Produced by Ron Swanson
THE SOUTHERN LITERARY MESSENGER:
DEVOTED TO EVERY DEPARTMENT OF LITERATURE AND THE FINE ARTS.
Au gré de nos desirs bien plus qu'au gré des vents.
_Crebillon's Electre_.
As _we_ will, and not as the winds will.
RICHMOND:
T. W. WHITE, PUBLISHER AND PROPRIETOR.
1834-5.
SOUTHERN LITERARY MESSENGER.
Vol. I.] RICHMOND, SEPTEMBER 1835. [No. 13.
T. W. WHITE, PRINTER AND PROPRIETOR. FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM.
The present number closes the first volume of the Messenger; and
accompanying it, the Publisher will transmit to each subscriber a
title page and copious Index to the volume. Gratified that his past
endeavors to please, have been crowned with success--the Publisher
anticipates with confidence that, with the continued patronage of the
public, the forthcoming volume shall in no respect be behind, if it
does not greatly outstrip its predecessor.
For the Southern Literary Messenger.
SKETCHES OF THE HISTORY
And Present Condition of Tripoli, with some account of the other
Barbary States.
No. VIII.--[_Continued_.]
In the beginning of April 1816, Admiral Lord Exmouth, Commander of the
British naval forces in the Mediterranean, arrived at Algiers
commissioned by his Government to negotiate with the Dey, in favor of
some of the inferior powers, which were in alliance with or under the
protection of Great Britain, and in order to give greater weight to
his arguments, he was accompanied by a fleet consisting of six sail of
the line, and nineteen frigates and smaller vessels.
The particulars of this negotiation have never been made public; from
what has transpired, it appears that the Admiral began by exacting
conditions much less favorable to Algiers, than those which he finally
subscribed. Whatever may have been those terms, the Dey refused to
admit them, and demonstrations were made on both sides, of an appeal
to arms; the negotiations were however renewed, and on the 4th,
engagements were concluded, to which upon the whole the Dey could have
made no objections. The Ionian Islands which had been placed under the
protection of Great Britain, were to be respected as part of the
British dominions; and thirty-three slaves, natives of Malta and
Gibraltar (British possessions) were liberated without ransom. A
treaty of peace was made with Sardinia, by which that country was
placed on the same footing with Great Britain, except that a present
not exceeding in value five thousand pounds sterling, was to be paid
on the arrival of each of its Consuls at Algiers; the Sardinian
captives were to be restored, on payment by that Government of five
hundred dollars per man. These terms may be considered as fair, and
the King of Sardinia who had just received Genoa from the hands of the
British, acknowledged his obligations for this additional favor. But
the treaty by which the Government of the Two Sicilies was bound to
ransom its subjects at the price of one thousand dollars each, and to
pay an annual tribute of twenty-four thousand dollars, besides
Consular presents, could scarcely have been considered as a boon in
Naples, and it must have consoled Omar for the concessions made to
other two powers.[1]
[Footnote 1: The King of Sardinia, besides the Island from which his
title is derived, possesses Savoy, Piedmont and Genoa on the continent
of Europe; he likewise styles himself sovereign of Corsica, Sicily,
Rhodes, Cyprus and Jerusalem. The King of Naples is styled the King of
the Two Sicilies.]
Before the departure of Lord Exmouth, an American squadron of two
frigates and two sloops of war, under Commodore Shaw, came to Algiers
with the ostensible purpose of presenting to the Dey a copy of the
treaty, signed in the preceding year, with the ratifications by the
President of the United States. Other circumstances however had
rendered its appearance necessary.
The treaty concluded with the United States under the guns of
Decatur's ships, was more mortifying to the Algerines than any which
had previously been made with a Christian nation; captives had been
surrendered without ransom, property seized had been restored, and the
right of demanding tribute or presents had been distinctly renounced.
The Dey saw that his credit would be seriously impaired when these
engagements should become publicly known; he suspected that had he
held out longer, he might have escaped the humiliation, and he
flattered himself that he might still retrieve what had been lost. No
Barbary sovereign ever considered it incumbent on him to observe a
treaty longer than it was compatible with his interests; yet every
man, however rude may be his ideas of moral conduct, knows the
advantage of being, or of seeming to be in the right. With these views
Omar determined to seek, and he accordingly soon found a pretext for
quarrel.
It has been stated that the Algerine brig taken by the Americans and
sent into Carthagena, had been there detained by the authorities, on
the plea of irregularity in the capture, but really in order that the
Spanish Government might obtain some concessions from the Dey in
return for the vessel. Omar did not fail to express to the Consul, at
first his surprise, then his indignation at this delay, which he
insisted was a violation of the treaty. Mr. Shaler endeavored to
reason with him, and renewed his assurances that the brig would be
soon restored; but he became daily more open in his threats, and more
insulting in his language, until the Consul not knowing to what
lengths his arrogant folly might lead him, requested Commodore Shaw
who had just reached Mahon, to come with his whole force to Algiers.
