6. The Court.

In language and manners the courts of Alexander's successors were Greek.

Even the Macedonian dialect, which it was considered proper for the

kings to use on occasion, was often forgotten (Plut. _Ant._ 27). The

Oriental features which Alexander had introduced were not copied. There

was no _proskynesis_ (or certainly not in the case of Greeks and

Macedonians), and the king did not wear an Oriental dress. The symbol of

royalty, it is true, the _diadem_, was suggested by the head-band of the

old Persian kings (Just. xii. 3, 8); but, whereas, that had been an

imposing erection, the Hellenistic diadem was a simple riband. The

king's state dress was the same in principle as that worn by the

Macedonian or Thessalian horsemen, as the uniform of his own cavalry

officers. Its features were the broad-brimmed hat (_kausia_), the cloak

(_chlamys_) and the high-laced boots (_krepides_) (Plut. _Ant._ 54;

Frontinus, iii. 2, 11). These, in the case of the king, would be of

richer material, colour and adornment. The diadem could be worn round

the kausia; the chlamys offered scope for gorgeous embroidery; and the

boots might be crimson felt (see the description of Demetrius' chlamys

and boots, Plut. _Dem_. 41). There were other traces in the Hellenistic

courts of the old Macedonian tradition besides in dress. One was the

honour given to prowess in the chase (Polyb. xxii. 3, 8; Diod. xxxiv.

34). Another was the fashion for the king to hold wassail with his

courtiers, in which he unbent to an extent scandalous to the Greeks,

dancing or indulging in routs and practical jokes.[6]

The prominent part taken by the women of the royal house was a

Macedonian characteristic. The history of these kingdoms furnishes a

long list of queens and princesses who were ambitious and masterful

politicians, of which the great Cleopatra is the last and the most

famous. The kings after Alexander, with the exception of Demetrius

Poliorcetes and Pyrrhus, are not found to have more than one legitimate

wife at a time, although they show unstinted freedom in divorce and the

number of their mistresses. The custom of marriages between brothers and

sisters, agreeable to old Persian as to old Egyptian ethics, was

instituted in Egypt by the second Ptolemy when he married his full

sister Arsinoë Philadelphus. It was henceforth common, though not

invariable, among the Ptolemies. At the Seleucid court there seems to be

an instance of it in 195, when the heir-apparent, Antiochus, married his

sister Laodice. The style of "sister" was given in both courts to the

queen, even when she was not the king's sister in reality (Strack,

_Dynastie_, Nos. 38, 40, 43; _Archiv. f. Papyr_, i. 205). The "Friends"

of the king are often mentioned. It is usual for him to confer with a

council ([Greek: synedrion]) of his "Friends" before important

decisions, administrative, military or judicial (e.g. Polyb. v. 16, 5;

22, 8). They form a definite body about the king's person ([Greek:

philon syntagma], Polyb. xxxi. 3, 7); cf. [Greek: hoi philoi] in

contrast with [Greek: hai dynameis], id. v. 50, 9), admission into which

depends upon his favour alone, and is accorded, not only to his

subjects, but to aliens, such as the Greek refugee politicians (e.g.

Hegesianax, Athen. iv. 155b; Hannibal and the Aetolian Thoas take part

in the councils of Antiochus III. A similar body, with a title

corresponding to [Greek: philoi], is found in ancient Egypt (Erman,

_Ancient Egypt_, Eng. trans., p. 72) and in Persia (Spiegel. _Eran.

Alt._ iii. 626); but some such support is so obviously required by the

necessities of a despot's position that we need not suppose it derived

from any particular precedent. The Friends (at any rate under the later

Seleucid and Ptolemaïc reigns) were distinguished by a special dress and

badge of gold analogous to the stars and crosses of modern orders. The

dress was of crimson ([Greek: porphyra]); this and the badges were the

king's gift, and except by royal grant neither crimson nor gold might,

apparently, be worn at court (1 Macc. 10, 20; 62; 89; 11, 58; Athen. v.

