CHAPTER VIII

In 1888 a gentleman described in the _World_ at that time as “a Chinese

statesman named Tay Pay,”[105] founded the _Star_, claiming for it the

distinction of the first and only half-penny paper, and ignoring the

_Echo_, which early succumbed to the treatment. On the recommendation

of Mr. H. W. Massingham, Shaw was placed on the editorial staff as

leader writer, on the second day of the paper's existence. At that

time the Fabian Society had just invented the municipal modification

of Socialism called Progressivism; and the sole object of Shaw, then a

“moderate and constitutional, but strenuous Socialist,” in joining the

_Star_ was to foist this new invention upon it as the latest thing in

Liberalism. Here Shaw's “impossibilism” broke out worse than ever; and

Mr. O'Connor, an Irishman too, and a skilled journalist in the bargain,

was not to be taken in. He refused to print the articles. “Then the

Fabian Society ordered all its members to write to the _Star_,” records

Shaw, “expressing indignant surprise at the lukewarmness of its

Liberalism and the reactionary and obsolete character of its views.

This was more successful; the paper became Progressive, and London

rose so promptly to the new programme, that the first County Council

election was fought and won on it. The Liberal leaders remonstrated

almost daily with T. P., being utterly bewildered by what was to them

a most dangerous heresy. But the _Star_ articles became more and more

Progressive, then ultra-Progressive, then positively Jacobin; and the

further they went the better London liked them. They were not, I beg to

say, written by me, but by Mr. H. W. Massingham.”[106]

While the Fabians were thus engaged in “collaring the _Star_ by

this stage army stratagem,” Shaw, to the utter consternation of the

Chinese statesman, was writing political leaders for which the country

was not ripe by about five hundred years, according to the political

computation of the eighties. Too good-natured to do his duty and put

Shaw out summarily, Tay Pay, in desperation, proposed that Shaw should

have a column to himself, to be headed “Music,” and to be “coloured by

occasional allusions to that art.” It was with a gasp of relief that he

heard Shaw's acceptance of the proposition; and so a new career opened

for Shaw as “ Corno di Bassetto,”[107] a “person now forgotten, but I

flatter myself, very popular for a couple of years in the _Star_.”

[Illustration: =“Magnetic, he has the power to infect almost everyone

with the delight that he takes in himself.” (Mr. George Bernard Shaw.)=]

_A Cartoon. By Max Beerbohm._

_By permission of the Artist and “Vanity Fair.”_

Among Shaw's colleagues on the _Star_ at this time were Clement K.

Shorter and Richard Le Gallienne. A. B. Walkley, the distinguished

dramatic critic of the London _Times_, was then the “_Star_ man”

in the theatres, and although he was more fastidious and dignified

than the incorrigible “Bassetto,” he was quite as amusing. “I am far

from denying that a man of genius may make even a newspaper notice

of the Royal Academy or of a 'Monday Pop.' permanently valuable and

delightful,” Mr. Archer once said; “all I maintain is that it assuredly

takes a man of genius to do so. Mr. Bernard Shaw ... has to my thinking

a peculiar genius for bringing day-by-day musical criticism into vital

relation with æsthetics at large, and even with ethics and politics--in

a word, with life....” According to his subsequent confession, “The

_Star's_ own captious critic,” as Shaw was denominated at the time,

used the word music in a platonically comprehensive sense; for he wrote

about anything and everything that came into his head. He once spoke of

his column in the _Star_, signed “Corno di Bassetto,” as “a mixture of

triviality, vulgarity, farce and tomfoolery with genuine criticism.”

George Henry Lewes' style, as Mr. Archer has shrewdly observed,[108]

reminds one of that of “Corno di Bassetto”; but the dramatic essays

of Lewes, Shaw freely confesses, are miles beyond the crudities of Di

Bassetto, although the combination of a laborious criticism with a

recklessly flippant manner is the same in both. Indeed, Shaw's column

in the _Star_ was perhaps the most startling evidence of the insurgency

and iconoclasm of the New Journalism as represented by the _Star_, its

foremost exponent. Imagine a column a week in the sprightly vein of the

following:

“I warn others that Offenbach's music is wicked. It is

abandoned stuff: every accent in it is a snap of the fingers

in the face of moral responsibility, every ripple and sparkle

on its surface twits me for my teetotalism, and mocks at the

early rising which I fully intend to make a habit of some

day.... In Mr. Cellier's scores, music is still the chastest

of the muses. In Offenbach's she is--what shall I say?--I am

ashamed of her. I no longer wonder that the Germans came to

Paris and suppressed her with fire and thunder. Here in England

how respectable she is! Virtuous and rustically innocent

her six-eight measures are, even when Dorothy sings, 'Come,

fill up your glass to the brim'! She learned her morals from

Handel, her ladylike manners from Mendelssohn, her sentiment

from the 'Bailiff's Daughter of Islington.' But listen to her

in Paris, with Offenbach. Talk of six-eight time: why, she

stumbles at the second quaver, only to race off again in a wild

Bacchanalian, Saturnalian, petticoat spurning, irreclaimable,

shocking quadrille.”

No more accurate characterization of the work of Di Bassetto can be

conceived than is to be found in Shaw's own confession. He secured the

privileges he usurped, he says, in two ways: first, by taking care

that “Corno di Bassetto” should always be amusing; and, secondly, by

using a considerable knowledge of music, which nobody suspected him of

possessing, to provide a solid substratum of genuine criticism for the

mass of outrageous levities and ridiculous irrelevancies which were the

dramatic characteristics of “Bassetto.” “I daresay these articles would

seem shabby, vulgar, cheap, silly, vapid enough if they were dug up and

exposed to the twentieth century light; but in those days, and in the

context of the topics of that time, they were sufficiently amusing to

serve their turn.”[109]

It will be recalled that Shaw, from his early childhood, had been in

close contact with the best that had been thought, felt, and written

in music. It was his practice as a boy to whistle to himself the

operatic themes he heard continually practised at his home, precisely

as a street _gamin_ whistles the latest piece of “rag-time.” He

was introduced to Wagner's music for the first time by hearing a

second-rate military band play an arrangement of the _Tannhäuser_

march. He thought it a rather commonplace plagiarism from the famous

theme in _Der Freischütz_. This boyish impression was exactly the same

as that recorded of the mature Berlioz, who was to Shaw at that time

the merest shadow of a name which he had read once or twice. Shaw

learned his notes at the age of sixteen; and although for a long time

thereafter he inflicted untold suffering on his neighbours, he became

in time quite a good accompanist. In the early days in London, when

he was not laboriously writing five pages a day on one of his novels,

Shaw occasionally tried his hand at musical composition, at writing and

setting words to music. I have before me now a folded sheet of pink

paper, dated “23d of June, 1883,” in Shaw's fine handwriting, on which

he had written music for one of Shelley's poems, Rossetti edition, Vol.