Immediately after the arrival of the squadron the Consul demanded an
audience of the Dey, and presented to him the ratified treaty, in
which no alteration had been made by the American Government. Omar was
at that moment elated by his success in obtaining such immense sums
from Sardinia and Naples, through the agency of their kind and
generous patrons the British, and he determined if possible to make
the Americans pay as dearly for his friendship. He therefore at first
pretended not to understand the meaning of this second treaty as he
termed it; he however admitted though with apparent unwillingness the
explanation of Mr. Shaler, and having called for the original Arabic
copy signed in the preceding year, compared it with that now offered.
This examination being ended, the Dey insisted that the treaty
ratified by the President was essentially different from his own copy;
that several clauses had been varied, and others which he had been
particular in having inserted, were altogether omitted; among the
latter he cited one binding the United States to pay a certain sum on
the presentation of each of their Consuls, which indeed existed in the
Arabic version but had been fraudulently introduced without the
knowledge of the American Commissioners. He dwelt on the delay in
restoring the brig, as an instance of flagrant disregard of
engagements on the part of the Americans, who he considered had thus
shewn themselves unworthy of confidence, and concluded by declaring
that the treaty with them was null and void. The next day the Prime
Minister returned the ratified copy to Mr. Shaler using the most
insulting language on the occasion; and when the Consul warned him of
the consequences which might ensue, he replied with a sneer that his
master entertained no apprehensions, "as he had been assured by the
British that the Americans had neither ships nor money."
Mr. Shaler at this immediately retired on board the squadron; Omar
then became more reasonable, and after some days negotiation, he
agreed to submit the questions of the brig and of the future relations
between the two countries to the President of the United States in a
letter from himself, and to observe the treaty of 1815 until the
answer could be received. He accordingly wrote to the President on the
24th of April, recapitulating, according to his own views, the
occurrences which attended the signature of the treaty, and declaring
that as it had been violated by the Americans themselves, a new one
must be made, to which effect he proposed a renewal of the treaty of
1796.
Lord Exmouth having obtained the results above stated at Algiers,
sailed with his fleet for Tunis where similar arrangements were
subscribed at once by the Bey; the Sardinian captives were restored
without ransom, and the Neapolitans were liberated on payment by the
Sicilian Government of three hundred dollars for each. The Pasha of
Tripoli also willingly got rid of his remaining slaves from those
countries at the prices proposed by the British Commander, and the
Sovereigns of both these Regencies promised, that prisoners taken in
war with Christian nations should not in future be made slaves. The
Admiral then returned to Algiers, where he at length ventured to
require from the Dey a similar abolition of slavery in his dominions.
Omar in reply manifested his surprise at this demand, which was indeed
at variance with those made and assented to a few weeks before; he
however submitted it to his Divan[2] and soldiery, and having received
assurances of their support, he declared that as Algiers was a
dependency of the Porte, he could not enter into such an engagement
without authority from his Suzerain, and he therefore required six
months delay before he could give a final answer. Lord Exmouth granted
him but three hours, and gave evidences of an intention to bombard the
city. Omar showed no backwardness, and considering the war begun, he
imprisoned the British Consul, and sent orders to the Governors of the
other ports of the Regency to seize all vessels which might be lying
in them under the flag of his enemies; the Admiral however thought
proper to agree to a truce during the time demanded by him, and even
sent a frigate to bear his Ambassador to Constantinople.
[Footnote 2: The Divan of Algiers consisted originally of all the
soldiers and civil officers of the Government; it had however become a
mere name, and was scarcely ever convened, until Omar formally
assembled one, on a much more limited scale however, in order to
deliberate upon the propositions of Lord Exmouth. It then again
acquired importance; which it lost when the Dey in 1817 transferred
his residence to the Casauba. The members of the Government of Algiers
besides the Dey were, the Hasnagee or Minister of Finance, the Aga who
was Commander in Chief and Minister of War, the Vikel Adgee or
Minister of Marine, the Khogia de Cavallas or Adjutant General, and
the Bet el Mel or Judge of inheritances.]
The treaty between the United States and Algiers having been by this
time published in Europe, its conditions excited great attention, as
they were infinitely less favorable to the latter party than those
which had been obtained up to that period, by any Christian Power;
numerous speculations were formed by politicians as to the probability
of their being maintained, and the movements of the American squadron
in the Mediterranean were attentively noted in the public prints. The
eighteenth article of this treaty provides--that American armed
vessels should be allowed to bring their prizes into the ports of the
Regency and to dispose of them there, while those of nations at war
with the United States were to be obliged to depart with their prizes
as soon as they had procured the requisite supply of provisions and
water. The evident partiality displayed in this article induced Lord
Exmouth to demand explanations on the subject from the Dey; Omar
however soon satisfied his Lordship by an assurance that he had no
intention to observe it or any other stipulation contained in the
treaty.
