibly attain; and in _Blanco Posnet_ I have
exploited in my own fashion this mine of dramatic material
which you were the first to open up to modern playwrights.
“I will not pretend that its mere theatrical effectiveness
was the beginning and end of its attraction for me. I am not
an 'Art-for-Art's sake' man, and would not lift my finger to
produce a work of art if I thought there was nothing more than
that in it. It has always been clear to me that the ordinary
methods of inculcating honourable conduct are not merely
failures, but--still worse--they actually drive generous and
imaginative persons into a dare-devil defiance of them. We
are ashamed to be good boys at school, ashamed to be gentle
and sympathetic instead of violent and revengeful, ashamed to
confess that we are very timid animals instead of reckless
idiots, in short, ashamed of everything that ought to be
the basis of our self-respect. All this is the fault of the
teaching which tells men to be good without giving them any
better reason for it than the opinion of men who are neither
attractive to them, nor respectful to them, and who, being much
older, are to a great extent not only incomprehensible to them,
but ridiculous. Elder Daniels will never convert Blanco Posnet:
on the contrary, he perverts him, because Blanco does not want
to be like his brother; and I think the root reason why we do
not do as our fathers advise us to do is that we none of us
want to be like our fathers, the intention of the Universe
being that we should be like God.”
It is inconceivable that this play should have been banned by the
Censorship.[206] It is a story of religious conversion, told with
sincerity and depth of conviction. So far is it from being irreverent
that it may, with truth, be described as the most sincerely religious
of all of Shaw's plays. “Like flies to wanton boys are we to the
Gods,” says Shakespeare: “they kill us for their sport.” Like pawns
in the great game of life are we to God, says Shaw; He uses us for
His own great purpose. “There's no good and bad,” says Posnet in his
puncheon-bench sermon; “but by Jiminy, gents, there's a rotten game,
and there's a great game. I played the rotten game; but the great game
was played on me; and now I'm for the great game every time. Amen.”
It is the final expression in Shaw of that neo-Protestantism which
had already found more or less adequate expression in _The Devil's
Disciple_ and _Major Barbara_. It needs no exposition here--especially
after Shaw's expository letter to Tolstoy.[207] One word only as to
the play's “crudity.” To an American, familiar with the scenes and
conditions described, its pseudo-realism is grotesque in its unreality.
Fortunately the import of the play is in no wise impaired by the fact
that Shaw has been unsuccessful in assimilating Bret Harte.
During the latter part of March, and the month of April, 1909, Mr.
Shaw, accompanied by Mrs. Shaw, went for his health on a motoring
tour through Algeria. His next play, which he had been requested to
write on the chosen subject by Mr. Forbes Robertson, was written at
odd moments during this trip. The play, described by Mr. Shaw as an
“ordinary skit,” was aptly entitled _Press Cuttings: A Topical Sketch
compiled from the Editorial and Correspondence Columns of the Daily
Papers_. In form, it is very like, though superior in characterization,
to a Paris _revue_; Julius Bab has pronounced it vastly above the
contemporary German _Witzblatt_. Its appearance just at the time when
the activities of the “militant” suffragettes were at their height,
was peculiarly _à propos_. Once again, the Censorship intervened to
ban one of Shaw's plays--this time on the ground that Mr. Shaw was
guilty, not of blasphemy, but of employing “personalities, expressed
or implied.” The Civic and Dramatic Guild was immediately created
to evade the interdict of the Censorship, and the play was produced
for the first time at the Royal Court Theatre, London, on July 9th,
1909.[208] The indignation aroused among dramatic authors and critics
by the banning of two of Mr. Shaw's plays in succession at last
focussed the opposition to the Censorship; and the dissatisfaction with
its operation, which had made itself felt vigorously, but more or less
intermittently, for a number of years thitherto, finally crystallized.
