CHAPTER XXXII.

(M844)

The Convention having been converted by a formal Act into a true

parliament (23 Feb.),(1654) one of the first motions put to the House was

that a special committee should be appointed to consider the violations of

the liberties and franchises of all the corporations of the kingdom, "and

particularly of the city of London." The motion was lost by a majority of

24.(1655) The House nevertheless resolved to bring in a Bill for repealing

the Corporation Act, and ten days later (5 March) the Grand Committee of

Grievances reported to the House its opinion (1) that the rights of the

city of London in the election of sheriffs in the year 1682 were invaded

and that such invasion was illegal and a grievance, and (2) that the

judgment given upon the _Quo Warranto_ against the city was illegal and a

grievance. The committee’s opinion on these two points (among others) was

endorsed by the House, and on the 16th March it ordered a Bill to be

brought in to restore all corporations to the state and condition they

were in on the 29th May, 1660, and to confirm the liberties and franchises

which at that time they respectively held and enjoyed.(1656)

(M845)

A special committee appointed (5 March) to investigate the nature of the

city’s grievances, and to discover who were the authors and advisers of

them, presented, on the 29th May, a long report to the House,(1657) giving

the whole story of the election of sheriffs in June, 1682, and of

Pritchard’s election to the mayoralty in the following September; of the

fines that had been imposed on Pilkington, Shute, Bethell, Cornish and

others for so-called riots whilst engaged in asserting the rights of the

citizens; of Papillon having been cast in damages to the amount of £10,000

at the suit of Pritchard, and of other matters which led up to the

proceedings under the _Quo Warranto_, when, as the committee had

discovered, two of the justices of the King’s Bench—Pemberton and

Dolben—were removed from the court because their opinion was found to be

in favour of the city. The committee refer to the City’s Records in

support of the claim of the lord mayor to elect one of the sheriffs, and

say "that from the twenty-first of Edward the IIId unto the year 1641 the

way of making sheriffs was that the lord mayor named one to be sheriff and

presented him to the Common Hall, who did confirm him, and chose another

to act with him; except in three or four years within that time, when the

Common Hall chose both the sheriffs, the persons drank to in those years

by the lord mayor having refused to hold and paid their fines." They

capitulated to the House the various occasions on which the mayor

exercised his prerogative unchallenged, and those when the Common Hall

refused to confirm the mayor’s nomination, down to 1682, when matters were

brought to a crisis by Sir John Moore claiming to have _elected_ Dudley

North by drinking to him according to custom; and in conclusion they

reported their opinion to be that Sir John Moore and Dudley North were

among the "authors of the invasion made upon the rights of the city of

London in the election of sheriffs for the said city in the year 1682."

(M846)

In the meantime the civic authorities themselves had not been idle. The

Common Council had already (1 March) appointed a committee to take steps

for obtaining a reversal of the judgment on the _Quo Warranto_ with the

assistance of the recorder and the city’s representatives in parliament.

Before the end of May a draft Bill had been prepared for the purpose and

been submitted to the court for approval.(1658)

(M847)

There was another matter pressing very heavily upon the City just now, and

one which later on would also claim the attention of parliament, and that

was the relationship of the civic authorities to the city orphans. By the

custom of London the mayor and aldermen were the recognised guardians of

all citizens’ orphans, and as such took charge of their property until

they came of age or married. A Court of Orphans was established, with the

common sergeant as its chief officer, which exercised the same

jurisdiction over the bodies and goods of orphans in the city that the

Court of Chancery exercised outside. In course of time the fund paid into

this court became very considerable, and in order to prevent it lying idle

and thus deprive the orphans of interest that might accrue on their

estate, the court lent large sums to the Crown on the security of

exchequer bills. Could any guardian or trustee have acted more honestly or

with greater prudence? They had not reckoned, however, upon a king being

on the throne who should be sufficiently dishonest to stop all payments

out of the exchequer in discharge of principal and interest of past loans.

This is what Charles II did, as we have seen, in 1672; and his action not

only ruined many bankers and merchants of the city, but inflicted great

hardship upon the city’s fatherless children. The City’s revenue at the

time of William’s accession was little more than sufficient to meet the

necessary expenses of the municipality, to say nothing of repaying the

orphans their confiscated estates. This fact was recognised by the orphans

themselves, who saw no other hope but to apply to parliament for

assistance with the aid of the Common Council.

(M848)

To this end "a large number" of orphans of the city presented a petition

to the court on the 1st March.(1659) Their fortunes (they said) had been

paid into the Chamber of London according to the custom of the city, and

they were now left destitute of support and reduced to great hardships and

extremities, very many of them having their whole portions in the Chamber.

They prayed the court, therefore, to appoint a committee to consider the

whole matter with the view of approaching parliament with some

recommendation. To this the court readily gave its consent, and a

committee was then and there nominated.