The British fleet quitted Algiers about the middle of May and returned
to England where a great portion of the seamen were discharged, and
the ships were ordered to be dismantled. No official announcement had
been made of the results of the expedition, but the general tenor of
the engagements entered into were sufficiently understood, and the
newspapers of England and France were filled with articles, in which
they were severely reprobated and contrasted with those dictated by
the Americans with the aid of a trifling force. In Parliament Mr.
Brougham on the 18th of June, called for the production of the treaty
which had been made with Algiers, declaring that if the terms were
really such as were supposed, "a great stain would be fixed on the
character of the country, as they distinctly acknowledged the right of
depredation exercised by these Barbarians by providing a ransom for
the slaves whom they had made." Lord Cochrane insisted that "two sail
of the line would have been sufficient to compel the Dey of Algiers to
any terms." Lord Castlereagh the Secretary of State for Foreign
Affairs evaded the call for the treaty, stating however "that the
cause of humanity had been materially advanced by the negotiations
which had been carried on, as it was for the first time agreed to by
the Dey of Algiers, that captives should be considered and treated on
the European footing as prisoners of war, and set at liberty at the
conclusion of every peace." This declaration was probably considered
by that ingenious statesman as _a necessary fiction_. The British
Government however felt that more was required of it by the nation,
and a circumstance soon occurred which afforded an excuse for the
employment of measures better calculated to secure the public voice in
its favor.
The rocks at the bottom of the sea near some parts of the shores of
Algiers and Tunis are covered with coral of the finest quality; on
these coasts, the British and French have long maintained
establishments, to which persons provided with their license annually
resorted in the spring in order to fish for this substance. The
establishments of the French were at Calle and Bastion-de-France,
where they had forts and even claimed the sovereignty of the
territory, paying however a large sum yearly to the Governments of
those Regencies. The coral fishers under British license were nearly
all natives of the Italian States and islands; they assembled
principally at Bona, a small and ruinous place in Algiers about four
hundred miles west of the capital, occupying the site of the
celebrated ancient city of Hippo-Regius, where resided a Vice Consul
of Great Britain, and a number of magazines were erected for the
reception of the coral and of goods brought for sale; there was no
fort and no pretension was made to jurisdiction over the territory.
While the British fleet was lying before Algiers, and the Dey was
momentarily in expectation of an attack, he despatched an order to his
Aga or Governor of Bona, to secure all persons living there under the
protection of Great Britain. Owing to the great distance from Algiers,
this order did not arrive until the 23d of May, by which time the
truce with Great Britain had been agreed to, and the fleet had quitted
the African coast. The Aga on receiving the commands of the Dey,
instantly sent out his whole force to seize the Christians, but the
latter being more numerous than the Algerines, made resistance and
several persons were killed on both sides. The people of the country
and neighborhood, however coming to the aid of the soldiers, the
Europeans were overpowered, some escaped in their boats, and some were
murdered by the exasperated soldiers and populace; the rest were
dragged to prison, and their magazines and dwellings including that of
the British Vice Consul were pillaged. This is a simple statement of
the facts as subsequently ascertained; the occurrence was indeed to be
lamented, but there is no reason for attributing it to any
predetermined motive either on the part of the Dey or of his agents;
it might have happened in the best regulated country, and as Shaler
observes, is by far more defensible than the massacre of the American
prisoners by the British soldiers at Dartmoor. That the Dey had a
right to order the seizure of persons living in his dominions under
the flag of a nation with which he conceived himself engaged in
hostilities, cannot be disproved; and the Europeans by their
resistance subjected themselves to the chances of war. Mr. Shaler
justly censures Lord Exmouth for not having taken measures to protect
the sufferers at Bona which he might easily have done as he passed by
the place on his way from Tunis.
The British government however chose to regard the affair as an act of
signal atrocity, and without waiting to demand explanations on the
subject, prepared immediately to avenge the cause of humanity, and to
chastise the Algerines for the insult offered to the national flag. A
fleet of five sail of the line, five frigates, five sloops of war and
forty smaller vessels, accordingly sailed from Gibraltar under Lord
Exmouth on the 14th of August, 1816; and having been joined by a Dutch
squadron of five frigates and a sloop, under Admiral Van Capellen, the
whole armament appeared before Algiers on the 27th of that month.
Before detailing the operations of this force, it will be proper to
give some account of the situation and defences of the place against
which it was sent.