A special committee, from both Houses, was appointed by Parliament,
to examine into and report on the operation of the Censorship, and,
if necessary, to make recommendations as to its powers and functions
for the future. Many sittings were held, and a large number of the
leading men of letters in Great Britain, including Mr. Shaw himself,
actors, theatre-managers, bishops, men of various shades of opinion,
gave evidence before the committee. One result of the sittings of
that committee[209] has been the establishment of an advisory
board in connection with the Censorship. In many quarters hopes are
expressed that a Bill will be passed by Parliament for the purpose
of ameliorating the hardships of dramatic authors under the present
operation of the Censorship, and of giving greater encouragement to the
free development of a national English drama in the future.
[Illustration: =Playbill of _Press Cuttings_. The Kingsway Theatre,
London. June 21st, 1910. National Union of Women's Suffrage Societies.
Direction of Actresses' Franchise League.=]
_Press Cuttings_ is the most perfectly amusing thing Shaw has written
in many years. It recalls the days of delightful irresponsibility,
which seemed to have passed for ever--the days of _Arms and
the Man_ and _You Never Can Tell_. The adverse decision of the
Censorship is inconceivable, in the light of the sanction of Mr.
Barrie's _Josephine_, in which Mr. Chamberlain and Mr. Balfour were
“caricatured,” and even a number of their public utterances put in
the mouths of the characters obviously impersonating them. Mr. Shaw's
Balsquith (Balfour-Asquith) and Mitchener (Milner-Kitchener) bear not
the faintest resemblance to any of the personages suggested by their
names--representing merely, in a light of broadly farcical-comedy, a
prime minister and a head of the army. From the situation arising from
reversing the _rôles_ of man and woman, due to the agitation of the
“militant suffragettes”--woman developing all the “manly” qualities
of pugnacity and overbearing insolence, man developing the “womanly”
qualities of timidity and indecision--Shaw has extracted a comedy that
is breezily, devastatingly comical. But, even in a topical sketch, Shaw
from time to time “puts away childish things” and shows us the serious
sides of several subjects. Those who indulge in the futile claim that
men are more useful to the world than women will find food for serious
reflection in the passage in Shaw's play in which General Mitchener
tries to excuse himself for giving way to profanity. He is sternly
reproved by the Irish charwoman, Mrs. Farrell--admirably played by that
remarkable character-actress, Miss Agnes Thomas.
“When a man has risked his life on eight battlefields, Mrs. Farrell,”
pleads the General in extenuation, “he has given sufficient proof of
his self-control to be excused a little strong language.”
“Would you put up with strong language from me,” queries Mrs. Farrell
pertinently, “because I've risked me life eight times in childbed?”
“My dear Mrs. Farrell,” expostulates the General, “you surely would
not compare a risk of that harmless kind to the fearful risks of the
battlefield?”
“I wouldn't compare risks run to bear livin' people into the world to
risks run to blow them out of it,” replies Mrs. Farrell conclusively.
“A mother's risk is jooty; a soldier's is nothin' but divilment.”
The popular hysteria in the fear of German invasion is reflected with
great cleverness in the discussions between Mitchener and Balsquith,
and Mitchener's vigorous asseveration caps the climax.
“Let me tell you, Balsquith, that in these days of aeroplanes and
Zeppelin airships the question of the moon is becoming one of the
greatest importance. It will be reached at no very distant date. Can
you, as an Englishman, tamely contemplate the possibility of having to
live under a German moon?”
Shaw's admirable art in character-creation is portrayed in the figure
of the orderly, a very minor part. In a brief scene or two, he shows us
a definite, clear-cut character, full of humour, consistency and point.
The orderly, with the sharpened vision of common sense, has penetrated
the great drawback to military service in England. The National Service
League might well ponder Shaw's words: “With regard to military
service, the only real objection to it in this country is the fact
that at present the man who enlists as a soldier loses all his civil
rights and becomes simply an abject slave. Sooner than submit to such
conditions, which are wholly unnecessary and mischievous, the country,
I consider, would be perfectly justified in resisting any such measure
by violent revolution.
