(M541)
The attempt made to cripple the carrying trade of the Dutch by the passing
of the Navigation Act (Oct., 1651) found little favour with the merchants
of the city. What they of all things desired to see was free trade in the
port of London; and to this end they presented a petition to the Council
for Trade, and appointed (9 Dec.) a committee to maintain it "with the
best reasons they could."(1063)
(M542)
This Act failed in its purpose, and only led to retaliation and war. In
the spring of the following year (1652) the fleet was got ready to put to
sea. On the 26th March the Council of State wrote to the mayor and
aldermen and Militia Committee of the city(1064) asking that certain brass
guns laid up at Gresham College and other places in the city should be
forthwith delivered to the ordnance officer, as the guns formerly used in
the fleet during the late wars had been dispersed among various garrisons.
By way of postscript—as if an afterthought—the council added: "As there is
a pretension of right made to such guns on behalf of the city we shall be
ready to receive and consider any claim which they shall make to them; and
if it appear that they belong to the city we will take care, after the
service is past to which they are designed, that they are either restored
or satisfaction made according to their value." In May it was found that
the store of gunpowder in the Tower was likely to run short owing to a
breach of contract, and again application for assistance was made to the
City, who were asked to lend such gunpowder as lay in the Companies’
halls.(1065) In March of the following year (1653) the request for guns in
the City’s magazines to be delivered to the ordnance officers for the
public service was repeated,(1066) and by November they were all in the
custody of the lieutenant of the Tower.(1067) By that time a victory had
been gained over the Dutch admirals Tromp and De Ruyter off Portland (18
Feb., 1653) by Blake and Monk, the latter having for a time exchanged land
service for the sea. This success was the more welcome inasmuch as Blake
had previously suffered a signal defeat (28 Nov., 1652) at the hands of
the Dutch admirals and had himself been wounded. Moreover Tromp had been
so elated at his victory that in bravado he had fixed a broom to his
masthead, in token of his resolution to sweep the sea of English vessels.
(M543)
The example set by parliament of opening a subscription for those wounded
at sea was followed by the Common Council of the city. Each member of the
court was ordered (4 March) to take steps to "collect the benevolence of
the inhabitants in money and old linen, for relief of the wounded soldiers
and mariners which God hath made instrumental in the late great success of
the Commonwealth at sea against the Dutch." In reporting to the court the
total amount thus gathered (£1,071 9_s._ 5_d._) Alderman Fowke intimated
that it was the express wish of many of the contributors that the widows
and children of those that had been killed should share in the charity. To
this the court agreed.(1068) The money was despatched to the fleet by the
hands of Alderman Tichborne, and gratefully acknowledged by the admirals
Deane and Monk in a letter addressed to the lord mayor (2 April).(1069)
Two months later Deane was dead, having been killed in another engagement
with the Dutch, when the English fleet again came off victorious. For this
success a general thanksgiving at St. Paul’s was voted by the Court of
Aldermen, who were invited to attend the public funeral of the late
gallant admiral.(1070)
(M544)
A few weeks before the Long Parliament was so rudely "interrupted" by
Cromwell (20 April, 1653) it raised the ire of the Common Council of the
city by the action of its commissioners, sitting at Haberdashers’ Hall,
who had prosecuted and fined certain inhabitants of the ward of Farringdon
Within for having contravened the Act touching election of officers upon
the Treasonable Engagement.(1071) A deputation from the court was ordered
to wait upon the commissioners and to get some explanation of their
conduct and to report the result of their interview. The commissioners
assumed a very haughty tone. They were, they said, entrusted with full
powers to deal with such matters by parliament, but expressed their
intention to "be tender to passe severe sentence upon any well affected
citizen. For that they have power to doe it or not to doe it." This was
not at all to the mind of the Common Council, who thereupon resolved (4
March, 1653) to ask parliament to explain who were promoters and abettors
of the Treasonable Engagement, and whether the citizens were to be
considered as promoters and abettors for having obeyed the orders of the
militia authorised by parliament in manning forts and appearing in arms,
as they so often had done, in defence of parliament as well as of
themselves.(1072) Before any answer was given to this awkward question the
Long Parliament had ceased to exist, to be succeeded by another of a very
different character.