Algiers stands on the western side of a semicircular bay, the shore of
which between the two Capes at its extremities, extends about fifteen
miles. Of these Capes the eastern is called Cape Matifou; the shore of
the bay on this side and on the south, is low and level, offering
every where facilities for landing, which circumstances induced
Charles the Fifth to disembark his army there, on his unfortunate
expedition in 1541. Since that period, a number of strong batteries
have been erected along the edge of the bay, connected by lines which
if well manned would render landing impracticable. The western side of
the bay is formed by a ridge of hills, which terminate on the north in
a bold promontory called Ras Acconnater or Cape Caxine; this ridge
separates the bay of Algiers from that of Sidi Ferruch where the
French forces landed in 1830.
The city is built upon the declivity of a steep hill, about three
miles south-east of Cape Caxine. Its general form presents a
triangular outline, and the houses being all white it has the
appearance of a sail when seen from a distance at sea. One side is on
the bay, the walls on the other two sides extend up the hill from the
water's edge; they are about thirty feet in height and twelve in
thickness, built of brick, with towers at intervals, and a shallow
ditch on the outside. At the place where these walls meet, is situated
the Casauba or citadel, an octagon fort separated from the houses of
the town by a deep moat, and which has served since 1817 as the
treasury and palace of the Dey. About a mile south-east of the Casauba
on a hill completely commanding the city, was a square castle of
brick, mounting sixty guns, called the Kallahai or Emperor's Castle,
which name it derived from occupying the spot where Charles the Fifth
pitched his tent. Two other forts situated near the shore, one north
of the city called Akoleit, and the other south called Babazon,
mounting about thirty guns each, completed the fortifications of the
place on the main land as they existed in 1816. They were of little
importance in a military point of view, being intended principally to
keep the inhabitants in order; they however served as effectual
protections against the attacks of the Arabs and Kabyles. The whole
circumference of the town does not exceed a mile and a half, and there
are scarcely any suburbs, the ground around the walls being devoted to
cemeteries and gardens. The houses are closely built, the streets
being with one or two exceptions narrow tortuous lanes, many of them
covered over: the mosques, bazaars and public buildings are generally
inferior in size and style. The population has been variously
estimated, but the researches made by the French since their capture
of the place, show that it has never exceeded fifty thousand,
including the Turkish garrison, the number of which varied between
seven and ten thousand.
The defences on the sea side were indeed formidable. Opposite and
eastward of the city, at the distance of two hundred and fifty or
three hundred yards was a little island, from which the place derives
its name _Al Gezeir_ or _the island_; it has been however connected
with the main land by a solid causeway of stone, and the whole
together forms a continued mole. The space of sea opposite the city
thus partially enclosed by the mole is the harbor, which opens
directly to the south, and does not exceed seven acres in extent. On
the mole are the offices and magazines of the marine department which
are surrounded by fortifications, mounting at that time two hundred
large guns and fourteen mortars.
The Dey had received notice of the approach of this expedition, and
made every exertion to place his capital in a state to resist it. The
ships were all called in and disposed in the harbor so as to present
of themselves a formidable show of guns; the fortifications were
strengthened, and temporary batteries were thrown up on proper points
which made the whole line not less than three miles in length. In
addition to the garrison on the bay a number of Arabs said to be forty
thousand, were collected to secure the place against an attack by
land.
The combined squadrons having every thing in readiness, on the morning
of the 27th a flag of truce was sent to Algiers, to urge the Dey once
more to accept the conditions of peace; after a delay of three hours,
the flag returned without any answer having been received. Omar did
not think proper, or did not dare assent to the terms offered; there
was probably however much discussion in the Divan: it is otherwise
difficult to account for the circumstance that the British Consul was
not disturbed until after the action was begun, or for the oversight
committed by the Algerines, in allowing the enemy's ships to advance
and take their stations without interruption. Lord Exmouth was so much
surprised at this inaction, that as he says, "he began to suspect a
full compliance with the terms offered." Omar afterwards endeavored to
excuse his fault, by asserting that he had been deceived by the
advance of the British, under the false pretext of the flag of truce.
The British Admiral being thus undisturbed, passed the morning in
arranging his forces according to the plan previously resolved on,
which was to concentrate their effects entirely on the mole and
shipping, his object being to destroy the fortifications and navy as
soon as possible, and to do no injury which could be avoided to the
town. His own ship the Queen Charlotte of one hundred guns was drawn
up and anchored within fifty yards of the southern extremity of the
mole, the others were distributed at points more or less distant from
the batteries, but all much nearer than had been customary on previous
occasions of a similar nature. At three o'clock the action was begun
by a shot from the mole at the Queen Charlotte which being instantly
returned the action became general. In twenty minutes the marine
batteries were silenced, and the defenders endeavoring to escape from
them along the causeway, were mowed down by the guns of the ships;
they however returned to their posts and kept up a desultory fire
throughout the afternoon. At eight o'clock the whole of the Algerine
shipping in the harbor was in flames, presenting a spectacle of
terrific sublimity; the fortifications of the mole were soon after
abandoned by the defenders, being reduced to an untenable state by the
effects of the bombardment and of the explosion vessels. At ten
o'clock the ammunition of the attacking fleet began to fail, but the
British Admiral saw that sufficient damage had been done; he therefore
took advantage of a breeze which sprung up at that time and drew off
his ships.