III., p. 107. On the inside of the folded sheet, in Shaw's hand, is

copied the poem, headed _Lines_, beginning:

“When the lamp is shattered,

The light in the dust lies dead;

When the cloud is scattered,

The rainbow's glory is shed;

“When the lute is broken,

Sweet notes are remembered not;

When the lips have spoken,

Loved accents are soon forgot.”

Shaw was deeply interested in a study of Wagner's music, and took

great pains in studying Wagner's methods of composition. I have seen

Shaw's musical notes made during this period--sheets of stiff paper on

which he had written out the musical scores of the various distinct

_leit motifs_ in the Wagnerian operas--the Ring motive, the Rheingold

motive, etc., etc.--with fine marginal stenographic notes in the Pitman

system. He once made quite a study of counterpoint; and, as we learned

in an earlier chapter, acquired a grounding in “Temperament” through

his acquaintance with his friend, James Lecky. When Mr. O'Connor

transferred Shaw from the editorial staff to the post of musical critic

for the _Star_, believing that he could do no great harm there, his

wisdom was justified by the result. All his experience in writing and

criticism on the _Star_, combined with his early knowledge of music,

filled Shaw's hands with weapons. And when Louis Engel, the “best hated

musical critic in Europe,” as Shaw calls him, found it necessary to

give up his position as musical critic of the _World_, his post fell to

“Corno di Bassetto.”

At the time when Shaw first entered the lists as a musical critic, he

was possessed of the strongest convictions on the subject of music,

musicians, and true musical genius. In _Love Among the Artists_ Shaw

has given expression to his decided views concerning the pedantry

of the academic schools, the absurd jargon of conventional musical

criticism, and the vacuity and inconsequence of all music, based

on method alone, which does not come into being through unaffected

enthusiasm for art, and the sincere effort towards the complete

realization of personality. The musical criticism which takes the

analysis of “Bach in B minor” as its point of departure is there held

up to unmeasured scorn. It seems something more than a coincidence that

the avoidance of this very subject, with all its implications, should

have been the condition on which Shaw began his career as a critic of

music. In connection with his appointment as musical critic of the

_Star_, Shaw relates this story of Mr. O'Connor: “He placed himself

in my hands with one reservation only. 'Say what you like,' he said;

'but for--(here I omit a pathetic Oriental adjuration)--don't tell us

anything about Bach in B minor.' It was a bold speech, considering

the superstitious terror in which the man who has the abracadabra of

musical technology at his fingers' end holds the uninitiated editor;

but it conveyed a golden rule.” Shaw was in perfect accord with the

editor in the belief that “Bach in B minor” is not good criticism, not

good sense, not interesting to the general readers, not useful to the

student. He fulfilled his part of the contract far more completely than

the “Chinese statesman” had any right to expect. Not only did Shaw not

tell us anything about “Bach in B minor”: he spent six years of his

life in holding the practice up to ridicule and contempt!

Bernard Shaw brought his critical faculty to bear upon music in England

during the period when the academic faction held full sway. There was

a large reserve of native musical talent in England at this time, but

it found nothing like full scope for its development, largely because

of the commercial pandering to popular taste. The so-called masters of

contemporary music in England were all reared on the methodology of the

schools. Dr. Mackenzie, the Principal of the Royal Academy of Music,

was probably the leader of the academic faction. Sir George Grove,

author of that standard work, the _Dictionary of Musicians_, was an

honoured figure in the world of music. Dr. Hubert Parry, at the height

of his creative activity, was writing and occasionally conducting his

oratorios, such as _Job_ and _Judith_. These and other earlier works

of his--notably, _L'Allegro ed il Pensieroso_ and _Prometheus_--Shaw

took the utmost pleasure in declaring to be “without any merit

whatsoever,” or “the most conspicuous failures,” despite their fine

feeling, their scrupulous moderation, and other pleasant and perfectly

true irrelevancies. At the Albert Hall, Sir Joseph Barnby, Principal

of the Royal Choral Society, in his measured and complacent style, was

leading those huge, lumbering choirs which are still the pride of Great

Britain. Villiers Stanford, that Irish professor ever trifling in a

world of ideas, was writing his _Eden_, and other works, which entitled

him to a high place in the councils of academicism. Goring Thomas, for

his _Golden Web_, and other operas, had already attained a position

as a dramatic composer, which, according to Shaw, at least, “placed

the production of an opera of his beyond all suspicion as a legitimate

artistic enterprise.” Arnold Dolmetsch, that rarely fine interpreter

of ancient music, was giving those unique viol concerts in the hall of

Barnard's Inn and elsewhere which charmed Arthur Symons yesterday as

they charmed Bernard Shaw long ago. Gilbert and Sullivan had once more

joined forces in _Utopia_, scoring another operatic triumph, somewhat

less decisive and conspicuous, it must be confessed, than _Pinafore_,

_The Mikado_ and _The Pirates of Penzance_. Cowen was winning encomiums

as a conductor, and Sterndale Bennett was still a name to conjure with.

To the many, Wagner, like Ibsen, was still an offensive impostor. But

Ashton Ellis's exhaustive task of translating Wagner's works was slowly

proceeding; and Armbruster, that Bayreuth extension lecturer, so to

speak, aided by Shaw in the _Star_ and in the _World_, was paving the

way for a more general comprehension and appreciation of Wagner in

England. Paderewski was slowly mounting to the position of the foremost

living pianist, and Patti had begun to give her “Farewell Concerts.”

In musical criticism, as in all other phases of his strangely

diversified career, Shaw is essentially a revolutionary. His attack

upon Parry's _Job_, so he always maintained, threatened to call

forth a great national protest! He fought for Wagner with the same

revolutionary enthusiasm which enlisted him in the cause of Ibsen--and

Shaw. He had no tolerance for anything traditional, not even for

traditional versions of old airs, for the simple reason that they were

always inaccurate. So jealous was he of his critical sense, for fear

of its prostitution by irrelevant beauty or factitious romance, that

he steadfastly steeled himself against that subtlest of all forces in

undermining critical integrity--personal magnetism.