211b). The order of Friends was organized in a hierarchy of ranks, which

were multiplied as time went on. In Egypt we find them classified as

[Greek: syngeneis, homotimoi tois syngenesin, archisomatophylakes,

protoi philoi, philoi] (in the narrower sense), [Greek: diadochoi]. For

the Seleucid kingdom [Greek: syngeneis, protoi philoi] and [Greek:

philoi] are mentioned. These classes do not appear in Egypt before the

2nd century; Strack conjectures that they were created in imitation of

the Seleucid court. We have no direct evidence as to the institutions of

the Seleucid court in the 3rd century. Certain [Greek: somatophylakes]

of Antiochus I. are mentioned, but we do not know whether the name was

not then used in its natural sense (Strack, _Rhein. Mus._ LV., 1900, p.

161 seq.; Wilamowitz, _Archiv f. Pap._ I., p. 225; Beloch, _Gr. Gesch._

iii (i), p. 391). As to Macedonia, whatever may have been the

constitution of the court, it is implied that it offered in its

externals a sober plainness in comparison with the vain display and

ceremonious frivolities of Antioch and Alexandria (Polyb. xvi, 22, 5;

Plut. _Cleom._ 31; _Arat_, 15). The position of a Friend did not carry

with it necessarily any functions; it was in itself purely honorary. The

ministers and high officials were, on the other hand, regularly invested

with one or other of the ranks specified. The chief of these ministers

is denoted [Greek: ho epi ton pragmaton], and he corresponds to the

_vizier_ of the later East. All departments of government are under his

supervision, and he regularly holds the highest rank of a kinsman. When

the king is a minor, he acts as guardian or regent ([Greek: epitropos]).

Over different departments of state we find a state secretary ([Greek:

epistolographos] or [Greek: hypomnematographos]: Seleucid, Polyb. xxxi,

3, 16; Ptolemaïc, Strack, _Inschriften_ 103) and a minister of finance

([Greek: ho epi ton prosodon] in the Seleucid kingdom; App. _Syr._ 45;

[Greek: dioiketes] in Egypt, Lumbroso, _Econ. Pol._ p. 339). Under each

of these great heads of departments was a host of lower officials,

those, for instance, who held to the province a relation analogous to

that of the head of the department of the realm. Such a provincial

authority is described as [Greek: epi ton prosodon] in the inscription

of Eriza (_Bull. corr. hell._ xv. 556). Beside the officials concerned

with the work of government we have those of the royal household: (1)

the chief-physician, [Greek: archiatros] (for the Seleucid see App.

_Syr._ 59; Polyb. v. 56, 1; Michel, No. 1158; for the Pontic, _Bull.

corr. hell._ vii. 354 seq.); (2) the chief-huntsman, [Greek:

archikunegos] (Dittenb. _Orient. Graec._ 99); (3) the maître-d'hotel

[Greek: archedeatros] (Dittenb. _Orient. Graec._ 169) (4) the lord of

the queen's bedchamber, [Greek: ho epi tou koitonos tês Basilissês]

(Dittenb. _Orient. Graec._ 256). As in the older Oriental courts, the

high positions were often filled by eunuchs (e.g. Craterus, in last

mentioned inscription).

It was customary, as in Persia and in old Macedonia, for the great men

of the realm to send their children to court to be brought up with the

children of the royal house. Those who had been so brought up with the

king were styled his [Greek: syntrophoi] (for the Seleucid, Polyb. v.

82, 8 and xxxi. 21, 2; _Bull. corr. hell._ i. 285; 2 Macc. ix. 29; for

the Ptolemaïc [Greek: syntrophoi paidiskai] of the queen, Polyb. xv. 33,

11; for the Pontic, _Bull. corr. hell._ vii. 355; for the Pergamene.

Polyb. xxxii. 27, 10, &c.; for the Herodian, Acts 13). It is perfectly

gratuitous to suppose with Deissmann that "the fundamental meaning had

given place to the general meaning of intimate friend." With this custom

we may perhaps bring into connexion the office of [Greek: tropheus]

(Polyb. xxxi. 20, 3; Michel, No. 1158). As under Alexander, so under his

successors, we find a corps of [Greek: Basilikoi paides]. They appear as

a corps, 600 strong, in a triumphal procession at Antioch (Polyb. xxxi.

3, 17; cf. v. 82, 13; Antigonid, Livy, xlv. 6; cf. Curtius, viii. 6, 6).

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