(M849)

A week later (8 March) this committee made a report to the council.(1660)

They had found upon investigation that the debt owing by the Chamber was

very great, being upwards of £500,000 due on principal money to orphans

and nearly £100,000 more due to others, besides "finding money" and

interest. The committee were of opinion that before any application was

made to parliament the City should first do what it could on its own

account for the relief of the orphans. The City’s lands of inheritance

were estimated as bringing in about £4,000 a year, subject to a charge of

£500 or £600 for charitable uses, and the committee recommended that lands

to the value of £3,000 a year rental should be sold. By this means it was

thought that £70,000 or thereabouts would be raised, and the sum being

devoted to the relief of the orphans would be "a good introduction to

request a further assistance from the parliament." The charges of

municipal government must be met with the residue of the "casual profits"

of the Chamber. If parliament (the report went on to say) would be pleased

to assist by granting a duty on coals and allowing the City to tax hackney

coachmen at 5_s._ a head, the whole debt, or at least the principal, might

be liquidated. A Bill which the committee had prepared for presentation to

parliament for this purpose was then read and referred to the town clerk

and the city solicitor, as well as to the attorney and the

solicitor-general for their opinions.

(M850)

The king’s intimation to the House (1 March) that he was prepared, with

its assent, to abolish the odious Hearth Tax was received with universal

joy. The Commons immediately voted an address of thanks, and passed a

formal resolution to stand by the king with their lives and fortunes in

supporting his alliances abroad, in the reduction of Ireland, and the

defence of the Protestant religion,(1661) whilst the Common Council of the

city resolved to present a humble address of thanks to his majesty for the

welcome relief from a tax that had been from its commencement obnoxious.

The court at the same time resolved to return its thanks to both Houses of

Parliament for their resolution to stand by the king.(1662) The Commons,

in acknowledging the address, represented to the deputation by the mouth

of the Speaker that they had taken notice of the courage and constancy

displayed by the City in the late revolution, and more especially its

action in advancing so large a sum of money to his majesty at so critical

a time. The City’s care for the public would never fail to receive the

like return from the Commons.(1663)

(M851)

On Sunday the 17th March a special Court of Aldermen sat. The lord mayor,

Sir John Chapman, had died at ten o’clock that morning, and it became

necessary to take steps for the election of a mayor to serve for the

remainder of the mayoralty year, and to secure, in the meantime, the peace

of the city. Three aldermen were despatched, accompanied by the town

clerk, to inform the king of the state of affairs, and to assure him that

care would be taken to prevent disorder until a new mayor should be

elected. To secure this latter object a precept was at once issued by the

court for a double watch to be kept until further orders, whilst another

precept was issued for a Common Hall to meet on the following Wednesday

(20 March) for the election of a new mayor.(1664)

(M852)

When the Common Hall met the choice of the citizens fell upon their old

friend and champion, Pilkington, and Thomas Stampe; but a poll was

demanded by the supporters of two other candidates, viz., Sir John

Moore—who had already served (1681-2) and in whose mayoralty there had

been such a fight over the election of sheriffs—and Jonathan Raymond. It

is said that the Tory party in the city put up Moore for re-election by

way of showing their disgust at a recent resolution passed by the House of

Commons to the effect that Moore had been a betrayer of the liberties of

the City during his mayoralty.(1665) But however that may be (and no

record of such a resolution appears in the Journal of the House), the

result of the poll placed Stampe and Pilkington—with 1975 and 1973 votes

respectively—far ahead of either of the other candidates. Moore, indeed,

was at the bottom of the poll with only 780 votes, whilst Raymond only

polled 930. Stampe and Pilkington having been returned to the Court of

Aldermen for them to select one, according to the custom, they chose

Pilkington, and he was accordingly admitted and sworn mayor for the

remainder of the year, being presented to the Governor of the Tower by

order of the king instead of before the barons of the exchequer.(1666) A

few weeks later (10 April) he received the honour of knighthood.(1667)

(M853)

At Midsummer (1689) a difficulty again arose with the election of sheriffs

for the ensuing year. The Common Hall elected Christopher Lethieullier,

alderman and dyer, and John Houblon, grocer,(1668) but these preferring to

pay a fine to serving, the Common Hall refused to elect others in their

place. The Court of Aldermen, finding themselves in a fix, sent for the

attorney-general to peruse the City’s Records and to give his advice in

the matter. Lethieullier had determined to cut all connection with the

Corporation, and had paid another fine to be relieved of the aldermanry of

the ward of Coleman Street. Nevertheless, by the 10th September both he

and Houblon had been persuaded to change their minds, and professed

themselves ready, if the Court of Aldermen so willed, to take upon

themselves the office of sheriffs.(1669)

(M854)

The wheel of fortune had taken a sudden turn. Those who had suffered

during the last two reigns for vindicating their liberties and upholding

the reformed religion, found themselves again in favour. Papillon and

Bethell, who had sought safety in Holland, returned to England, and the

former was appointed a commissioner for victualling the navy.(1670) In

June the attainder of Cornish was reversed by Act of Parliament,(1671) and

in October, Ralph Box, who had refused to allow himself to be forced into

the shrievalty in 1682 against the wish of the citizens, had the honour,

as master of the Grocers’ Company, of conferring the freedom of the

company upon the king, who, in his turn, created Box a knight.(1672)

(M855)

North, on the other hand, was subjected to a severe cross-examination

before a committee popularly called the "murder committee," and narrowly

escaped a criminal trial for having systematically packed juries during

his shrievalty. His statement that he had never troubled himself about the

political opinions of those he had placed on the panel, but had only taken

care to have good and substantial citizens, was with difficulty

accepted.(1673) Broom, who had been deprived of his coronership for

arresting North and Pritchard, the royalist mayor, was re-instated in

January, 1690.(1674)

(M856)

William had achieved the crown of England without bloodshed. In Ireland,

as well as in Scotland, he had to fight for his crown. The news that James

had landed in Ireland (12 March) created no small excitement in the city.