Perhaps the simplest way to arrive at a comprehension of Shaw, the

critic of music, is by taking account of his tastes and aversions. For

example, Shaw usually viewed Paderewski's performances, at the time

when the Polish pianist was first creating such sensations in England,

as brutal contests between the piano and the pianist to settle the

question of the survival of the fittest. The following description of

his sensations on hearing Paderewski is not without its reminder of

that once popular _pièce de récitation_, _How Ruby Played_.[110] “The

concerto was over, the audience in wild enthusiasm, and the piano a

wreck. Regarded as an immensely spirited young harmonious blacksmith,

who puts a concerto on the piano as upon an anvil, and hammers it

out with an exuberant enjoyment of the swing and strength of the

proceeding, Paderewski is at least exhilarating; and his hammer play

is not without variety, some of it being feathery, if not delicate.

But his touch, light or heavy, is the touch that hurts; and the glory

of his playing is the glory that attends murder on a large scale when

impetuously done.” Three years later, in 1893, Shaw has reached the

conclusion that Paderewski is a weak, a second-hand composer, but an

artist whose genuine creative achievements have assured him the title

of the greatest of living pianists. “I had rather see Paderewski in his

next composition for orchestra drop the piano altogether,” Shaw said.

“It is the one instrument he does not understand as a composer, exactly

because he understands it so well as an executant.”

For David Bispham Shaw had the sincerest admiration, and the De Reszkes

won his praise because, as he explained it, they sang like dignified

men, instead of like male viragoes in the dramatic Italian style. He

made a point of insisting, however, that Édouard de Reszke occasionally

abused his power by “wilful bawling for the mere fun of making a

thundering noise. On hearing Gerster in 1890, he was sufficiently

charmed to say: “The old artistic feeling remained so unspoiled and

vivid that, if here and there a doubt crossed me whether the notes were

all reaching the furthest half-crown seat as tellingly as they came to

my front stall, I ignored it for the sake of the charm which neither

singer nor opera (_The Huguenots_) has lost for me.” Of a concert

given in 1893 by “our still adored Patti,” whom he calls “now the most

accomplished of mezzo-sopranos,” he gives the following description:

“It always amuses me to see that vast audience (at Albert

Hall) from the squares and villas listening with moist eyes

whilst the opulent lady from the celebrated Welsh castle

fervently sings: 'Oh, give me my lowly thatched cottage

again.' The concert was a huge success: there were bouquets,

raptures, effusions, kissings of children, graceful sharings

of the applause with _obbligato_ players--in short, the usual

exhibition of the British _bourgeoisie_ in the part of Bottom

and the prima donna in the part of Titania. Patti hazarded none

of her old exploits as a florid soprano with an exceptional

range: her most arduous achievement was '_Ah, fors e lui_,' so

liberally transposed that the highest notes in the rapid traits

were almost all sharp, the artist having been accustomed for so

many years to sing them at a higher pitch. Time has transposed

Patti a minor third down, but the middle of her voice is

still even and beautiful; and this with her unsurpassed

phrasing and that delicate touch and expressive _nuance_ which

make her _cantabile_ singing so captivating, enables her to

maintain what was, to my mind, always the best part of her old

supremacy.”[111]

Of that brilliant executant Essipoff, the wife of Leschetizky, Shaw

said that if it were possible to believe that she _cared_ two straws

about what she played, she would be one of the greatest executive

musicians of Europe. Hollman was, on the whole and without any

exception, in Shaw's opinion, the greatest violoncellist he had ever

heard. Joachim's fineness of tone, perfect dignity of style, and

fitness of phrasing impressed Shaw as truly magnificent; and when he

heard him play Bach's “Chaconne in D minor,” he confessed that he came

as near as he ever came to calling anything done by mortal artist

perfect. Ysaye, that other master-violinist, moved Shaw as much as he

moved Symons by the perfectly harmonious blending of his every faculty.

Shaw smilingly reminded all readers of the screed of G. B. S. that

“Decidedly, if Ysaye only perseveres in playing splendidly to us for

twenty-five years more or so, it will dawn on us at last that he is one

of the greatest of living artists; and then he may play how he pleases

until he turns ninety without the least risk of ever hearing a word of

disparagement or faint praise.”

In Shaw's view, Mozart is the ideal, the supreme composer. Again

and again, throughout his works, Shaw has lavished upon Mozart the

finely-tempered praise of the clear-eyed devotee. The critical rating

of a composer is overwhelmingly impressive when it is supported by

the avowal of personal indebtedness; and Shaw has frequently asserted

that Mozart has influenced his dramatic works more than any English

dramatist since Shakespeare. I remember discussing Mozart with Mr.

Shaw one day; and I took occasion to express my scepticism as to the

possibility of any profound influence exerted by Mozart the composer

upon Shaw the dramatist. “In a certain sense, Mozart must always have

been a model for me,” replied Mr. Shaw. “Throughout the entire period

of my career as a critic of music, I always thought and wrote of

Mozart as a master of masters. The dream of a musician is to have the

technique of Mozart. It was not his 'divine melodies' but his perfect

technique that profoundly influenced me. What a great thing to be a

dramatist for dramatists, just as Mozart was a composer for composers!

First, and above all things else, Mozart was a _master to masters_.”

The second part of _Faust_ impressed Shaw as the summit of Schumann's

achievement in dramatic music; and he was very ready to admit that

Schumann had at least one gift which has now come to rank very high

among the qualifications of a composer for the stage: a strong feeling

for harmony as a means of emotional expression. He always found Brahms

to be insufferably tedious when he tried to be profound, but delightful

when he merely tried to be pleasant and naïvely sentimental. “Euphuism,

which is the beginning and end of Brahms' big works,” Shaw remarks

in connection with the “Symphony in E minor,” “is more to my taste

in music than in literature. Brahms takes an essentially commonplace

theme; gives it a strange air by dressing it in the most elaborate

and far-fetched harmonies; keeps his countenance severely (which at

once convinces an English audience that he must have a great deal in

him); and finds that a good many wiseacres are ready to guarantee him

as deep as Wagner, and the true heir of Beethoven.” Dvorak, Bohemia's

most eminent creative musician, famed alike for an inexhaustible wealth

of melodic invention and a rich variety of colouring, is stamped by

Shaw as a romantic composer, and only that. His “Requiem” Shaw found

utterly tedious and mechanical, while his “Symphony in G” is “very

nearly up to the level of a Rossini overture, and would make excellent

promenade music at the summer fêtes.” The announcement of a Mass by

Dvorak affected Shaw very much as would the announcement of a “Divine

Comedy” in ever so many cantos by Robert Louis Stevenson! He regarded

Verdi as the greatest of living dramatic composers; and years before

Shaw began writing musical criticism, when Von Bülow and others were

contemptuously repudiating Verdi, Shaw was able to discern in him

a man possessing more power than he knew how to use, or, indeed,

was permitted to use by the old operatic forms imposed on him by

circumstances.[112]

For the solemnly manufactured operas of Saint Saëns, Shaw felt not mere

distaste, but genuine contempt. As soon, in fact, as he discovered

the sort of thing that a French composer dreams of as the summit of

operatic achievement, his artistic sympathy with Paris was cut off at

the main. Early in his career, he solemnly announces, he gave up Paris

as impossible from the artistic point of view! His characterization of

French music is nothing short of Heinesque.