The next morning Lord Exmouth again sent to know whether the Dey would
accept the terms offered on the 27th. Omar declared his own
unwillingness to yield, and his readiness to abandon the city in
preference; but he was overruled by his Divan, and having reluctantly
agreed to submit to them, the Chevalier d'Ankarloo the Swedish Consul,
(since Chargé d'Affaires of Sweden in the United States,) was
requested by him to go on board the British fleet and make the
necessary arrangements in behalf of Algiers. On the 29th a convention
was signed, the conditions of which were--the delivery of all slaves
in Algiers without ransom, and the abolition of christian slavery in
those dominions for ever--the restitution of all sums paid as ransom
within the year 1816, including three hundred and fifty-seven thousand
dollars which had been paid by Naples and twenty-five thousand five
hundred by Sardinia, according to the terms of the treaty signed in
April preceding--reparation to the British Consul for all losses
sustained by him in consequence of his confinement, and an apology to
be made by the Dey publicly in presence of his ministers and officers.
Of the combined fleets no vessel was lost; the number of killed on
board them was one hundred and fifty-one, of wounded seven hundred and
fifty-seven. On the side of the Algerines, there is no means of
ascertaining with precision the amount of killed and wounded; the
result of the inquiries made, however, gives every reason for
believing it to have been much less than that sustained by the
attacking party. The city was severely damaged; the houses bordering
on the harbor being but little protected by defensive works, were
nearly demolished; among these was the dwelling of the American
Consul, who did not leave it during the action, but continued at his
post calmly recording his observations, while the shells were bursting
around him. The fortifications of the mole were much injured; the
arsenal and magazines of the marine, with the greater part of the
timber, ammunition and stores were destroyed; and the whole navy,
consisting of four large frigates, five corvettes, and thirty
gun-boats was consumed.
Information of what had been effected at Algiers, was instantly
communicated to the British Consuls at Tunis and Tripoli, who were
instructed to recommend to the sovereigns of those Regencies the
instant liberation of their Christian slaves. To this, under the
influence of their fears, they immediately assented; and since that
period, it is supposed that no Christians have been held in slavery in
any part of Barbary; captives have however been since compelled to
labor, and ransom has been paid for them. Treaties were also
negotiated on terms of equality between each of them, and the Kingdoms
of Sardinia and of the Two Sicilies. The Dutch Admiral also concluded
a treaty, "renewing and confirming all the articles of peace and
friendship agreed to in 1757, between the States' General and the
Government of Algiers." He then sailed with his victorious fleet for
Tripoli, where he signed another convention, by which his Government
engaged to pay to that Regency an annual tribute of five thousand
dollars!!
The bombardment of Algiers by the combined fleets was made the subject
of triumph in Great Britain, and of congratulation throughout Europe;
it was extolled as "one of the most glorious achievements in the
history of naval warfare," and "as most truly honorable to the British
nation, which had, with its characteristic generosity, entirely at its
own expense, and purely for the general benefit of mankind, performed
this great public service of putting down, with the strong hand, a
system of rapacity and cruelty." We may be permitted to examine how
far this eulogium is merited.
From the accounts already given of the occurrences in April and May
preceding the expedition, some judgment may be formed of the motives
by which it was occasioned. It has been stated that the British
Admiral in May, gave up the immediate prosecution of the demands to
enforce which he had visited Algiers with his immense fleet, agreeing
to await the decision of the Sultan, with regard to their admission by
the Dey. Now the independence of Algiers had long been recognized by
treaties, and was known to exist _de facto_; the reference to the
Porte could only have been a pretext on the part of the Dey, in order
to adjourn the decision of the question, and it is difficult to
conceive how Lord Exmouth could have viewed it in any other light.
However the British Government on his return must either have
calculated upon the Dey's accession to the conditions required, or
have determined to abandon their enforcement; for certainly we cannot
otherwise account for the dismantling of the fleet, and the discharge
of the seamen, when they would have been required at the end of six
months. The probability is strong, that the ministry had no intentions
to quarrel with "their ancient ally," until public opinion forced them
to do so; and that they seized on the "massacre at Bona," as the
pretext, when there was no other means of escaping the necessity.
The British expedition against Algiers was indeed prepared and
supported entirely at the expense of the British nation, and conducted
to its conclusion with that skill and gallantry, for the display of
which the experience of ages gave the strongest assurance. For the
first time also, was the abolition of Christian slavery in general,
and the delivery of all Christian slaves required of a Barbary Power.