Volunteers were called for, and were readily found. The trained bands were

augmented and new officers appointed.(1675) When it was found that James

was marching to the north of Ireland, where the citizens of London held a

large interest, the excitement was increased. On the 18th April he

appeared before the walls of Londonderry, expecting the city to

immediately surrender. Thanks to the strength of those walls, repaired and

fortified by the care and at the charges of the citizens of London,(1676)

and still more to the stout hearts behind them, the town was able to stand

a long and dreary siege, with all its attendant horrors of slaughter and

starvation, and at last, after heroic resistance and patient suffering for

105 days, to come off victorious. There is one name more especially

honoured in connection with the famous siege, that of George Walker, who,

although a clergyman and advanced in years, inspired the besieged with so

much energy and courage that from first to last there was no thought of

surrender. Attempts were made to win over the garrison by intrigue, and

among the devices set on foot for establishing communication between

besiegers and the besieged was that of placing a letter in an empty shell

and firing the latter into the town.(1677) When Walker made his appearance

in England he was graciously received by the king, who made him a present

of £5,000 and promised to have a care for the rest of the garrison.(1678)

The king afterwards desired Walker to furnish a list of the officers who

had displayed such determined courage during the siege and blockade.(1679)

(M857)

Whilst Londonderry was thus besieged a discovery had been made by means of

intercepted letters of further designs which James hoped to carry out with

the assistance of the French king. On the 19th June Sir George Treby, who

was both the city’s recorder and the king’s attorney-general, laid before

the Common Council at his majesty’s request certain letters which had been

seized on board a ship at Liverpool and forwarded by special messenger to

the government. The letters, which had already been submitted to both

houses, were now read to the Common Council, and this having been done the

council resolved to present an address to the king thanking him for his

favour and condescension, and assuring him that they would stand by him

with their lives and estates.(1680)

(M858)

Michaelmas-day this year (1689) happening to fall on Sunday, the election

of a mayor for the year ensuing took place on the previous Saturday, when

Pilkington was re-elected.(1681) Tuesday, the 29th October, was lord

mayor’s day, but why the ceremony of swearing in the lord mayor should

have been observed on that day instead of on the feast of SS. Simon and

Jude—the 28th October—as was the custom, is not clear. The lord mayor’s

show was (we are told) "very splendid," and was witnessed by the king and

queen and the Prince of Denmark from a balcony in Cheapside. After the

show they were entertained, together with the members of both Houses and

high officers of state, at a banquet in the Guildhall. The cost of the

entertainment was defrayed by voluntary subscriptions among the aldermen

and members of the Common Council.(1682) In order to prevent unpleasant

crowding the Commons were invited to make their way into the Guildhall

through the church of St. Lawrence, Jewry.(1683) The king took occasion to

knight the two sheriffs (Lethieullier and Houblon), and also Edward Clark

and Francis Child, two aldermen who were chosen sheriffs the next

year.(1684)

(M859)

Within a few weeks of this entertainment it was found that the portrait of

William set up in the Guildhall had been maliciously mutilated. The crown

and sceptre had been cut out of the picture by some Jacobite, and the

reward of £500 offered (21 Nov.) by the Court of Aldermen failed to

discover the perpetrator.(1685)

(M860)

On the 30th October (1689) a parliamentary committee was appointed to

prepare a Bill for "restoring and confirming of corporations." A Bill was

accordingly brought in, read for the second time and committed.(1686) The

Bill was mainly concerned with those corporations that had _surrendered_

their charters, and a great struggle took place upon the committee’s

report (2 Jan., 1690) over an attempt to introduce a clause providing that

every municipal officer who had in any way been a party to the surrender

of a borough’s franchises should be incapable of holding any office in

that borough for a period of seven years.(1687) The city of London had not

surrendered its charters. It preferred, as we have seen, on the advice of

its Recorder, to let judgment be entered up against it, and allow its

privileges and franchises to be confiscated by process of law rather than

voluntarily surrender them. London was therefore excepted out of this

Bill, saving a clause touching the not taking or subscribing the oath and

declaration.(1688)

(M861)

On the 6th February, 1690, the Convention Parliament was dissolved. Its

greatest achievement had been the passing of the Bill of Rights, the third

Great Charter (as it has been called) of English liberties. The Bill of

Rights embodied the provisions of the Declaration of Rights, and strictly

regulated the succession to the crown. It constituted the title-deed by

which the king was thenceforth to hold his throne, and the people to enjoy

their liberties. The late parliament had been none too liberal to William

in the matter of supply. Money was much needed for carrying on war with

France and for reducing Ireland. Extraordinary aids were voted from time

to time, but the money came in so slowly that the king was fain to seek

advances from the City.(1689) A new parliament was summoned to meet on the

20th March.(1690)

(M862)

The election of members to serve the City in the coming parliament took

place on the 19th February, and was hotly contested. There appears to be

no record extant among the City’s archives of what took place, but from a

petition laid before the new House (2 April) by Pilkington (the lord

mayor) and three others, viz., Sir Robert Clayton, Sir Patience Ward and

Sir William Ashurst(1691)—all professing more or less Whig principles—we

learn that they claimed to have been elected by the Common Hall. A poll

had been granted, and a scrutiny was in course of being held when (as they

complained) the sheriffs declared the election to have gone against them.