“London I do not so much mind. Your average Londoner is, no

doubt, as void of feeling for the fine arts as a man can be

without collapsing bodily; but, then, he is not at all ashamed

of his condition. On the contrary, he is rather proud of it,

and never feels obliged to pretend that he is an artist to the

tips of his fingers. His pretences are confined to piety and

politics, in both of which he is an unspeakable impostor. It

is your Parisian who concentrates his ignorance and hypocrisy,

not on politics and religion, but on art. In this unwholesome

state of self-consciousness he demands statues and pictures

and operas in all directions, long before any appetite for

beauty has set his eyes or ears aching; so that he at once

becomes the prey of pedants who undertake to supply him with

classical works, and swaggerers who set up in the romantic

department. Hence, as the Parisian, like other people, likes

to enjoy himself, and as pure pedantry is tedious and pure

swaggering tiresome, what Paris chiefly loves is a genius who

can make the classic voluptuous and the romantic amusing.

And so, though you cannot walk through Paris without coming

at every corner upon some fountain or trophy or monument for

which the only possible remedy is dynamite, you can always

count upon the design including a female figure free from the

defect known to photographers as under-exposure; and if you go

to the opera--which is, happily, an easily avoidable fate--you

may wonder at the expensive trifling that passes as musical

poetry and drama, but you will be compelled to admit that the

composer has moments, carried as far as academic propriety

admits, in which he rises from sham history and tragedy to

genuine polka and barcarolle; whilst there is, to boot,

always one happy half-hour when the opera-singers vanish, and

capable, thoroughly trained, hard-working, technically skilled

executants entertain you with a ballet. Of course the ballet,

like everything else in Paris, is a provincial survival, fifty

years behind English time; but still it is generally complete

and well done by people who understand ballet, whereas the

opera is generally mutilated and ill done by people who don't

understand opera.”

Is it any wonder, then, that the “tinpot stage history” of Saint Saëns

was the bane of Shaw's existence and the abomination of his critical

sense? Or that Offenbach's music struck him as wicked, abandoned

stuff? And of Meyerbeer, then still regarded in Paris as a sort of

Michelangelo, he says: “If you try to form a critical scheme of the

development of English poetry from Pope to Walt Whitman, you cannot

by any stretch of ingenuity make a place in it for Thomas Moore, who

is accordingly either ignored in such schemes or else contemptuously

dismissed as a flowery trifler. In the same way, you cannot get

Meyerbeer into the Wagnerian scheme except as the Autolycus of the

piece.”

The most significant feature of Shaw's career as a musical critic was

his championship of Wagner. Although he had an exalted admiration for

Wagner, he was no hero-worshipper, nor in the least degree blind to

the defects of Wagner as a composer who failed to preserve philosophic

continuity and coherence in his greatest dramatic achievement. The

similarity of tastes in music between Wagner and Shaw is a very

noticeable feature of the “C. di B.” and “G. B. S.” criticisms. It

was to be expected that Shaw the dramatist would admire Wagner for

composing music designed to heighten the expression of human emotion;

he realized fully that such music was intensely affecting in the

presence of that emotion, and utter nonsense apart from it. Like

Wagner, Shaw had a deep love for Beethoven, an intense admiration for

Mozart, and a sincere appreciation of the Mendelssohn of the Scotch

symphony. And he likewise shared Wagner's sovereign contempt for the

efforts of Schumann and Brahms to be “profound.”

A German would laugh at the notion that Wagner required any

“championing” during the years from 1888 to 1894 inclusive, since

the Bayreuth performances began in 1876. The chief novelty in

Shaw's Wagner criticisms was his attack on Bayreuth for the various

old-fashioned absurdities perpetrated there--the inadequacy of _mise

en scène_, the ridiculous unnaturalness and inappropriateness of

scenery and dress, and the retention in leading parts of “beer-barrels

of singers” who did not know how to sing. The result of Shaw's first

visit, in 1889, was an article on Bayreuth for the _English Illustrated

Magazine_; a later visit produced an illustrated article in the _Pall

Mall Budget_. Besides this, both visits were reported day by day by

Shaw in the _Star_, over his signature, “Corno di Bassetto,” or “C. di

B.” Up to that time, in Shaw's opinion, Bayreuth criticism had been

either worship or blasphemy. “I threw off all this, and criticized

performances of Wagner's works at Bayreuth precisely as I should have

criticized performances of Wagner's works at Covent Garden. The effect

on pious Wagnerians was as though I had brawled in church.”

In his relation of musical critic in England, Shaw took the greatest

pains to ascertain the exact bearings of the controversy which had

raged round Wagner's music-dramas since the middle of the century.

The six years of Shaw's activity as a musical critic fell within the

decade of Sir Augustus Harris's greatest operatic enterprises. Shaw

spent a large part of his time in making onslaught after onslaught on

the “spurious artistic prestige” of Covent Garden. For some seasons

he was forced to pay for his own stall; and there were times, Shaw

says, when “I was warned that my criticisms were being collated by

legal experts for the purpose of proving 'prejudice' against me, and

crushing me by mulcting my editor in fabulous sums.... The _World_

proved equal to the occasion in the conflict with Covent Garden, and,

finally, my invitations to the opera were renewed; the impresario made

my personal acquaintance, and maintained the pleasantest relations with

me from that time onward....” It is true that Jean de Reszke made his

first appearance on any stage on July 13th, 1889, as the hero of _Die

Meistersinger_; but it infuriated Sir Augustus Harris to be publicly

reminded by Shaw that _Tristan and Isolde_, having been composed in

1859, was perhaps a little overdue. Indeed, it was not until 1896 that

_Tristan and Isolde_ at last made its way into the repertory of Royal

Italian Opera in England. Shaw exhausted himself, in the columns of the

_World_, in “apparently hopeless attempts to shame the De Reszkes out

of their perpetual Faust and Mephistopheles, Romeo and Laurent, and in

pooh-poohed declarations that there were such works in existence as

_Die Walküre_ and _Tristan_. It was not Sir Augustus Harris who roused

Jean de Reszke from his long lethargy, but his own artistic conscience

and the shock of Vandyk's brilliant success in Massenet's _Manon_.”