(M545)
"Praise-God Barebone, Esquire," who gave a nick-name to the next
parliament, was a leatherseller of London, and was summoned by Cromwell to
sit as member for the city. "I, as commander-in-chief of the armies of the
Commonwealth," wrote Cromwell to him, "summon you ... to appear at the
council chamber, Whitehall, on 4th July, and take upon you the said trust
for the city of London."(1073) The rest of the members of this Puritan
parliament were for the most part also Cromwell’s nominees. It was
destined to be short lived. It attacked the law and the Church and
threatened the universities. To save the last mentioned institutions the
city of London intervened and received the thanks of the university of
Oxford.(1074) Afraid of their own acts, which they felt were displeasing
to Cromwell, they agreed to dissolve parliament and to transfer their
powers to the man from whom they had received them. This took place
somewhat suddenly and unexpectedly on the 12th December.
(M546)
On the 16th Cromwell was solemnly installed as Lord Protector, the lord
mayor, the aldermen and the Recorder being invited to be present, and in
due course his new title was proclaimed in the city.(1075) The lord mayor,
Thomas Vyner, happening to be a goldsmith, the Council of State
commissioned him to supply two services of plate for the use of the "Lord
Protector and his lady."(1076)
(M547)
Having recognised the new order of things and caused the Lord Protector to
be proclaimed at the Old Exchange and other places in the city,(1077) the
Common Council proceeded to ask him to a banquet to be given in his honour
at Grocers’ Hall.(1078) The invitation was accepted, and the dinner took
place on the 8th February, 1654. The entertainment was given in right
royal style, the mayor and his brother aldermen riding out in state to
meet his Highness, who exercised the privilege of his new position by
knighting the chief magistrate of the city on his departure.(1079)
(M548)
In July (1654) when there was some talk of sending the city’s Recorder,
William Steele, to Ireland on affairs of State, the Common Council
addressed a petition to the Lord Protector praying him not to deprive the
city of the services of so excellent an officer, and one who was likely to
prove particularly useful both to the city and the whole Commonwealth in
the forthcoming parliament,(1080) the first parliament under the
Protectorate and one of the very few parliaments to which the city sent as
many as six burgesses.(1081)
(M549)
This parliament, like its predecessor, was of short duration, lasting
little more than five months. One other parliament and no more was
summoned by Cromwell (17 Sept., 1656). It was before this parliament that
Alderman Sir Christopher Pack (the only member for the city, so far as we
have any authentic record), brought forward (23 Feb., 1657) his famous
"remonstrance," desiring the Protector to assume the kingly dignity and to
restore the House of Lords. The question whether the "remonstrance" should
be read was answered in the affirmative by a majority of nearly 100 after
some hours’ debate.(1082) Before it was taken into consideration a day was
appointed for prayer and fasting and to seek directions from the
Lord.(1083) The proposal was particularly obnoxious to the army, and
Colonel Pride had no difficulty in obtaining a large number of signatures
against it.
After many days’ debate, in the course of which the title of the
"remonstrance" was changed to that of "petition and advice,"(1084) the
document received the assent of the Commons, and on the 31st March a copy
of it engrossed on vellum was presented to the Protector at Whitehall in
the presence of the whole House. Its main feature was the creation of a
second House, the members of which were to enjoy their seats for life and
exercise some of the functions of the former House of Lords. Cromwell was
asked to assume the title of king with the right of naming his own
successor. The kingship after considerable hesitation he declined (8 May):
"I cannot undertake this government with the title of king. And that is
mine answer to this great and weighty business."(1085) The rest of the
terms he accepted, and on the 28th June he was again installed as Lord
Protector in the presence of the mayor and aldermen, the mayor to the left
of the Protector bearing the civic sword, with the Earl of Warwick to the
right bearing the sword of state.(1086) On the 1st July public
proclamation was made in the city with great solemnity.(1087)
(M550)
In due course writs were issued to more than sixty persons—many of them
members of the House of Commons, whilst others were men of the lower
orders, Puritan officers or parliamentary supporters of Cromwell—to form a
new House, a "Peerage of fact," not of descent.(1088) Among them was Glyn,
the city’s late Recorder, now a chief justice; two city aldermen, viz.,
Christopher Pack, the prime mover in the restoration of the second House,
and Robert Tichborne, who, in honour of his promotion, it may be,
presented in the following year a silver bason and ewer weighing 110 ozs.
to the City for the use of the lord mayor and his successors.(1089)
Colonels Pride and Skippon, soldiers of fortune who had done good service
both in parliament and on the field, also found seats among Cromwell’s new
peers, as also did John Hewson, erstwhile a shoemaker and still a member
of the Cordwainers’ Company, which honoured him with a banquet at which
special dishes, we read, were provided for "my lord Hewson."