The petitioners had afterwards learnt that upon the completion of the

scrutiny the majority of those that had a right to vote had proved to be

in their favour. They prayed therefore for relief. Their petition was

referred to the Committee of Privileges and Elections for them to consider

and report thereon to the House; but nothing came of it. It was in vain

that Pilkington issued precepts to the livery companies for returns to be

made: (1) of the names of those who were on the livery at Midsummer, 1683;

(2) of those who had been admitted since; (3) of those that had died since

1683, or who were absent; and (4) of those who had omitted to take the

prescribed oaths for a freeman or liveryman—in order to affect the

scrutiny.(1692) The result was declared to be in favour of two aldermen

and two commoners of distinct Tory proclivities. These were Sir William

Pritchard, Sir Samuel Dashwood, Sir William Turner (once an alderman and

soon to become one again) and Sir Thomas Vernon. Upon Turner’s death in

February, 1693, Sir John Fleet, then lord mayor, was elected in his

place.(1693) In the country the elections were carried on with the same

heat as in the City,(1694) and with like result. The majority of the

members of the new parliament were Tory.

(M863)

In November last (1689) a new committee was appointed to prepare a Bill

for the reversal of the proceedings upon the _Quo Warranto_ and for the

removal of other grievances.(1695) The provisions of the Bill had been

scarcely settled before the House, of its own motion, granted (8 April)

leave for a Bill to be brought in to reverse the judgment on the _Quo

Warranto_ against the City as arbitrary and illegal, and appointed a

committee to prepare such a Bill.(1696) A Bill was accordingly prepared,

was brought in, and passed the first and second reading on the 14th

April.(1697) On the 7th May it passed the committee stage and was ordered

to be engrossed, and on the following day it passed and was ordered to be

carried up to the House of Lords.(1698) On the 14th the Bill passed the

Lords without amendment, after counsel for the City had been heard during

its progress through the House.(1699)

(M864)

Pursuant to provisions of the Act (sec. 10) thus passed an election of

mayor, sheriffs and city chamberlain took place on the 26th May, and an

election of a Common Council on the 10th June following. Such as were then

elected were according to the statute to hold office not only for the

remainder of the usual term, but to continue in office throughout the year

ensuing. On the 26th May Pilkington was again elected mayor, although the

majority of votes in Common Hall was in favour of Sir Jonathan

Raymond,(1700) whilst Edward Clark, mercer, and Francis Child, goldsmith,

were chosen sheriffs.(1701) Sir Peter Rich was re-elected chamberlain by a

narrow majority over the head of Leonard Robinson, who had ousted him the

previous Midsummer,(1702) but he was not admitted to office, his rival

being imposed upon the citizens as chamberlain in spite of his having been

in the minority.

(M865)

When the elections for a new Common Council took place on the 10th June

there were severe contests in several of the wards between the "Church

party" and the Whigs, involving irregularities which led to disputes

between the aldermen and the Common Council.(1703) The working of the new

Act, as a matter of fact, gave rise to much dissatisfaction, and scarcely

was it passed before the Court of Aldermen resolved (27 May) to take

counsel’s opinion upon some of its clauses.(1704)

(M866) (M867)

The state of affairs was at length brought to the notice of parliament by

a petition subscribed by members of the Common Council and presented to

the House of Commons on the 3rd December.(1705) The petitioners explained

to the House that they had conceived and hoped that the late Act would

have restored the city to its ancient rights and privileges. It had,

however, done quite the contrary. They then proceeded to relate how,

notwithstanding the Act, several aldermen of the city who had been

appointed by commissions under the late king continued to act as such by

virtue of certain doubtful expressions in the Act; that by their illegally

assumed authority Pilkington had been declared and made mayor, although

not duly returned by the Common Hall; that by the contrivance of the said

mayor and the aldermen Leonard Robinson had been made chamberlain,

notwithstanding another having been declared duly elected by the sheriffs,

and the Common Hall had been thereupon dissolved. Nor was this all. The

petitioners went on to complain that divers members of the Common Council

had been illegally excluded, whilst others who had been duly elected had

been refused admittance; that the place of town clerk having been vacant

for three months and more—an office, they remind the House, of great trust

in the city and one to which only the Common Council had the right of

appointment—the mayor and aldermen had of their own authority appointed

several persons to execute the office against the consent of the Common

Council; that the petitioners had not been allowed to meet and consult

about the necessary affairs of the city according to their ancient rights

and customs; and that a Common Council having met on the 3rd October, and

a majority of the members having agreed upon the presentation of a humble

address to parliament with the view of explaining the recent Act and

settling the rights of the city, the mayor refused to allow the question

to be put and immediately dissolved the court. The petitioners therefore,

finding all their ancient rights and privileges thus invaded, prayed the

House to grant them relief. Having heard the petition read the House

ordered a copy of it to be given to the mayor and aldermen,(1706) and

appointed Monday, the 8th December, for hearing both parties by themselves

or by counsel. Accordingly, on that day the petitioners were heard by

their counsel, and divers witnesses were examined, after which the further

hearing was postponed until the morrow. On the 9th the case of the mayor

and aldermen was opened by counsel and was continued on the 10th and the

11th, when by a majority of thirteen it was decided to adjourn the matter

for a week.(1707) It never was taken up again, parliament being probably

unwilling to run the risk of losing the favour of those in the city who

were in power at a time when interference on its part might be the cause

of stopping the flow of money into the coffers of the exchequer.(1708)