And when Shaw's successor on the _World_, on the occasion of the death

of Sir Augustus Harris in 1896, declared that the great impresario

laboured to cast aside the fatuous conventions of the Italian school,

and to adopt all that was best in the German stage, Shaw was provoked

into a crushing reply. “_Sancta simplicitas!_” he exclaimed. “The truth

is that he fought obstinately for the Italian fatuities against the

German reforms. He was saturated with the obsolete operatic traditions

of the days of Tietjens, whose Semiramide and Lucrezia he admired as

great tragic impersonations. He described _Das Rheingold_ as 'a damned

pantomime'; he persisted for years in putting _Tannhäuser_ on the stage

with Venusberg effects that would have disgraced a Whitechapel Road

gaff, with the twelve horns on the stage replaced by a military band

behind the scenes, and with Rotten Row trappings on the horses.... It

was only in the last few years that he began to learn something from

Calvé and the young Italian school, from Wagner, from Massenet and

Bruneau, and from Verdi's latest works. In opera, unfortunately, he

was soaked in tradition, and kept London a quarter of a century behind

New York and Berlin--down almost to the level of Paris--in dramatic

music.”[113]

It happens that Shaw's squarest and solidest contributions to

Wagnerian criticism were written after his career as musical critic

ceased. At the request of Mr. Benjamin Tucker, editor of _Liberty_,

a journal of Philosophic Anarchy, published in New York, Shaw wrote

a reply to Max Nordau's _Degeneration_, which was then (1895) making

a great impression on the American mind. This reply, entitled _A

Degenerate's View of Nordau_, was published in a double copy of

_Liberty_, especially printed to make room for it; Mr. Tucker sent a

copy to every paper in America; and, as Shaw avers, Nordau's book has

never been heard of in an American paper since. It was undoubtedly a

great piece of journalism in those days for Mr. Tucker to pick out

the right man--as Shaw unquestionably was--for that stupendous task;

and Shaw still takes an unholy joy in showing how Tucker the crank

was able to beat all the big fashionable editors at their own game.

Besides being largely imported in England, the article did Shaw a

great private service. For when William Morris read it, he at once

threw off all reserve in talking to Shaw about modern art, and treated

him thenceforth as a man who knew enough to understand what might be

said to him on that subject. The article contained, among many other

equally able things, an eminently sane and intelligible treatment

of the development of modern music, and its relation to Wagner. Mr.

Huneker, who regards this as Shaw's finest piece of controversial work,

rightly declared that it completely swept Nordau from the field of

discussion.[114]

[Illustration: =Ahenobarbus at Rehearsal.=]

Reproduced from the original water-color, drawn from memory, in 1894.

_Bernard Partridge._

_Courtesy of the Artist._

The other piece of Wagnerian criticism by which Shaw is best known

was the subject of a letter Shaw once wrote to the editor of the

_Academy_ (October 15th, 1895): “I see you have been announcing a

book by me entitled, 'The Complete Wagnerite,'” writes Shaw. “This

is an error; you are thinking of an author named Izaak Walton. The

book, which is a work of great merit, even for me, is called, 'The

Perfect Wagnerite,' and is an exposition of the philosophy of _Der

Ring des Nibelungen_. It is a G. B. essence of modern Anarchism, or

Neo-Protestantism. This lucid description speaks for itself. As it has

been written on what the whole medical faculty and all the bystanders

declare to be my death-bed, it is naturally rather a book of devotion

than one of those vain brilliancies which I was wont to give off in

the days of my health and strength.--P. S. I have just sprained my

ankle in trying to master the art of bicycling on one foot. This, with

two operations and a fall downstairs, involving a broken arm, is my

season's record so far, leaving me in excellent general condition. And

yet they tell me a vegetarian can't recuperate!” In this commentary to

what had already been written by “musicians who are no revolutionists,

and revolutionists who are no musicians,” Shaw reads into Wagner far

more Socialism than he had ever read into Ibsen. He took pains to base

his interpretation upon the facts of Wagner's life--his connection with

the revolution of 1848, his association with August Roeckel and Michael

Bakounin, his later pamphlets on social evolution, religion, life, art,

and the influence of riches--rather than upon his recorded utterances

in regard to the specific meanings of the “Ring” music-dramas. It

is not difficult to recognize, with Shaw, the portraiture of our

capitalistic industrial system from the Socialist point of view in

the slavery of the Niblungs and the tyranny of Alberich: but little

significance attaches to such cheap symbolism. It is more difficult

to identify the young Siegfried with the anarchist Bakounin on the

strength of the latter's notorious pamphlet demanding the demolition

of existing institutions. To the _Ring of the Niblungs_, Shaw has,

so to speak, applied the Ibsenic-Nietzschean-Shavian philosophy as a

unit of measure, and found it to apply at many points. Siegfried is

a “totally unmoral person, a born Anarchist, the ideal of Bakounin,

an anticipation of the 'overman' of Nietzsche”--a Germanized Dick

Dudgeon or a Teutonic Prometheus. Whenever the philosophy of the

“Ring” diverges from the Shavian philosophy, Wagner was “wandering in

his mind.” Whenever his own explanations do not agree with the _idée

fixe_ of Shaw, they only prove, as was once claimed by Shaw in the

case of Ibsen, that Wagner was far less intellectually conscious of

his purpose than Shaw. As an exposition of the Shavian philosophy, the

book is worthy of note; as an exposition of the Wagnerian philosophy,

it is unconvincing. The book is exceedingly ingenious and in places,

brilliant; but it is the work of an ideologue and an a-priorist.

One final word in regard to Shaw's position as a champion of Wagner.

While it is of little importance now, still Wagner and anti-Wagner

was the great controversy of that time in music until anti-Wagnerism

finally became ridiculous in the face of Wagner's overwhelming

popularity. In the same way, Ibsen and anti-Ibsen was the great

controversy in drama in London after 1889. In both instances, the

whirligig of time has brought round its revenges. For some years, even

before his death, Ibsen stood unchallenged as the premier dramatist

of the age. And now that Wagner's battle is won and over-won, Shaw

has the profound gratification of seeing “the professors, to avert

the ridicule of their pupils, compelled to explain (quite truly) that

Wagner's technical procedure in music is almost pedantically logical

and grammatical; that the _Lohengrin_ prelude is a masterpiece of the

'form' proper to its aim; and that his disregard of 'false relations,'

and his free use of the most extreme discords without 'preparation,'

were straight and sensible instances of that natural development of

harmony which has proceeded continually from the time when common

six-four chords were considered 'wrong,' and such free use of

unprepared dominant sevenths and minor ninths as had become common in

Mozart's time would have seemed the maddest cacophony.” And in a letter

to me, Mr. Shaw said (July 15th, 1905): “I was on the right side in

both instances: that is all. According to the _Daily Chronicle_, Wagner

and Ibsen were offensive impostors. As a matter of fact, they were

the greatest living masters in their respective arts; and I knew that

quite well. The critics of the nineteenth century had two first-rate

chances--Ibsen and Wagner. For the most part they missed both. Second

best they could recognize; but best was beyond them.”[115]