(M551)
The new House was not a success. It soon began to give itself the airs of
the hereditary House of Lords and fell foul of the Commons. Cromwell saw
no other course open but to dissolve his second Protectorate Parliament,
which he did on the 4th February (1658).
(M552)
On Friday, the 12th March (1658), the civic authorities were sent for to
Whitehall, where they were informed by Cromwell that Charles meditated an
invasion, and that Ormond had recently been engaged in enlisting support
for the royalist cause in and about the city. They were asked to put the
city into a state of readiness for the suppression of tumult and disorder
if any should arise, and to place the militia in trustworthy hands.(1090)
The warning came just in time, for the Common Council had that very day
given orders for the sale of broken carriages, guns and other war material
stored at Gresham College, the Leadenhall and in the Guildhall Chapel, and
for the proceeds to be paid into the Chamber.(1091) On the 15th the Common
Council appointed a committee to draw up a representation or petition
expressing the City’s thanks to the Protector for the favour thus shown to
them.(1092) On the 16th the document was presented to the court for
approval, and on the following day carried by a deputation to Cromwell.
Its terms were very flattering. After alluding to the blessings which had
accompanied the Protector’s government and the recent news that "the old
restless enemy" was preparing to execute his wrath against God, his
highness and the nation, the citizens concluded by assuring him that his
enemies would be considered the City’s enemies and his friends its
friends.(1093) The deputation was instructed by the Common Council to
disavow to Cromwell a certain petition which had been addressed to him
purporting to come from "divers citizens and inhabitants in and about the
city of London," and to humbly desire his highness not to look upon any
petition as the petition of the city of London except such as came from
the Common Council in the name of "the mayor, aldermen and commons of the
city of London in Common Council assembled."(1094)
(M553)
So pleased was Cromwell with the City at this critical time that he
conferred the honour of knighthood upon the lord mayor (Richard Chiverton)
and upon John Ireton, a brother of Henry Ireton, his own son-in-law and
fellow campaigner, now deceased.(1095)
(M554)
Thanks to the Protector’s caution and advice a royalist _émeute_ in the
city, in which Dr. Hewet, a preacher at St. Gregory’s by St. Paul’s, was
implicated, and for which he and Sir Henry Slingsby lost their heads, was
prevented, the ringleaders being arrested on the eve of the outbreak. It
was remarked at the time that the apprentices engaged in this rising were
for the most part "sons of cavaliers, or else such debauched fellows that
their masters could not rule or govern them."(1096) On the 6th July the
mayor, aldermen and sheriffs, with the city’s Recorder, Sir Lisleborne
Long, waited on the Lord Protector to congratulate him upon "the
deliverance of his person, the city and the whole nation" from the dangers
of the late conspiracy.(1097)
(M555)
Cromwell’s days were fast drawing to a close, although scarce sixty years
of age. The death of his favourite daughter in August of this year cast a
gloom over his mind and affected his health, and within less than a month
he followed her, dying on the 3rd September—his "fortunate day," as he
called it—the day of Dunbar and of Worcester. The lord mayor and city
officers were allowed each nine yards of mourning cloth, and eighty other
persons of the city four yards each, as on the demise of a
sovereign.(1098) On the 4th Richard Cromwell was proclaimed in succession
to his father at Westminster and in the city, four heralds attending the
mayor on that occasion.(1099)
(M556)
After a brief trial of a new parliament (29 Jan.-22 April, 1659) the Rump
was restored and its restoration duly proclaimed in the city.(1100) The
citizens affected to see a special interposition of Providence in the new
order of affairs and lost no time in preparing a petition for the
preservation of the privileges and estates as well of corporations as of
individuals, for the speedier despatch of business in the courts of law
and equity, for greater liberty of religious worship, for protection of
universities and schools in their work of education, and for relief from
excessive taxation.(1101) No long time elapsed before the old jealous feud
between parliament and the army was renewed by the former resolving that
all commissions should be received from the Speaker of the House. One of
the first desires of the House was to settle the trained bands of
London,(1102) for upon the goodwill of the militia of London and its
neighbourhood much depended. But although the citizens were zealous in
displaying their loyalty to the government,(1103) they had no mind that
the services of their trained bands or of cavalry raised in the city
should be employed beyond the city’s walls, or that they should be placed
under the command of any but "persons of quality, freemen and inhabitants
of the city."(1104)
(M557)
Dissension between parliament and the army was for a time hushed by the
threat of a common danger. On the 9th August it was reported to the House
that the lord mayor had discovered the existence of a party in the city in
favour of the rising which had recently occurred in Cheshire with the view
of bringing in Prince Charles.(1105) The mayor, aldermen and Common
Council were thereupon ordered to attend the Council of State at Whitehall