(M868)

As early as January, 1690, William had made up his mind to go to Ireland

in person for the purpose of reducing the country into subjection, but

although every effort was made to push on the necessary preparations

nearly six months elapsed before he was ready to set out. On the 30th May

the assistance of the City was invoked. The Common Council willingly

agreed to raise money to assist the king in his enterprise,(1709) and on

the 2nd June the mayor waited on his majesty at Kensington Palace,

accompanied by the recorder, the aldermen and the sheriffs, and wished him

a prosperous journey, promising at the same time to secure the good

government of the city during his absence.(1710) On the 4th William set

sail, and ten days later (14 June) landed at Carrickfergus. His arrival

was a surprise to James, who flattered himself that the state of affairs

in parliament and "the distractions of the city" would not allow of his

leaving England.(1711) During the king’s absence the queen took an active

part in the administration of the kingdom, and by her tact and kindliness

won many friends. As soon as it was known that William had safely landed

in Ireland the sheriffs were deputed by the Court of Aldermen to attend

her majesty and desire when the court might wait upon her to offer its

congratulations upon the good fortune that had so far attended the

king.(1712)

(M869)

The defeat of a combined English and Dutch fleet off Beachy Head on the

last day of June caused a great commotion, although some compensation was

found in the news of William’s victory at the Boyne. Seeing that a French

force might any day be expected in England, the government, as was its

wont, turned to the city of London. On the 7th July the mayor, the

aldermen and some members of the Court of Lieutenancy(1713) obeyed a

summons to attend upon her majesty in council. The state of affairs having

been fully explained to them, they were asked as to the numerical strength

of the City’s militia, and more especially as to the number of horse and

dragoons the City could raise on an emergency. The mayor professed himself

unable to give a reply off hand to these questions, and desired time to

consult the Common Council on the matter.(1714) Whatever political or

religious differences existed at the time of the recent city elections,

these were now laid aside in the face of a common danger, and "London set

the example of concert and of exertion."(1715) No time was lost. Already

the mayor had, in pursuance of an order from the Privy Council (3 July)

issued precepts to the several aldermen (5 July) for search to be made in

private as well as public stables for horses for military service.(1716)

On the 10th the Court of Aldermen resolved to apply to the hackney-men

plying their trade in and about London, and to learn from them the number

of horses they could supply on an emergency like the present, and upon

what terms.(1717) The Common Council at the same time resolved to raise a

regiment of horse and another of dragoons.(1718) The next day (11 July)

the mayor and aldermen and a deputation of the lieutenancy again waited

upon her majesty sitting in council and assured her of their loyalty. The

city militia, the queen was informed, consisted of about 9,000 men, well

equipt and ready for active service, and six regiments of auxiliaries were

about to be raised. As to the horse and dragoons, the Common Council had

unanimously resolved to raise by voluntary contributions a large regiment

of horse and 1,000 dragoons, and to maintain them for a month if need be.

We have seen how jealous in former days the city had been in the matter of

appointing its own officers over its own forces, but now all signs of

jealousy were wanting, and the queen herself was desired to appoint

officers over the cavalry that was in course of being raised.(1719) On the

21st her majesty reviewed the city militia in Hyde Park, and expressed

herself as much gratified.(1720)

(M870)

The City was ready not only with men but money. On the 22nd July the

Common Council was asked to assist her majesty by making a speedy loan of

£100,000 "or what more can be advanced" on the security of the hereditary

revenue. The court at once gave its consent, and precepts were issued to

the aldermen to raise the money in their respective wards without

delay.(1721)

(M871)

Fortunately for England the French fleet, which kept hovering for more

than a month off the south coast in the hope of being able to effect a

landing, at last was seen to be sailing homewards. When all danger was

past the queen sent for the lord mayor (15 Aug.) to thank his lordship and

the city for their readiness in advancing money and raising forces, and to

inform him that there was no immediate necessity for the horse and

dragoons which were then being raised.(1722)

(M872)

Hearing of the danger that was threatening England, William had serious

thoughts of leaving Ireland and returning home in July.(1723) He did not

return, however, before September. Landing in England on Saturday, the

6th, he proceeded by easy stages to London, where he arrived on the 10th,

and took up his residence at Kensington Palace. The bells of the city rang

out a welcome, bonfires were lighted, and the tower guns fired a

salvo.(1724) On the 9th the sheriffs were instructed by the Court of

Aldermen to wait upon his majesty to learn when and where he would be

pleased to see them.(1725) An appointment having been made for Thursday

morning (11 Sept.) the mayor and aldermen proceeded to Whitehall and

congratulated his majesty on his safe return, their example being followed

by the bishop and the clergy of London in the afternoon of the same

day.(1726) The Common Council, not to be outdone in display of loyalty,

also craved an audience, and on the 18th were permitted to wait upon his

majesty to offer their congratulations.(1727)