“On the other hand, there is no reason why a man should not be
compelled to do military service just as he is compelled to serve
on a jury or to pay his taxes, provided that his civil rights are
unimpaired.”
FOOTNOTES:
[181] In a subsequent volume will be indicated in detail Mr. Archer's
intimate relation to the growth of popular interest in Shaw's plays.
[182] This parallel was called to my attention by Professor William
Lyon Phelps, of Yale University. Compare, for example, Tanner's long
outburst against the chains of wedlock with Mirabell's, “I must not
lose my liberty, dear lady, and like a wanton slave cry for more
shackles,” etc., etc. In reply to a question of mine in regard to
indebtedness, Mr. Shaw replied: “Why, I never thought of such a thing!
As a matter of fact, the old English comedies are so artificial and
mechanical, that I always forget them before I have finished reading
them.”
[183] Compare the novel, _The Confounding of Camellia_, by Anne Douglas
Sedgwick, concretely imaging the thesis of Shaw's play. The pursuit
of man is portrayed in its natural colours, the pursuer and temptress
being a seductive siren who exploits all the intricate wiles and
complex arts of personal fascination to ensnare her struggling prey.
[184] _The Actor's Society Monthly Bulletin_, Christmas, 1905.
[185] “As this scene may prove puzzling at a first hearing,” reads
the leaflet, “to those who are not to some extent skilled in modern
theology, the Management have asked the Author to offer the Court
audience the same assistance that concert-goers are accustomed to
receive in the form of an analytical programme.” Follows the synopsis:
“The scene, an abysmal void, represents hell; and the persons of
the drama speak of hell, heaven and earth, as if they were separate
localities, like 'the heavens above, the earth beneath, and the waters
under the earth.' It must be remembered that such localizations are
purely figurative, like our fashion of calling a treble voice 'high'
and the bass voice 'low.' Modern theology conceives heaven and hell,
not as places, but as states of the soul; and by the soul it means, not
an organ like the liver, but the divine element common to all life,
which causes us 'to do the will of God' in addition to looking after
our individual interests, and to honour one another solely for our
divine activities and not at all for our selfish activities.
“Hell is popularly conceived not only as a place, but as a place of
cruelty and punishment, and heaven as a paradise of idle pleasure.
These legends are discarded by the higher theology, which holds that
this world, or any other, may be made a hell by a society in a state
of damnation: that is, a society so lacking in the higher orders of
energy that it is given wholly to the pursuit of immediate individual
pleasure, and cannot even conceive the passion of the divine will. Also
that any world can be made a heaven by a society of persons in whom
that passion is the master passion--a 'communion of saints' in fact.
“In the scene represented to-day hell is this state of damnation. It is
personified in the traditional manner by the devil, who differs from
the modern plutocratic voluptuary only in being 'true to himself'; that
is, he does not disguise his damnation either from himself or others,
but boldly embraces it as the true law of life, and organizes his
kingdom frankly on a basis of idle pleasure seeking, and worships love,
beauty, sentiment, youth, romance, etc., etc.
“Upon this conception of heaven and hell the author has fantastically
grafted the seventeenth century legend of Don Juan Tenorio, Don
Gonzalo, of Ulloa, Commandant of Calatrava, and the Commandant's
daughter, Dona Ana, as told in the famous drama by Tirso de Molina and
in Mozart's opera. Don Gonzalo, having, as he says, 'always done what
it was customary for a gentleman to do,' until he died defending his
daughter's honour, went to heaven. Don Juan, having slain him, and
become infamous by his failure to find any permanent satisfaction in
his love affairs, was cast into hell by the ghost of Don Gonzalo, whose
statue he had whimsically invited to supper.