on the following afternoon, when they were formally thanked for the
support they had given to parliament and encouraged to continue in the
same course.(1106)
(M558) (M559)
Nevertheless, when the danger was over the House thought fit to run the
risk of alienating the favour of the City by an attempt to force the
re-election of John Ireton as mayor for the coming year upon the unwilling
citizens. On the 2nd September the House resolved that "John Ireton" [thus
ignoring his knighthood], then lord mayor of the city of London, should
continue to execute the office of lord mayor for the year ensuing, and
ordered "that it be recommended to the city of London to see the same done
accordingly."(1107) The Common Council being in no mood to comply with
such request drew up a long petition to parliament,(1108) in which the
government of the city was shown to depend upon "two strong supports,"
viz., the customs of the city and its charters, confirmed as they had been
by divers Acts of Parliament; that by virtue of these charters and customs
the mayor was chosen by the citizens, that he remained in office for no
more than one year, and was presented to the supreme power of the nation
for approbation. The petition went on to remind the House how on various
occasions, and notably on the 13th January, 1644, and the 6th and 18th May
of the same year, parliament had formally acknowledged the constant
affection and assistance it had received from the city, and concluded by
praying the House to lay no restraint upon the free election of their
mayor by the citizens nor infringe the ancient customs and charters of the
city, a breach of which "would exceedingly hazard, if not totally destroy,
the peace, good order and happiness of the most ancient and well governed
city" in the nation, if not in the whole world.
(M560)
The House taking this petition into consideration on the 28th
September—the day preceding that on which the election was to take
place—resolved by thirty-eight votes to thirteen "that the city of London
be left at liberty to make choice of their mayor according to their
charter, notwithstanding the previous vote of the House of the 2nd
September instant."(1109) The citizens thereupon showed their
independence by electing Thomas Aleyne.
(M561)
A good understanding or "correspondence" between parliament and the city
having thus been arrived at, the Common Council resolved to ask the House
to a dinner at Grocers’ Hall to commemorate Lambert’s defeat of the
royalists. The invitation was accepted, and Thursday, the 6th October,
named as the day on which the House would be prepared to go to the city to
hear a sermon at Christchurch, Newgate, and afterwards dine with the
municipal authorities.(1110)
(M562)
On that day week (13th October) the House suffered another indignity at
the hands of the army. No sooner had Lambert defeated the royalist
insurgents in Cheshire than he and his fellow officers made extraordinary
demands of parliament. When these were refused they betook themselves to
brute force and sent troops to shut out members from the House.(1111) So
arbitrary a proceeding was distasteful to the citizens of London as well
as to the nation at large.
(M563)
When lord mayor’s day came round and Thomas Aleyne was to enter upon his
year of office there was some apprehension in the minds of Fleetwood and
the Council of Officers, who were now supreme, lest the day should be made
an opportunity for display of popular feeling in favour of parliament. It
was suggested, therefore, to the Court of Aldermen by Fleetwood that it
might be well to omit the usual shows and attendance of the companies on
that day. The court, however, thought otherwise, and directed a deputation
to wait upon his excellency and acquaint him with the preparations that
had already been made, and with the disappointment which the citizens
would feel if they had to forego the customary solemnities, which could be
carried out, in the opinion of the court, without any risk of
disturbance.(1112)
(M564)
Monk, who was in Scotland, disapproved of the action of Lambert and his
fellow officers, and prepared to march southward for the purpose (he said)
of vindicating the rights of parliament. Whether he had any ulterior
motive in view at the time is not known. Every effort was made by the
officers of Lambert’s army to secure the support of the City before Monk’s
arrival. On the 4th November and again on the 8th, Fleetwood, Whitelock
and others conferred with the civic authorities. On the latter occasion
Whitelock did not hesitate to declare that Monk’s real design was the
king’s restoration at the risk of a civil war. "I shewed the danger of it
to the city and nation and counselled them to provide for their own
safety, and to join for the safety of the whole nation and for
preservation of the peace." The Common Council expressed their thanks, and
resolved to follow the advice thus given.(1113)
(M565)
On the 23rd November the Common Council received a letter from Monk, which
Whitelock describes as "not relished well by them."(1114) The letter is
not mentioned in the minutes of the court held on that day, which are
confined to an order for the repair of the wall of Richmond Park and to
the appointment of a day (2 Dec.) for a solemn humiliation with fasting
and prayer, that God might bring them through all their "fears, troubles
and darkness unto true rest, peace and settlement."(1115)
(M566)
Whilst matters were yet in a state of suspense the apprentices of the city
again took the lead and presented (5 Dec.) a petition to the Common
Council on the subject of "how the peace of this city may be preserved."