Mr. Shaw's most recent incursion into the field of music criticism

was occasioned by a criticism of Richard Strauss' _Elektra_, at the

time of its first production in England in March, 1910, from the pen

of the well-known critic of music, Mr. Ernest Newman. The vigorous

controversy between Mr. Shaw and Mr. Newman that ensued was, of course,

quite inconclusive, so far as erecting any absolute standards by which

Strauss' greatness as a dramatic composer might be judged. But it

evoked from Mr. Shaw an outburst of enthusiasm unparalleled in his

career as a critic of music:

“What Hofmannsthal and Strauss have done is to take

Clytemnestra and Aegistheus, and by identifying them with

everything that is evil and cruel, with all that needs must

hate the highest when it sees it, with hideous domination and

coercion of the higher by the baser, with the murderous rage

in which the lust for a lifetime of orgiastic pleasure turns

on its slaves in the torture of its disappointment and the

sleepless horror and misery of its neurasthenia, to so rouse

in us an overwhelming flood of wrath against it and ruthless

resolution to destroy it, that Elektra's vengeance becomes holy

to us; and we come to understand how even the gentlest of us

could wield the axe of Orestes or twist our firm fingers in the

black hair of Clytemnestra to drag back her head and leave her

throat open to the stroke.

“That was a task hardly possible to an ancient Greek.

... And that is the task which Hofmannsthal has achieved. Not

even in the third scene of _Das Rheingold_, or in the Klingsor

scenes in _Parsifal_, is there such an atmosphere of malignant

and cancerous evil as we get here. And that the power with

which it is done is not the power of the evil itself, but of

the passion that detests and must and finally can destroy that

evil, is what makes the work great, and makes us rejoice in its

horror....

“That the power of conceiving it should occur in the same

individual as the technical skill and natural faculty needed to

achieve its complete and overwhelming expression in music, is a

stroke of the rarest good fortune that can befall a generation

of men. I have often said, when asked to state the case against

the fools and moneychangers who are trying to drive us into a

war with Germany, that the case consists of the single word,

Beethoven. To-day, I should say with equal confidence, Strauss.

That we should make war on Strauss and the heroic warfare and

aspiration that he represents is treason to humanity. In this

music-drama Strauss has done for us just what he has done

for his own countrymen: he has said for us, with an utterly

satisfying force, what all the noblest powers of life within us

are clamouring to have said, in protest against and defiance of

the omnipresent villainies of our civilization; and this is the

highest achievement of the highest art.”[116]

So often was Shaw mocked by scepticism concerning his talent and

by imperviousness to his mood, that he sometimes actually went to

the length of tagging one of his Irish bulls with the explanatory

parenthesis (“I speak as an Irishman”). If the larger public ever

gains a just understanding of Shaw, it will be because they have

found this central and directing clue: he speaks as an Irishman. The

right to say in jest what is meant in earnest is a right the average

Englishman denies; he agrees with Victor Hugo that “every man has

a right to be a fool, but he should not abuse that right.” M.

Faguet has recently said of Sainte Beuve that he was guided by one

of the finest professional consciences the world of literature has

ever known. Early in his career, Shaw succeeded in imparting to his

readers the conviction that his glaring deficiency was the total lack

of a professional conscience. Shaw was preoccupied with the exposition

of the eternal comedy. He is that hitherto unknown phenomenon in the

history of musical criticism--a musical critic who charged his critical

weapon with genuine comic force. The conviction has probably come to

every musical critic in some moment of self-distrust that his effort

to catch and imprison in written words the elusive spirit of music is,

after all, only a more or less humorous subterfuge. In this respect

Shaw differs from every other musical critic who ever lived: instead of

feeling his criticism to be merely a humorous subterfuge, he actually

believed it to be a comically veracious impression of reality.

No view of Shaw's unique attitude as a critic has yet been obtained

that is not one-sided, false, or--what is far worse--misleading. The

absurdly simple truth is that Shaw always aimed at saying, in the most

forcible and witty way possible, exactly what he thought and felt,

however absurd, unnatural, or comic these criticisms might sound to the

“poor, silly, simple public.” To the feelings of other musical critics,

to the prejudices of the dry academic schools, or even to the consensus

of opinion, crystallized through the lapse of years, he paid no heed

whatsoever. He did not feel himself bound by the traditions of any

journal, by any obligations, fancied or real, to operatic managers, or

by the predilections of his audience. In fact, to put it in a homely

way, he was “his own man,” feeling free to express his opinions exactly

as he chose. And it is perhaps no exaggeration to say that, since

1885, the whole spirit of English criticism, personified in Walkley,

Archer and Shaw--an Englishman of French descent, a Scotchman, and an

Irishman--has been a spirit of forthrightness, outspoken frankness and

unblushing sincerity.

In the matter of individual style, Shaw occupies an absolutely unique

position in English literature. He occupied a more unusual _terrain_

than had ever been occupied before. Concerning the subjects in which

he claimed to be thoroughly versed, he gaily announced himself as an

authority. With an air of grandiose condescension, he once confessed

that he might be mistaken: “Even I am not infallible--that is, not

always.” He really meant that he was. “Let it be remembered, that I am

a superior person,” he characteristically says, “and that what seemed

incoherent and wearisome fooling to me may have seemed an exhilarating

pastime to others. My heart knows only its own bitterness; and I do

not desire to intermeddle with the joys of those among whom I am a

stranger. I assert my intellectual superiority--that is all.” He was

ever sublimely conscious of his own supreme dialectical and critical

skill. “Some day I must write a supplement to Schumann's 'Advice to

Young Musicians.' The title will be 'Advice to Old Musicians'; and the

first precept will run, 'Don't be in a hurry to contradict G. B. S.,

as he never commits himself on a musical subject until he knows at

least six times as much about it as you do.'” If he had been matched

in argument with the greatest living critic of the arts--and he was

frequently matched against the greatest English critics--he would

doubtless have said to him, in the language of the apocryphal anecdote:

“All the world's mad save thee and me, John. And sometimes I think

thee's a little mad too.”