These were indeed benefits to mankind, and the fact that Christians
have not been since enslaved in Barbary, would seem of itself to offer
a sufficient justification of the expedition; but history in every
page warns us against estimating the propriety of measures by the
importance of their consequences, however well ascertained. The
engagement made by the Dey to abolish slavery in his dominions, was
only of value as it gave those to whom it was made, a right to enforce
its observance; experience had already proved that national faith was
unknown in Barbary, and within three years after the promise had been
given by Omar, his successor refused to abide by it. Algiers was left
by Lord Exmouth in enjoyment of all the rights of an independent
nation; the Dey could make war on whom he pleased, provided he did not
enslave his prisoners, that is to say compel them to labor. Now this
enslavement was but a small portion of the evil caused by the Barbary
States; the number of persons reduced to servitude in them was never
large, and the produce of their labor added to the sums received for
their ransom, was scarcely more than sufficient to pay the expense of
keeping them; their condition was indeed generally better than that of
the prisoners of war in other countries. Piracy was the true ground of
complaint against the Barbary Regencies, and more on account of the
restraint it imposed upon the commerce of the lesser nations, than of
the outrages actually committed. Without the support and encouragement
of Great Britain, it would long since have ceased, and if the world
owes her Government any thanks, it is for the adoption of a more just
course of conduct by itself, for the abandonment of that selfish
policy to which the Barbary States had so long been indebted for their
impunity. Those who now entertain the political opinions which guided
the British Administration in 1815 regard the bombardment of Algiers
as a blunder, similar to the destruction of the Turkish fleet at
Navarino, and the Conservative Journals of London occasionally express
their regrets at the pursuance of that system which allows the vessels
of all nations to navigate the Mediterranean without dreading the
pirates of Africa.[3]
[Footnote 3: That no war was expected, appears clearly from the
statement made in the House of Lords on the 3d of February, 1817, by
Viscount Melville, then first Lord of the Admiralty, that "in the
month of June when Lord Exmouth returned from the Mediterranean, with
the fleet under his command, as usual at the close of a war, that
fleet was dismantled and the crews paid off and disbanded. When the
expedition against Algiers was determined upon, it became necessary to
collect men," &c. On the same day Lord Castlereagh stated in the House
of Commons, that "during the last session, when the thanks of the
House were given to several of our gallant officers for their conduct
in the late war, he entertained an earnest hope that a long course of
years would have elapsed before it would be again necessary to perform
that ceremony."]
Notwithstanding the Dey's promise to Mr. Shaler, that he would observe
the treaty of 1815 with the United States, the Consul saw from various
circumstances, that he had determined to break it on the first
favorable opportunity; and as a large American force was expected in
the Mediterranean in the course of the summer, he sent letters to
Gibraltar requesting the officer who might command it, to visit
Algiers as soon as convenient. The American squadron consisting of a
ship of the line, three frigates and two sloops under Commodore Isaac
Chauncey, entered the Mediterranean about the middle of August, and
appeared before Algiers immediately after the departure of the
combined fleets. On its arrival Omar saw that he had been deceived as
to the power of the Americans, and he therefore at once requested,
that things might remain as they were until the receipt of the
President's letter. Algiers was then entirely defenceless, the
fortifications were in ruins, the soldiers dispirited and the people
rebellious; a few broadsides from the American force would have
battered the town to pieces. But it was determined between the Consul
and Commodore Chauncey, that no advantage should be taken of the
condition of things, to exact a specific acceptance of the treaty, and
the Dey's request was acceded to; Mr. Shaler however quitted Algiers
with the squadron, which sailed for Gibraltar to await the arrival of
orders from the United States.
The President's reply came in December; it is but justice to the
eminent persons (Madison and Monroe) who signed it, to say that it is
remarkable for the dignity and temperance which pervade it. A series
of arguments based on abstract principles of International Law or
Political Economy, would have been addressed in vain to a merely
clever barbarian, while diplomatic finesse would have been equally
ineffectual, with those who never sincere themselves always suspect
knavery in others. The impropriety of the complaints respecting the
delay in restoring the brig, is simply and dearly exposed; and the
fixed determination of the American Government with regard to a return
to the principles on which the treaty of 1798 had been based, is
conveyed in the assurance that "the United States while they wish for
war with no nation, will buy peace with none, it being a principle
incorporated into the settled policy of America, that as peace is
better than war, so war is better than tribute." In conclusion, Mr.
Shaler and Commodore Chauncey were authorized to communicate with the
Dey, "for the purpose of terminating the subsisting differences by a
mutual recognition and execution of the treaty of 1815."