Their petition was referred to a committee for consideration,(1116) but
the apprentices brooked no delay. Out into the street they ran, in spite
of all precautions to keep them indoors, crying out for a "free
parliament." Amid the confusion Hewson appeared on the scene with a
regiment of soldiers, and there was some little bloodshed, two men being
killed. This brought the army into greater disrepute than ever, and the
cry became general that "it was only kept on foot for the murder of
citizens." The next day (6 Dec.) the Court of Aldermen sent a deputation
to the Committee of Safety to excuse the recent outbreak and to disavow
any complicity in it.(1117) The Committee desired to know particulars as
to how the men came by their death, and to understand how far the Court of
Aldermen would be responsible for the peace of the city. The Committee was
told in reply that the recent deaths were under the consideration of the
coroner, and that as to the steps about to be taken for the preservation
of the peace of the city, further information would shortly be
given.(1118)
(M567)
On the 8th December a Court of Aldermen sat and appointed a committee to
confer with Fleetwood for preserving the peace and safety of the city and
"for a right understanding between the city and army." He was to be
desired in the meantime to keep his soldiers within barracks whilst the
court of Common Council was sitting, unless the mayor or sheriffs
expressed a wish to the contrary, and to cause the removal of certain
"granadoes" recently stored at Gresham College and elsewhere in the city,
which had caused strange apprehensions among the inhabitants. A petition
to the Common Council for a parliament as in 1642 was unfavourably
received, and handed back to the petitioners with a request to them not to
print it.(1119) Anxious as the citizens were to get rid of the army’s
ammunition stored in the city, they were not so anxious to part with their
own little stock of gunpowder, and hesitated to lodge it in the Tower as
requested, lest it should be some day used against themselves. The City
Remembrancer was instructed (17 Dec.) to see Fleetwood on the matter, and
to represent to him the feeling of the inhabitants, that order might be
taken for securing public peace and quiet.(1120)
(M568)
By the 19th matters were accommodated between Fleetwood and the City. A
parliament was to be summoned which should be free from military influence
or interference. The Common Council, on hearing of the success of the
committee appointed to confer with Fleetwood, were so satisfied with the
manner in which it had carried out its duties that they authorised it to
continue to confer with his lordship from time to time as it should see
cause for prevention of all misunderstandings between the city and the
army.(1121) The action of the mayor, the common council and the committee
in the matter was much canvassed, however, by a certain section of the
community, and they were accused of betraying the rights and liberties of
the city. A "declaration" was therefore drawn up in vindication of their
conduct.(1122)
(M569)
On the 22nd a fresh committee was appointed to consult for the peace and
safety of the city as well as to consider what answers should be sent to
Monk, to the officers at Portsmouth and to Lawson, who was in command of a
squadron in the Thames, all of whom were opposed to the army in London and
in favour of a parliament.
(M570)
No time was lost; on the following day (23 Dec.) the committee reported to
the Common Council recommending, among other things, that six regiments of
trained bands should be at once called out and placed under the command of
officers, whose commissions should be under the common seal of the city;
that commissioners should be appointed to confer with Haslerigg, Morley,
Walton and Vice-Admiral Lawson touching the safety of the city and the
peace and settlement of the nation, and "in due time" to give an answer to
General Monk’s letter; and that the commissioners should be authorised to
propound the convening of a free parliament according to the late
"declaration" of the court. These recommendations being approved,
commissioners were there and then appointed, and instructions drawn up for
their guidance.(1123)
(M571)
The next day (Saturday, 24 Dec.) the Common Council was busy nominating
officers of the trained bands. It also ordered the city’s chains and posts
to be set up in the several precincts, and the gates, portcullises and
posterns to be looked to; but the council afterwards changed their minds
on this matter, and the order was countermanded before the court
rose.(1124)
(M572)
The revival of the city’s militia was a welcome sign to the royalists.