“The ancient melodrama becomes the philosophic comedy presented to-day,
by postulating that Don Gonzalo was a simple-minded officer and
gentleman who cared for nothing but fashionable amusement, whilst Don
Juan was consumed with a passion for divine contemplation and creative
activity, this being the secret of the failure of love to interest him
permanently. Consequently we find Don Gonzalo, unable to share the
divine ecstasy, bored to distraction in heaven; and Don Juan suffering
amid the pleasures of hell an agony of tedium.
“At last Don Gonzalo, after paying several reconnoitring visits to
hell under colour of urging Don Juan to repent, determines to settle
there permanently. At this moment his daughter, Ana, now full of years,
piety, and worldly honours, dies, and finds herself with Don Juan in
hell, where she is presently the amazed witness of the arrival of her
sainted father. The devil hastens to welcome both to his realm. As Ana
is no theologian, and believes the popular legends as to heaven and
hell, all this bewilders her extremely.
“The devil, eager as ever to reinforce his kingdom by adding souls
to it, is delighted at the accession of Don Gonzalo, and desirous to
retain Dona Ana. But he is equally ready to get rid of Don Juan, with
whom he is on terms of forced civility, the antipathy between them
being fundamental. A discussion arises between them as to the merits
of the heavenly and hellish states, and the future of the world. The
discussion lasts more than an hour, as the parties, with eternity
before them, are in no hurry. Finally, Don Juan shakes the dust of hell
from his feet, and goes to heaven.
“Dona Ana, being a woman, is incapable both of the devil's utter
damnation and of Don Juan's complete supersensuality. As the mother
of many children, she has shared in the divine travail, and with care
and labour and suffering renewed the harvest of eternal life; but the
honour and divinity of her work have been jealously hidden from her
by man, who, dreading her domination, has offered her for reward only
the satisfaction of her senses and affections. She cannot, like the
male devil, use love as mere sentiment and pleasure; nor can she, like
the male saint, put love aside when it has once done its work as a
developing and enlightening experience. Love is neither her pleasure
nor her study: it is her business. So she, in the end, neither goes
with Don Juan to heaven nor with the devil and her father to the palace
of pleasure, but declares that her work is not yet finished. For though
by her death she is done with the bearing of men to mortal fathers, she
may yet, as Woman immortal, bear the Superman to the Eternal Father.”
[186] In W. B. Yeats's Collected Works, Vol. IV., p. 109 (London:
Chapman and Hall, 1908), appears a statement (dated 1903), with
reference to “the play which Mr. Bernard Shaw has promised us.” The
appended footnote reads: “This play was _John Bull's Other Island_.
When it came out in the spring of 1905, we felt ourselves unable to
cast it without wronging Mr. Shaw. We had no Broadbent, or money to get
one.”
[187] In a subsequent volume, dealing with the dramatic movement
inaugurated by Mr. Shaw, the production of his plays at the Court
Theatre will be fully discussed.
[188] _Bernard Shaw and His Mannikins_, in the _New York Sun_, October
15th, 1905.
[189] _George Bernard Shaw: A Conversation_, in _The Tatler_, November
16th, 1904.
[190] _George Bernard Shaw: A Conversation_, in _The Tatler_, November
16th, 1904.
[191] Several years ago, in a public address, Mr. Andrew Carnegie
made the remarkable statement: “You hear a good deal these days about
poverty. People wish it abolished. The saddest day civilization will
ever see will be that in which poverty does not prevail. Fortunately we
are assured that the poor are always to be with us. It is upon the evil
of poverty that virtue springs!”
[192] In the Fabian tract, _Socialism for Millionaires_, Shaw preaches
much the same gospel to the millionaire. This paper was first published
in the _Contemporary Review_, February, 1896.
[193] _'Major Barbara,' G. B. S., and Robert Blatchford_, by Sir Oliver
Lodge; in the _Clarion_ (London), December 29th, 1905.
[194] _Impressions of the Theatre.--XIV. Mr. Bernard Shaw's 'Major
Barbara,'_ in the _Review of Reviews_ (London), January 27th, 1906.