(M873)

Early in 1691 William again left England for the purpose of attending a

congress at the Hague. Before leaving he gave an audience to the mayor and

aldermen, who desired to wish him a prosperous voyage. He took occasion to

thank them for the care they had formerly taken of the city during his

absence and desired them to do the same again.(1728) A few days later (16

Jan.) he embarked at Gravesend and did not return to England until the

following April, when he received the usual welcome from the city.(1729)

(M874) (M875)

His presence was much needed, for the Jacobites were becoming more

dangerous every day. One plot, of which Lord Preston was the ruling

spirit,(1730) had been discovered before William left for the Hague, and

another was on foot. Nevertheless the state of affairs on the continent

would not allow of his remaining long in England; so, after a brief stay

he again set sail for Holland (2 May), with Marlborough in his train, to

open a regular campaign against the King of France.

(M876)

The king had not been gone long before the queen sent to the City (18

June) to borrow £120,000 to be employed in the reduction of Ireland, a

business left to the Dutch General Ginkell, afterwards created Earl of

Athlone, to carry out. The sum of £75,000 was to be advanced on the

security of the parliamentary imposts on wine, vinegar and tobacco, and

the remainder of the loan on the security of similar imposts on East India

goods and other commodities.(1731) The Common Council readily consented to

find the money, notwithstanding its having so recently as February last

advanced no less a sum than £200,000 towards fitting out the fleet.(1732)

These advances were, however, still insufficient to meet the necessities

of the times. Long before the year was out the citizens were called upon

to lend another £200,000 to assist in paying off the ships of war that

were about to lay up for the winter.(1733) In the following year (1692),

when parliament laid the foundation of the National Debt and decided on

borrowing a million of money for the support of the war, the City was

asked at different periods to advance no less than three sums of

£200,000(1734) and one of £100,000.(1735)

(M877)

In view of the elections which were to take place on Midsummer-day, 1691,

a motion had been made in the Common Council on the 18th June (immediately

after the court had agreed to lend the queen £120,000) for repealing the

clause in the Act of Common Council of the 6th June, 1683, touching the

confirmation of one of the sheriffs of the city and county of Middlesex

chosen by the mayor for the time being. A debate thereupon arising the

previous question was put, and was declared by the lord mayor to be

carried. A poll, however, was demanded, when the previous question was

lost by 35 votes to 30, and the original motion being afterwards put was

carried by 30 votes to 29.(1736) Such is the narrative of what took place

in the Common Council on the 18th June, 1691, as related in the Journal of

the court, according to which the clause in the Act of 1683 would have

been repealed. We know however, as a matter of fact, that the clause was

not repealed until three years later.(1737) An explanation is afforded us

by Luttrell, the diarist, who says that the minority against repealing the

clause immediately withdrew from the court "so there were not enough left

to make a Common Council, so the Act continues in force."(1738) He adds

that the mayor (Pilkington) thereupon went to the Bridge House and drank

to Sir William Ashurst as a "recommendatory sheriff" for the ensuing year

to hold office only on condition that the choice should be approved by the

Common Hall, "otherwise no good sheriff." When Midsummer-day arrived, the

common sergeant having asked the Court of Aldermen for instructions as to

how to proceed to the elections, was ordered to "pursue such directions as

he should receive from the sheriffes, and in his report of the elections,

to declare it as the report of the said sheriffes." The court further

ordered that the Common Hall should be opened by proclamation in these

words: "You good men of the livery of the several companies of the city

summoned to appear here this day for the election of sheriffs and other

officers usually chosen at this time, draw near and give your attendance,

etc."(1739) The claims of the Livery in Common Hall to elect both sheriffs

being thus allowed, the electors were satisfied to pay the mayor the

compliment of electing Sir William Ashurst, his nominee, to be one of the

sheriffs, whilst choosing Richard Levett to be the other. There was

another candidate in the person of William Gore. A poll was demanded and

allowed, the result of which was declared on the 2nd July, when it

appeared that Ashurst had polled 3,631 votes, Levett 2,252 and Gore 1,774.

A keen contest again took place between Sir Peter Rich and Leonard

Robinson for the office of chamberlain, in which the latter came off

victorious.(1740)

(M878) (M879)

In the spring of the next year (5 April, 1692) the Court of Aldermen had

before them a Bill, the object of which was to settle the election and

confirmation of sheriffs for the future. After due deliberation amongst

themselves, and after consulting the attorney-general upon its provisions,

the Bill was recommended to the Common Council to be passed as an Act of

that court.(1741) Of the particulars of the Bill we are not informed. It

was laid for the first time before the Common Council on the 6th May, when

it was referred to a committee. On the 26th ult. it was read the first

time and on the 31st a second time, but upon the question being put

whether the Bill should be then read a third time it passed in the

negative,(1742) and nothing more is heard of it.