The Commodore and Mr. Shaler on receiving their commissions, instantly
sailed for Algiers with two of the ships, and proposed that the
negotiation should be immediately commenced. Omar had been actively
engaged, since the departure of Mr. Shaler in repairing his
fortifications; but not considering them yet able to withstand an
attack, he endeavored to gain time by insisting that the _statu quo_
should continue for eight months, on the plea that the President had
taken that space to make a reply to his letter. The Commissioners
refusing to admit of any delay the Dey yielded; accordingly, the
conduct of the negotiation on the part of the United States having
been committed entirely to Mr. Shaler, he landed and on the 17th of
December presented a note containing the _ultimatum_ of his
Government. The Dey was required to admit as a preliminary, that the
stipulations of the treaty with regard to the restoration of the
vessels had been scrupulously fulfilled by the United States; this
being admitted, the treaty was to be renewed exactly in its original
form, except that the eighteenth article might be altered, so as to
annul that portion of it, which gave to the United States advantages
in the ports of Algiers over the most favored nations; finally, as it
was ascertained that a clause had been introduced into the Arabic
translation of the said treaty, contrary to the understanding between
the Dey and the American Commissioners who signed it, by which the
United States were made to engage to pay a certain sum to Algiers, on
the presentation of each of their Consuls, it was distinctly declared,
"that no obligation binding the United States to pay any thing to the
Regency or to its officers on any occasion whatever, will be agreed
to."
The Dey struggled to avoid this additional humiliation, which he had
brought upon himself by his ill-timed breach of faith; for he saw
clearly that by submitting to it he was hastening the downfall of
Algiers and his own destruction. But Shaler possessed in an eminent
degree, these two essential qualities of a negotiator, courage and
knowledge of the human heart; his contempt of danger had been
manifested during the bombardment of the 27th of August; he had never
deceived Omar, nor ever suffered him for a moment to suppose that he
had been deceived by him, and by thus acting always, fairly and
honestly towards him, he had acquired his respect and confidence.
After a few days of discussion, the Dey in despair declared, that as
misfortune had deprived him of the means of resistance, he would agree
to the terms proposed or to any others which might be demanded,
provided the Consul would give him a certificate under his hand and
seal, that he had compelled him to do so. This was a strange request
from an absolute sovereign; however Shaler saw that the unfortunate
Omar was no longer at liberty to act as he pleased, but was the mere
agent of his Divan; he therefore gave him the required acknowledgment,
and the treaty was signed as dictated by the American Commissioners on
the 23d of December, 1816.
From that period to the overthrow of the Algerine Government, the
intercourse between the United States and this Regency was strictly
peaceful. The treaty was rigidly observed by both parties, and a few
trifling differences of a personal nature which occurred between the
officers of the Government and those attached to the Consulate, were
speedily and satisfactorily arranged. This continuation of pacific
intercourse, is to be attributed in a great measure to the personal
character of the American Consuls, to the respect which they acquired,
nay, we are even warranted in saying, to the influence which they
maintained over the members of the Algerine Government.
Omar continued his exertions to repair the losses occasioned by the
bombardment, and he soon placed the city in a defensible condition;
the Sultan presented him with a frigate and two corvettes, and he
caused other ships of war to be built at Leghorn. But his popularity
had been destroyed by the many adverse circumstances which had marked
his reign; he was stigmatized as the _unlucky_, and a plague which
ravaged Algiers in 1817 was attributed by the ignorant populace and
soldiery to the influence of their ruler's evil star. Several
conspiracies were formed against him, which he eluded by his
vigilance, but he saw that his end was near, and with honorable
forethought, he placed his mother and relations out of danger, by
sending them back to his native isle of Mytelene. A plot was at length
arranged, which was successful; the principal contrivers were Ali, a
violent and fanatical Turk, who had assumed the title of Khogia or
_the scribe_, a high literary and theological distinction, and Hussein
an officer of repute for his talents, bravery and military skill. The
soldiery and Divan entered into the conspiracy, and Omar was strangled
on the 8th of September, 1817, without a hand or a voice having been
raised in his defence.
Ali Khogia was immediately proclaimed Pasha, and he showed his
gratitude to his coadjutor Hussein by making him his Prime Minister.
The new Sovereign soon proved himself to be a monster of vice and
cruelty, which were rendered still more shocking by his affectation of
superior learning and sanctity. "When on public occasions, he was
visited by the foreign Consuls," says Shaler, "they, after stumbling
over scores of murdered carcases on their way to the hall of audience,
always found the Pasha superbly dressed, surrounded by his guards,
with a book in his hands, in the contemplation of which he would
affect to be interrupted and precipitately lay it aside on their
entrance." He set at naught the treaties with foreign nations, acting
with violence towards persons living under the protection of their
flags, and sending his cruisers to sea with orders to search their
vessels, while the plague was raging in Algiers. By the active
interposition of Mr. Shaler, the commerce and flag of the United
States were respected, but several French and Sardinian vessels were
taken under various pretences and brought into the ports of the
Regency.