[195] Commissioner Nicol, of the Salvation Army, has pointed out
that a “real” Barbara, before sending in her resignation, would have
consulted General Booth as to the Army's policy in the matter of
accepting “tainted money.” He relates (the _Star_, November 29th,
1905), that General Booth accepted one hundred pounds from the Marquess
of Queensberry for his “Darkest England” project. A Christian friend
was astonished that he took the “dirty money.” Said the General: “We'll
wash it clean in the tears of the widow and orphan, and consecrate it
on the altar of humanity for Humanity's good.” It is quite clear that
Shaw's “Barbara” prefers to do her own thinking; if she had let General
Booth do it for her, there would have been no play.
[196] _Ibsen_, by G. Bernard Shaw; in the _Clarion_, June, 1906.
[197] _About the Theatre_, by William Archer; in the _Tribune_
(London), July 14th, 1906.
[198] _About the Theatre: 'The Doctor's Dilemma'_ by William Archer; in
the _Tribune_ (London), December 29th, 1906.
[199] This very able and profound discussion, in which Mr. Archer gave
the very fairest exposition of his real opinion of Shaw as personality
and dramatist, revealed the fundamental issues of the vexed question at
issue without in the least settling them.
[200] _About the Theatre: The Dissolution of Dubedat_, by William
Archer; in the _Tribune_ (London), January 19th, 1907.
[201] The _New York Times_, December 30th, 1906.
[202] '_The Doctor's Dilemma_,' in the _Standard_ (London), November
22d, 1906. Shaw's comment is characteristic: “It is a curious instance
of the enormous Philistinism of English criticism that this passage
should not only be unknown among us, but that a repetition of its
thought and imagery sixty-five years later should still find us with a
conception of creative force so narrow that the association of Art with
Religion conveys nothing to us but a sense of far-fetched impropriety.”
It is needless to remark that Dubedat omits God's name for the obvious
reason that he does not believe in God.
[203] Shaw recently said: “I do not see how any observant student of
genius from the life can deny that the Arts have their criminals and
lunatics as well as their sane and honest men ... and that the notion
that the great poet and artist can do no wrong is as mischievously
erroneous as the notion that the King can do no wrong, or that
the Pope is infallible, or that the power which created all three
did not do its own best for them. In my last play, _The Doctor's
Dilemma_, I recognized this by dramatizing a rascally genius, with
the disquieting result that several highly intelligent and sensitive
persons passionately defended him, on the ground, apparently, that high
artistic faculty and an ardent artistic imagination entitled a man
to be recklessly dishonest about money, and recklessly selfish about
women, just as kingship in an African tribe entitles a man to kill whom
he pleases on the most trifling provocation. I know no harder practical
question than how much selfishness one ought to stand from a gifted
person for the sake of his gifts or the chance of his being right in
the long run.”--_The Sanity of Art: An Exposure of the Current Nonsense
about Artists being Degenerate_, by Bernard Shaw, pp. 11-12; _The New
Age Press_ (London), 1908. This brochure is also published by Benjamin
R. Tucker, New York.
[204] I have had the privilege of reading Mr. Shaw's copy of _The
Doctor's Dilemma_. Consideration of _Getting Married_, _Misalliance_
and _The Dark Lady of the Sonnets_, all unpublished in English at this
time (November, 1910), is postponed for a subsequent edition of the
present work.
[205] _The Life of Tolstoy: Later Years_, by Aylmer Maude; Constable
and Co., 1910.