(M880)

A Bill for regulating the election of members of the Common Council itself

met with better success. Of late years divers inhabitants of the city who

were not freemen (and among them the doctors and other gentlemen of

Doctors’ Commons) had been in the habit of exercising the franchise at

wardmotes, to the prejudice of freemen, to whom alone belonged the right

of voting. Many complaints having been made to the Common Council of the

rights of freemen having been thus infringed,(1743) an Act was at length

passed (26 Oct., 1692) declaring that the nomination of aldermen and the

election of common councilmen for the several wards of the city

appertained only to freemen, being householders in the city, and paying

scot and bearing lot, a list of whom was thenceforth to be prepared and

kept by the beadle of each ward, as well as a separate list of the other

householders. A copy of the Act was to be appended to all precepts for

wardmotes, and the provisions of the Act were to be publicly read to the

assembled electors.(1744) At the next election of a Common Council, which

took place in December, the Whigs, we are told, were, after a hard fight,

returned by "above 50 more voices than last year."(1745)

(M881)

When William returned from abroad in October, 1691, it was to find Ireland

completely subjugated. The mayor and aldermen waited upon his majesty at

Whitehall, as usual, to congratulate him upon his safe arrival. The king

thanked them for the care they had taken of the city during his absence,

and more particularly for supplying the queen with the sum of £200,000 to

enable her to carry on the necessary affairs of the kingdom, and bestowed

the honour of knighthood on Richard Levett, one of the sheriffs, Sir

William Ashurst, the other sheriff, being already knighted. Leaving

Whitehall, the mayor and aldermen next proceeded to Kensington to offer

their compliments to the queen and to thank her majesty for her good

government during the king’s absence.(1746) A fortnight later (4 Nov.) the

Common Council resolved to pay their respects also to the king and to

congratulate him upon the success of his arms in Ireland.(1747)

(M882)

The king did not long remain in England. Early in March of the following

year (1692) he returned to the Hague to make preparations for renewing the

war against France both by sea and land, leaving the queen to carry on the

government in England. On the morning of the 12th March the mayor and

aldermen, accompanied by the recorder, proceeded to Whitehall to offer the

queen their congratulations upon the receipt of news of the king’s safe

arrival in Holland, as well as of her majesty’s assumption of the reins of

government. The recorder assured her of the City’s loyalty, and desired

her only to put it to the test.(1748)

(M883)

The City had not long to wait. Within a week (18 March) application was

made to the Common Council, on behalf of the queen, for a loan of

£200,000.(1749) This was the first of the three loans of that amount

already mentioned as having been advanced this year. The council readily

consented to raise the money, and so successful were their efforts that

within four days one-half of the whole loan was already paid into the

exchequer. By the king’s orders the whole of the £200,000 was kept intact

"for some extraordinary occasion."(1750)

(M884)

Such an occasion was at hand. Whilst England and Holland were preparing to

make a joint attack on France, France had been getting ready a navy for a

descent on England with the view of restoring James to the throne. As soon

as intelligence arrived of a threatened invasion great excitement

prevailed. This was towards the close of April (1692). The trained bands

were called out, not only in the city, but throughout the country, and

more especially in those counties bordering on the coast. The Court of

Lieutenancy had orders to administer the oaths to every officer and man,

and any that refused were to be instantly cashiered and disarmed. The same

with Papists and all suspicious persons found in the city. The oaths were

to be tendered to them, and if any refused to take them they were to be

disarmed and banished ten miles from the city.(1751) The mayor issued

instructions for closing coffee-houses in the city on Sundays.(1752)

Troops that had been ordered to Flanders were now countermanded, and a

camp was formed at Southampton.(1753) The lord mayor was given a

commission as general of all the city’s forces—trained bands and

auxiliaries—during the king’s absence abroad, and on the 10th May was

complimented by her majesty at the close of a review held in Hyde

Park.(1754)

(M885)

At length—on the 19th May—the French fleet, which was to cover the

invasion of England, met the combined Dutch and English fleet off La

Hogue, and was so signally beaten that all further thought of an invasion

had to be abandoned. News of the victory reached London on the 21st, and

was received with every demonstration of joy. Medical aid was at once

despatched to tend the sick and wounded at Portsmouth, whilst the

hospitals were got ready to receive those who should be brought to

London.(1755)

(M886)

The formal announcement of the victory to the Common Council of the city

(26 May) was thought a fitting opportunity for asking for a further loan

of £100,000 to enable her majesty to pay and "gratify" the seamen who had

so gallantly warded off invasion and to refit the fleet. It need scarcely

be said that the money was readily promised.(1756)

(M887)

This sum, however, proved altogether inadequate for the purpose, so that

by the end of August the queen was compelled to send for the mayor and

aldermen and ask for £200,000 more. The mayor promised to summon a Common

Council at an early date to consider the matter, and to further her

majesty’s wishes to the best of his power.(1757) A court accordingly met

on Tuesday the 6th September and agreed to raise the money, as usual, by

subscriptions in the wards and from the livery companies,(1758) and within

a very few days the mayor was able to signify to the queen the City’s

compliance with her wishes, and to inform her that £70,000 had been

already subscribed.(1759)

(M888)

On the 18th October William once more set foot in England, and at seven

o’clock in the evening of the 20th he passed through the city—the houses

of which were illuminated and the bells set ringing—to Kensington. Two

days later (22 Oct.) the mayor and aldermen went in state to wait upon his

majesty to congratulate him upon his safe return, and to ask him to favour

them with his presence on the coming lord mayor’s day, when Sir John Fleet

entered on his year of office.(1760) The king accepted the City’s

invitation and conferred the honour of knighthood upon Salathiel Lovell,

who in June last had been chosen recorder on the occasion of Sir George

Treby being appointed chief justice of the common pleas.(1761)