Behind all this “_infernal blague_” lurks the real critic, whose

chief conviction is that “Bach in B minor” is not fit subject for

enjoyment or criticism. “I would not be misunderstood,” Mr. Shaw

remarked to me one day, “in regard to my position about analysis and

'analytic criticism.' The analytic criticism I mercilessly condemn

is the sort of criticism of Hamlet's soliloquy that reads: 'It is

highly significant, in the first place, that Hamlet begins his

soliloquy with the infinitive of the verb “To be,” etc., etc' Far from

minimizing the function of analysis sanely and appropriately employed

in criticism, I attribute my superiority as a critic to my superiority

in the faculty of analysis.” The inevitable reaction from “absolute

music” was the dramatic expression of individuality, _e.g._, Wagner.

The inevitable reaction from “analytic criticism” is the critical

expression of individuality, _e.g._, Shaw. He never hunted out false

relations, consecutive fifths and sevenths, the first subject, the

second subject, the working out, and all the rest of “the childishness

that could be taught to a poodle.” His supreme effort was to get away

from a discussion of the technology of music to the _nuances_ of the

music itself, the source of its inspiration, the spirit of its genius.

If Shaw should find Wagner an offensive charlatan and his themes

cacophonous strings of notes, he would frankly say so, without making

any effort to _prove_ him so by laying down the first principles of

character and composition, and showing that his conduct and his works

are incompatible with these principles. The expert, in Shaw's view,

should merely give you his personal opinion for what it is worth. Shaw

protested against the whole academic system in England, and declared

himself its open enemy. “This unhappy country would be as prolific of

musical as of literary composers were it not for our schools of music,

where they seize the young musician, turn his attention forcibly away

from the artistic element in his art, and make him morbidly conscious

of its mechanical conditions, especially the obsolete ones, until he at

last becomes, not a composer, but an adept in a horribly dull sort of

chess played with lines and dots, each player having different notions

of what the right rules are, and playing his game so as to flourish his

view under the noses of those who differ from him. Then he offers his

insufferable gambits to the public as music, and is outraged because I

criticize it as music and not as chess.”

Shaw made the most persistent effort to encourage the employment of

the vernacular in music, as well as in criticism of music. An arrant

commonplace, made out of the most hackneyed commonplace in modern

music, pleased him more than all the Tenterden Street specialties. “I

cry 'Professor' whenever I find a forced avoidance of the vernacular in

music under the impression that it is vulgar.... Your men who really

can write, your Dickenses, Ruskins and Carlyles, and their like,

are vernacular above all things: they cling to the locutions which

everyday use has made a part of our common life. The professors may

ask me whether I seriously invite them to make their music out of the

commonplaces of the comic song writer? I reply, unabashed, that I do.”

With the deepest fervour, he continued to preach the doctrine of

spontaneity and naturalness. “Why hesitate to perpetrate the final

outrage of letting loose your individuality, and saying just what you

think in your own way as agreeably and frankly as you can?” His own aim

was to reach that truly terrible fellow, the average man--“the plain

man who wants a plain answer.” If he can only awake the attention of

the man in the street and, by expressing himself frankly in everyday

language, the quotidian commerce of thought, occasionally even in the

vernacular of the street, make clear to that man the appeal that music

makes to a critic acutely sensitive to the subtler implications of

its highest forms, Shaw is perfectly satisfied with himself and his

performance. Accordingly, he aimed, primarily, to make an exact record

of the sensations induced by a certain piece of music, or a certain

performer, _Don Juan_ or De Reszke, Letty Lind or _The Pirates of

Penzance_. He made no effort whatsoever to control the current of his

humour. He allowed it to play as lightly about Patti, as uproariously

about Paderewski, as derisively about Vieuxtemps as his inclination

directed. The most solemn symphony excited his risibility to the

explosion point, and the latest Mass suggested seaside promenades

instead of the life of the world to come.

Shaw's efforts to free musical criticism from the blighting effects

of academicism, his advocacy of the free expression of individuality,

and his insistence upon the return to nature, both in music and in

criticism, brought upon him the scorn and contempt that is always

the meed of the would-be reformer. The French public looked up to

Francisque Sarcey with a sort of filial veneration, and affectionately

dubbed him “uncle.” The English public sneered at Shaw's brilliant

attacks upon their favourites and their idols, and looked down upon

him, not as a reasonable human being, but, as Shaw expressed it, as

a mere Aunt Sally. Not only did the critics and the public laugh

at his revolutionary zeal, but they regarded him as an amusing

incompetent, availing himself of his abundant gift of humour to supply

the deficiency of any knowledge of music or of the possession of

the faintest critical sense. Analytic criticism was revered, while

the individual and impressionistic style of Shaw was immoderately

enjoyed as the tricky device of a colossal humbug. Shaw fought against

misrepresentation and prejudice with unabated vigour, continually

confounding his critics with some unanswerable argument that logically

reduced their attacks to nothingness. By apt examples, he often

revealed the absurdities of analytic criticism in literature, once

confronting his critics with the startling query: “I want to know

whether it is just that a literary critic should be forbidden to make

his living in this way on pain of being interviewed by two doctors

and a magistrate, and hauled off to Bedlam forthwith; whilst the more

a musical critic does it, the deeper the veneration he inspires. By

systematically neglecting it I have lost caste as a critic even in the

eyes of those who hail my abstinence with the greatest relief; and I

should be tempted to eke out these columns in the Mesopotamian manner

if I were not the slave of a commercial necessity and a vulgar ambition

to have my articles read, this being the main reason why I write them,

and the secret of the constant 'straining after effect' observable in

my style.”

Perhaps the most enlightening evidence as to Shaw's position as a

critic of music is contained in his recital of an amusing incident.

One day, it seems, a certain young man, whose curiosity overswayed

his natural modesty, approached Shaw on the subject of the G. B. S.

column in the _World_. “At last he came to his point with a rush by

desperately risking the question: 'Excuse me, Mr. G. B. S., but _do_

you know anything about music? The fact is, I am not capable of forming

an opinion myself; but Dr. Blank says you don't, and--er--Dr. Blank is

such a great authority that one hardly knows what to think.' Now this

question put me into a difficulty, because I had already learnt by

experience that the reason my writings on music and musicians are so

highly appreciated is that they are supposed by many of my greatest

admirers to be a huge joke, the point of which lies in the fact that

I am totally ignorant of music, and that my character of critic is an

exquisitely ingenious piece of acting, undertaken to gratify my love

of mystification and paradox. From this point of view every one of my

articles appears as a fine stroke of comedy, occasionally broadening

into a harlequinade, in which I am the clown, and Dr. Blank the

policeman. At first I did not realize this, and could not understand

the air of utter disillusion and loss of interest in me that would

come over people in whose houses I incautiously betrayed some scrap

of amateurish enlightenment. But the naïve exclamation, 'Oh! you _do_

know something about it, then!' at last became familiar to me; and I

now take particular care not to expose my knowledge. When people hand

me a sheet of instrumental music, and ask my opinion of it, I carefully

hold it upside down, and pretend to study it in that position with

the eye of an expert. They invite me to try their new grand piano, I

attempt to open it at the wrong end; and when the young lady of the

house informs me that she is practising the 'cello, I innocently ask

her whether the mouthpiece did not cut her lips dreadfully at first.