[206] The Censor objected to two passages; the second passage Mr. Shaw
was perfectly willing to alter, but not so the first--Blanco's story
of his conversion, so reminiscent of the style of Job, in which he
describes how God “caught him out at last.” This first passage, which
Mr. Shaw rightly considered to embody the crux and central meaning of
the play, he refused point-blank to alter. The play was next promised
production by the Abbey Theatre, Dublin. A certain passage which was
subject to misinterpretation was willingly altered by Mr. Shaw at the
suggestion of Lady Gregory; and the phrase, “Dearly beloved brethren,”
and the use of the word “immoral” in description of Feemy's relations
with the men of the village, were omitted in deference to the wishes of
the Lord-Lieutenant. The directors of the Abbey Theatre, Lady Gregory
and Mr. W. B. Yeats, were warned by the Lord-Lieutenant that their
patent for the theatre might be withdrawn in case the play offended
popular and religious sentiment in Ireland. Despite these warnings, the
play was successfully produced on August 25th, 1909. “The audience took
it in a very friendly manner,” wrote the dramatic critic of the _Times_
(London), “laughing heartily at its humours, passing over its dangerous
passages with attentive silence, calling loudly but in vain for the
author at the close.” There was no sensation and no excitement--and no
cause for any. The _Irish Times_ said that if ridicule were as deadly
in England and Ireland as it is in France, the Censorship would be
“blown away in the shouts of laughter that greeted _Blanco Posnet_.” In
September, 1909, the play was once again presented to the Censor for
consideration--in the meantime the author having rewritten an important
passage after it had been tested in rehearsal. Miss Horniman wished to
produce it at her Repertory Theatre in Manchester. “What the Censorship
has actually done,” said Mr. Shaw in comment on the decision, “exceeds
the utmost hopes of those who, like myself, have devoted themselves to
its destruction. It has licensed the play, and endorsed on the licence
specific orders that all its redeeming passages shall be omitted in
representation. I may have my insolent prostitute, my bloodthirsty,
profane backwoodsmen, my atmosphere of coarseness, of savagery, of
mockery, and all the foul darkness which I devised to make the light
visible; but the light must be left out. I may wallow in filth,
ferocity and sensuality, provided I do not hint that there is any force
in Nature higher and stronger than these.” Subsequently the play was
successfully produced under the auspices of the Incorporated Stage
Society, at the Aldwych Theatre, London, December 5th and 6th, 1909, by
the Irish National Theatre Society's Company from the Abbey Theatre,
Dublin.
[207] For detailed and excellent expositions of the purport of
the play--particularly helpful at the time of the banning by the
Censorship--compare _The Incorrigible Censorship_, in the _Nation_,
July 29th, 1909; and an open letter to the _Spectator_ of September
4th, 1909, by George A. Birmingham.
[208] The play was subsequently produced successfully at the Gaiety
Theatre, Manchester, October 18th, 1909, and at the Kingsway
Theatre, London, June 21st, 1910, at a benefit _matinée_ organized
by the Actresses' Franchise League. The Reader of Plays allowed the
production of the play after the change of the names of “Balsquith” and
“Mitchener” to “Johnson” and “Bones,” respectively.
[209] _Report of the Joint Select Committee of the House of Lords
and the House of Commons on the Stage Plays (Censorship), together
with the Proceedings of the Committee, and Minutes of Evidence_; Eyre
and Spottiswoode, 1909. The many questions which intimately concern
the free development of the national drama in England, arising in
connection with the investigation of the Censorship, fall outside the
scope of the present work. They will be considered in detail in a
subsequent volume dealing with the movements in dramatic art associated
with Mr. Shaw's name. Mr. Shaw, desiring to have his full views on the
Censorship included in the printed report, had a volume printed at his
own expense which he filed with the committee. The committee decided by
vote not to allow this printed evidence to be printed in their report.
This volume, entitled _Statement of the Evidence in Chief of George
Bernard Shaw before the Joint Committee on Stage Plays (Censorship
and Theatre Licensing)_, printed privately and marked “Confidential,”
constitutes a remarkable indictment against the Censorship, and an
elaborate exposition of grounds for the abolition of the Censorship as
at present constituted.
THE TECHNICIAN
“Like all dramatists and mimes of genuine vocation, I am a
natural-born mountebank.”--_On Diabolonian Ethics._ Preface to
_Three Plays for Puritans_.