"What does the city?" wrote secretary Nicholas from Brussels about this
time. "We know they talk of setting up a militia of their own, and that
some of them say, as they helped to drive out the father, they will help
to bring in the son."(1125) And again, a few days later, "The city should
be made to understand how much their interests are concerned to suppress
the illegal and boundless authority usurped by the army which cannot be
done but by force, and by no force so well as that of the city and
counties adjacent; for if the army shall ... get again to be absolute
masters in London, no citizen or inhabitant there will be secure of
anything they possess longer than it pleases the soldiery, which will soon
make the citizens their absolute slaves." Once more, "The city cannot be
secure," he repeats, "if the army continue their quarter and soldiers
still among them, nor can any parliament be free whilst awed by an
army.... Until it [the army] shall be made to obey orders from a power
superior to it, there can be no security or peace, either in city or
country."(1126)
(M573)
The spirit that had moved Haslerigg, Morley, Walton and Lawson at length
moved the rank and file of the army in London. The soldiers placed
themselves at the command of their cashiered officers. On the 24th
December they marched to Lenthall’s house in Chancery Lane, expressed
their sorrow for the past, and promised to stand by parliament for the
future. On the 26th the Rump was for the second time restored to
power.(1127)
(M574) (M575)
The citizens had obtained their desire to have once more a parliament, but
the parliament they got was far from being the free parliament they had
been looking for. They wished to take an early opportunity—lest their
action should be misinterpreted—to inform the Rump that the measures they
had taken for "settling" the trained bands had been taken before "their
honors came together this last time." They desired to explain the reasons
for undertaking the work, and to show that in so doing the city had only
acted within its rights. A petition was accordingly drawn up on the 28th
December, setting forth that disorders in the city had increased "by the
exorbitant actings of many of those men who at first being appointed by
parliament a Committee of Militia within the city of London for their
security and safety, have since their last interruption acted by a
commission under the Great Seal of England against the same parliament,"
and that for the prevention of any disorder that might arise they had
fallen back upon their ancient rights and usages, and had put themselves
in a posture of defence, not for the purpose of acting against parliament,
but for it. Whilst offering these explanations the City was anxious that
parliament would receive into its House all such members as were still
alive and fill up the places of all who were dead. On the 29th the Common
Council resolved that this petition should not be laid before the House
until further order.(1128) The commissioners appointed by the City to
confer with Haslerigg, Morley and Walton at Portsmouth had returned, and
their report made to the Common Council on that day may have given rise to
the postponement.
(M576)
Monk’s letter to the City, sent in November, had all this time remained
unanswered. At last (29 Dec.) a reply was drawn up, and, after receiving
the approval of the Common Council, was despatched to the general by the
hands of the City Swordbearer.(1129)
(M577)
On the last day of the year a deputation from the House, including
Lenthall, Haslerigg, Morley and others, waited upon the Court of Aldermen
to confer with them about the safety of the city. The erection of the city
posts and chains, which apparently had been proceeded with, and the
calling out of the trained bands troubled parliament. By the 2nd January
Haslerigg was able to satisfy parliament on the first head. It was
contrary (he said) to the mind of the lord mayor, aldermen and Common
Council to have any posts or chains set up, and those that were set up
should be taken down.(1130) Two days later (4 Jan.) the Common Council
ordered the settlement of the trained bands to be proceeded with, and
nominated a committee to lay before parliament the grounds and reasons for
so doing, the committee being instructed to again press for a full and
free parliament.(1131) The attitude of the City towards the restored Rump
was keenly watched by royalists abroad. "Let me know certainly the
Londoners’ intentions about the Rump," wrote secretary Nicholas, "and
settling their own militia, and also the proceedings of Monk and Lambert,
and how each of them approves the restoring of the Rump."(1132)
(M578)
The City’s anxiety for a return of a full and free parliament in the place
of the Rump was occasioned in some degree by the fact that in the existing
House they had but a single representative, viz., Alderman Atkin, and
without due representation the citizens refused to be subjected to
taxation. "They were resolved," Pepys notes in his diary (13 Jan.), "to
make no more applications to the parliament, nor to pay any money, unless
the secluded members be brought in or a free parliament chosen."