This line of conduct gives enormous satisfaction, in which I share to a

rather greater extent than is generally supposed. But, after all, the

people whom I take in thus are only amateurs. To place my impostorship

beyond question, I require to be certified as such by authorities like

our Bachelors and Doctors of Music--gentlemen who can write a '_Nunc

Dimittis_' in five real parts, and know the difference between a tonal

fugue and a real one, and can tell you how old Monteverde was on his

thirtieth birthday, and have views as to the true root of the discord

of the seventh on the supertonic, and devoutly believe that _si contra

fa diabolus est_. But I have only to present myself to them in the

character of a man who has been through these dreary games without ever

discovering the remotest vital connection between them and the art of

music--a state of mind so inconceivable by them--to make them exclaim:

“'Preposterous ass! that never read so far

To know the cause why music was ordained,'

and give me the desired testimonials at once. And so I manage to scrape

along without falling under suspicion of being an honest man.

“However, since mystification is not likely to advance us in the

long run, may I suggest that there must be something wrong in the

professional tests which have been successfully applied to Handel,

to Mozart, to Beethoven, to Wagner, and last, though not least, to

me, with the result in every case of our condemnation as ignoramuses

and charlatans. Why is it that when Dr. Blank writes about music,

nobody but a professional musician can understand him; whereas the

man-in-the-street, if fond of art and capable of music, can understand

the writings of Mendelssohn, Wagner, Liszt, Berlioz, or any of the

composers? Why, again, is it that my colleague, W. A., for instance, in

criticizing Mr. Henry Arthur Jones' play the other day, did not _parse_

all the leading sentences in it? I will not be so merciless as to

answer these questions now, though I know the solution, and am capable

of giving it if provoked beyond endurance. Let it suffice for the

moment that writing is a very difficult art, criticism a very difficult

process, and music not easily to be distinguished, without special

critical training, from the scientific, technical and professional

conditions of its performance, composition and teaching. And if the

critic is to please the congregation, who wants to read only about the

music, it is plain that he must appear quite beside the point to the

organ-blower, who wants to read about his bellows, which he can prove

to be the true source of all the harmony.”[117]

FOOTNOTES:

[105] Mr. T. P. O'Connor.

[106] In speaking of his first appearance as a journalistic writer--in

a “London Letter,” written, at the age of fifteen, for a well-known

journal in Scarborough--Max Beerbohm once wrote (the _Saturday Review_,

January 26th, 1901): “I well remember that the first paragraph I wrote

was in reference to the first number of the _Star_, which had just

been published. Mr. T. P. O'Connor, in his editorial _pronunciamento_,

had been hotly philanthropic. 'If,' he had written, 'we enable the

charwoman to put two lumps of sugar in her tea instead of one, then

we shall not have worked in vain.' My comment on this was that if Mr.

O'Connor were to find that charwomen did not take sugar in their tea,

his paper would, presumably, cease to be issued.... I quote it merely

to show that I, who am still regarded as a young writer, am exactly

connate with Mr. Shaw. For it was in this very number of the _Star_

that Mr. Shaw, as 'Corno di Bassetto,' made his first bow to the

public.” This latter statement, although inaccurate, is essentially

correct.

[107] The name of a musical instrument which went out of use in

Mozart's time.

[108] In his introduction to the _Dramatic Essays of John Forster and

George Henry Lewes_.

[109] _In the Days of Our Youth._ In the _Star_, February 19th, 1906.

[110] The reference is to Rubinstein.

[111] _Music_, signed G. B. S., in the _World_, June 7th, 1893.

[112] In this connection compare Shaw's article: _A Word More about

Verdi_, in the _Anglo-Saxon Review_, Vol. VIII., March, 1901.

[113] _De Mortuis_, signed G. B. S., in the _Saturday Review_, July

4th, 1896.

[114] In the letter Mr. Tucker wrote to Mr. Shaw at Easter, 1895, Shaw

once told me, he said that he knew Shaw was the only man in the world

capable of tackling Nordau on his various fields of music, literature,

painting, etc.: “He said that if I would find out the highest figure

ever paid by, say, the _Nineteenth Century_ for a single article to

any writer, not excluding Gladstone or any other eminent man, he

would pay me that sum for a review of 'Degeneration' for his little

paper. This, mind you, from a man who was publishing a paper at his

own expense, without a chance of making anything out of it, and with a

considerable chance of finding himself in prison some day for telling

the truth about American institutions. Mr. Tucker probably worked

double shifts and ate half meals for the next two or three years to pay

off what the adventure cost him.” This essay, somewhat amplified, was

recently (February, 1908) published in America by Benjamin R. Tucker,

N. Y.--in England by the _New Age_ Press, London--under the title, _The

Sanity of Art: an Exposure of the Current Nonsense about Artists being

Degenerate_.

[115] Is Shaw, the anti-romantic, consistent in championing Wagner,

the head and front of European romanticism? Shaw, the individualist,

recognized that Wagner was a great creative force in art; that was

sufficient cause for his championship. It may be interesting in this

connection to consult Julius Bab's acute analysis of Shaw's Wagnerism:

_Bernard Shaw_ (S. Fischer, Berlin), pp. 210-214.

[116] _The 'Elektra' of Strauss and Hofmannsthal._ A letter to the

editor of the _Nation_ (London), March 19th, 1910.

[117] _Music_, in the _World_, February 18th, 1893.

THE DRAMATIC CRITIC

Mac Beth.

Oth Ello.

Comedy of Er Rors.

Merchant of Ve Nice.

Coriol Anus.

Midsummer Night's D Ream.

Merry Wives of Win Dsor.

Measure for Mea Sure.

Much Ado about Not Hing.

Antony and Cleop Atra.

All's Well that Ends Well.[118]

FOOTNOTES:

[118] The conclusive cryptographic proof that Bernard Shaw wrote the

plays usually attributed to Shakespeare--discovered by Mr. S. T. James,

of Leeds.

George Bernard Shaw, his life and works · 第 8 / 16 章