Ali Khogia was one of the many Deys, who endeavored to get rid of the
foreign soldiery, and to render the crown hereditary in his own
family. With this view he transferred his residence and the immense
treasures of the State, from the old palace in the city, to the more
secure residence of the Casauba, where he surrounded himself by a
guard formed of natives; he then commenced his attacks on the Turks,
of whom he is said to have despatched fifteen hundred during his short
reign of four months. His course was suddenly arrested by the plague,
of which he died in January, 1818.
On the death of Ali Khogia, Hussein his Prime Minister assumed the
crown, without election and without opposition. He was a native of
Salonica, and then about fifty-four years old, a man of bold and
unscrupulous character, possessing much sagacity, and even some ideas
of true policy; but his irascibility often led him into difficulties,
from which his haughtiness and obstinacy prevented his retreating. He
was supposed to have councilled the persecution commenced against the
Turks by his predecessor; but if so, he must have despaired of its
success, for he instantly put an end to it, and invited other soldiers
from the East to supply the place of those who had fallen. He however
retained the Moorish guards, and continued to reside at the Casauba.
In November, 1818, a Congress composed of Representatives of the
Sovereign Powers of Europe, was convened at Aix la Chapelle; where
among other things, a resolution was taken, to oblige the Barbary
States to conform with the usages of Christian nations, in their
intercourse or wars with them; that is to say, to abstain from piracy,
not to require tribute as the price of peace, and not to enslave their
prisoners taken in war, but to treat them with humanity until they
were exchanged. The Kings of Great Britain and France were charged by
the other Powers with carrying this resolution into effect; and in
consequence a combined English and French squadron under Admirals
Freemantle and Jurien de la Graviere appeared at Algiers on the 1st of
September, to make known to the Dey the will of their Sovereigns, and
to require his compliance. Hussein after deliberating some days,
formally refused "to surrender rights, which had been recognized by
solemn treaties, and respected by all the world during a succession of
ages;" and declared that he would "maintain his privilege to enslave
the subjects of those nations with which he had no treaties, or which
paid him no tribute." This reply was certainly at variance with the
engagements to Lord Exmouth in 1816, but the Admirals could get no
other by negotiation, and their force was not sufficient to authorize
an attack on the place; perhaps also, they conceived that the appeal
made by the Dey to the past, might find a responsive echo in the
bosoms of those by whom they were commissioned, and who were so
careful in resisting innovations in their own States. The squadrons
therefore sailed for Tunis where the answer obtained from Mahmoud was
even less satisfactory. In Tripoli, the Pasha met them by expressing
his surprise that such a demand should be made of him, when it must
have been well known, that he had long reprobated the practice, and
shewn every disposition to live in harmony with Christian nations.
This latter reply was trumpeted throughout Europe, as a signal
advantage secured for the interests of humanity, through the exertions
of France and England, while those given by the rulers of Algiers and
Tunis were studiously concealed.
This appears to have been the only effort made by the European powers
in concert, to enforce the observance by the Barbary States of the
principles which regulate intercourse and warfare among more civilized
nations; the Governments of Britain and France however, as we shall
see, continued separately to maintain those principles; of the other
powers each acted for itself, paying, threatening or fighting, as it
conceived most proper for its own interests and honor.
In 1812 and 1823, when the insurrection of the Greeks had already
assumed so formidable a character, as to require the utmost exertions
on the part of the Sultan, each of the Barbary States sent ships to
his aid; on this occasion, the Government of Great Britain exacted
from the Bey of Tunis a declaration that the Greeks who might be taken
by his forces should not be enslaved, but be treated as prisoners of
war. No such promise appears recorded on the part of the Dey of
Algiers, and the propriety of requiring it for the interests of
humanity, may be doubted; a powerful incentive to the continuance of
the war against the Greeks would indeed be thus removed; but on the
other hand, it might have been supposed that little mercy would be
shown to captives who if preserved were to be supported at an expense,
while nothing was to be obtained from their labor or for their ransom.
This supposition is strengthened by the fact, that an Algerine
Ambassador who was sent to London in 1819, propounded to the Secretary
for Foreign Affairs the question--"Whether, as his Government had
engaged to make no Christian slaves, its cruisers might without
offending Great Britain, put to death those of their prisoners whom by
treaty they could not reduce to slavery?"
The Algerines sent eight ships to the Archipelago, which returned in
the autumn of 1823; how they conducted themselves in the war it is not
easy to ascertain; the Dey chose to consider that they had acquired a
title to immortal renown, and while elated by their real or fancied
successes, he ventured to commit an act of violence against the
British Consul, which caused Algiers to undergo another humiliation.