(M889)

The entertainment, which was given at the expense of the aldermen and not

charged in any way to the city’s Chamber,(1762) was made the occasion by

the king of suggesting another city loan of £200,000, making the third

loan of the kind within the year, besides another loan of £100,000. The

king’s wishes were laid before the next Common Council (2 Nov.) and met

with a ready response.(1763) Before leaving the Guildhall his majesty

conferred the honour of knighthood upon Alderman Gore, Alderman Houblon,

Leonard Robinson, the city chamberlain, and others.(1764)

(M890)

Scarcely had William turned his back on England in the spring of the

following year (1693) in order to prosecute the war with France before the

Common Council was asked (25 April) to advance another sum of £200,000

upon the credit of a recent Act of Parliament authorising the raising of a

million of money for military purposes.(1765) The money, which was wanted

for the purpose of paying the wages of seamen and for refitting the fleet,

was immediately voted.

(M891) (M892)

The same ill-success followed the arms of the allied forces this year on

the continent as in previous years. But the fall of Mons in 1691, of Namur

in 1692, and the bloody field of Landen this year were far less disastrous

in their effect to the Londoner than the damage inflicted on the Turkey

fleet of merchantmen in Lagos Bay. For months the fleet, valued at several

millions, had been waiting to be convoyed to the Mediterranean, and so

great had been the delay in providing it with a sufficiently strong escort

that the city merchant had already lost much of the profit he had looked

to derive from the voyage. When at length a convoy was provided it was on

the understanding that the greater part of the force should withdraw as

soon as the most critical point of the voyage should be passed, leaving

but barely twenty sail, under Rooke, to accompany the merchantmen through

the Straits of Gibraltar. It was in vain that Rooke protested. The danger

was the more hazardous inasmuch as no one could say where the French fleet

was lying. Nevertheless, on the 5th June the main fleet parted company and

returned to the Channel, leaving Rooke, with only seventeen men-of-war, to

look to his charge as best he could. As time went on and no news could be

got of the movements of the French fleet the underwriters in the city got

more and more nervous.(1766) The end is well known. At Lagos the English

admiral found his passage blocked by the French fleet. A sharp fight

ensued, during which many merchantmen succeeded in making good their

escape, others were burnt or sunk. "Never within the memory of man," wrote

Macaulay, "had there been in the city a day of more gloom and agitation

than that on which the news of the encounter in the Bay of Lagos arrived.

Many traders, an eye-witness said, went away from the Royal Exchange as

pale as if they had received sentence of death." The Turkey merchants in

their distress sent a deputation to the queen.(1767) The deputation met

with a kind reception, and was assured by Somers, on the queen’s behalf,

of her majesty’s deep sympathy. An enquiry, he said, had already been set

on foot as to the cause of the recent disaster, and care would be taken to

prevent its recurrence.

(M893)

On the 15th August, after voting a loan of £300,000 to her majesty for

payment of the forces in Flanders, the Common Council prepared an address

to the queen, in which they expressed their deep sense of the infinite

goodness of God in preserving the king through all the perils of war, and

thanked her for the sympathy she had displayed with the ruined merchants

and for the steps she had taken for the better protection of trade in

future. To this address a clause was added at the next meeting of the

court (17 Aug.) referring to their cheerful readiness to advance a further

sum of money for her majesty’s necessities, and assuring her of their firm

resolution to continue upon all occasions to support her authority and

government against all persons to the uttermost of their power.(1768)

(M894)

In October the Court of Aldermen invited her majesty to dinner on lord

mayor’s day—the day on which Sir William Ashurst entered into office. On

this occasion it was agreed that the mayor and sheriffs should bear the

whole expense of the entertainment, without the aid of the aldermen.(1769)

Ashurst appears to have been unpopular with his brother aldermen. On the

feast of SS. Simon and Jude (28 Oct.), when the usual court was held for

swearing in the new lord mayor, no less than ten aldermen absented

themselves. Whether this was intended for a studied insult or was the

result of mere negligence does not appear. But, however that may be, the

court marked its sense of their conduct by fining six of the delinquents

100 marks a-piece, whilst it took time to consider the case of the other

four, they being members of parliament.(1770)

(M895)

The 29th October falling on Sunday, the lord mayor’s banquet took place on

the following Monday at the hall of the Grocers’ Company,(1771) but the

queen was unable to attend as she had gone to meet the king, who had

landed at Harwich on Sunday afternoon.(1772) On the 2nd November the mayor

and aldermen attended at Whitehall to offer their congratulations upon his

safe return. His success, said the city’s Recorder, addressing his

majesty, had not answered the expectations and hopes of his subjects,

nevertheless they were assured that God, who had protected him in so many

dangers, would in His own good time work a deliverance. The king received

them very graciously, gave each his hand to kiss, and conferred the honour

of knighthood upon Thomas Abney, one of the sheriffs.(1773)

London and the Kingdom - Volume 2 A History Derived Mainly from the Archives at Guildhall in the Custody of the Corporation of the City of London. · 第 14 / 18 章