(M579) (M580)
In the meantime Lambert, who had set out for the north of England with the
intention of stopping Monk’s passage from Scotland, had been recalled, and
by the middle of January Monk and his army were well on their way to
London. On the 6th January he had despatched a letter(1133) to the Common
Council by the hands of the City Swordbearer, who having handed to the
general the city’s late missive, was about to return.(1134) As Monk
approached London Alderman Fowke and two other commissioners were ordered
(19 Jan.) to go out to meet him and thank him for his second letter, and
for his cheerful concurrence with the declaration of the Common Council,
and to desire the continuance of a good understanding between his
excellency and the court for the settlement of the nation and peace of the
city. By the 30th they had returned and were able to report to the Common
Council the result of their interview.(1135) The nature of their report
has not been recorded.
(M581) (M582)
In order to avoid as much as possible the appearance of entering London as
a conqueror, Monk brought with him no more than 5,000 men, a force
considerably less than that which was quartered in London and Westminster.
Having reached St. Albans, he wrote to the Speaker asking that five of the
regiments in the capital might be removed to a distance before his arrival
lest his troops should become disaffected by intercourse with those who
had been so recently engaged in rebellion. The House acquiesced and gave
orders to that effect, but the soldiers refused to leave their quarters,
swearing that they would not go without their money, and threatening if
their pay was not received to "go where they might have it, and that was
the city."(1136) A sum of money having been hastily raised to satisfy
their demands, they consented to march out, and the next morning (3 Feb.)
Monk entered at the head of his force—"in very good plight and stout
officers"—and proceeded to the quarters assigned to him at Whitehall
recently occupied by Bradshaw.(1137)
(M583)
Monk was anxious to feel the pulse of the City before committing himself
to any definite policy. He had not long to wait before he was assured of
its favour. On the 8th February the Common Council agreed to send a
deputation to the general to congratulate him upon his coming to London
and to thank him for his courtesy to the City’s commissioners recently
despatched to him, as well as to express a hope that the good
understanding which had prevailed between his excellency and the City
might continue.(1138)
(M584)
The friendly attitude of the City towards Monk, and its recent hostile
attitude towards parliament—some of the Common Council, we are told, had
been "very high" at the last court, and refused to pay taxes until the
House should be filled up(1139)—was so marked that the Rump determined
upon dissolving the Common Council, although it commended the "discreet
carriage" of the lord mayor in conducting the business of the court.(1140)
Not content with this the House went further, and ordered troops to be
quartered in the city "for reducing the city to the obedience of the
parliament." The city’s gates and portcullises, moreover, were to be
removed, and eleven citizens, including an alderman, were ordered into
custody.(1141)
(M585)
The unenviable task of seeing these orders executed was, by a clever
stroke of policy, committed to Monk himself. There was no alternative open
to him but to obey, and to carry out the orders of parliament with as
little friction to the citizens as was possible. No sooner had he taken up
his residence in the city for this purpose than he was asked by the mayor
to delay removing the city’s gates until the matter should be communicated
to the Court of Aldermen.
(M586)
A special court having been summoned Monk attended in person (10 Feb.) and
informed the members of the commands that had been laid upon him by
parliament touching the city’s gates and portcullises. Being told that the
execution of such commands would be "of very ill consequence both to
parliament and the city" the general could only reply that the commands of
the House were so positive that he could only hold his hand on one
condition, and that was that the city should acknowledge the Rump that so
he might have ground for writing to and mediating with the House. The
court was allowed to consider the matter whilst Monk withdrew. Upon his
return he was informed that the Court of Aldermen could not speak on
behalf of the whole body of citizens, "and that the Common Council being
now disabled to meet, there was none in capacity to do it." But, said his
excellency, the Court of Aldermen might declare their own minds? Again
Monk withdrew, only to be told, however, on his return that the court was
of opinion that their doing so "would not at this time be a service either
to the parliament or city."(1142)
(M587)
The next day (11 Feb.) the Court of Aldermen again met. Monk, too, was
there. He had just despatched a letter to the Speaker of the House
complaining of the invidious work he and his soldiers had been set to do—a
work which served only to bring them into discredit with the city—and
peremptorily demanding that every seat in the House should be filled up by
the following Friday (17 Feb.) as a preliminary to the calling together of
a new parliament. When the aldermen heard of this letter they were
delighted, and ready to accede to anything Monk might suggest. He proposed
quartering troops in the city "for a few days." The aldermen raised no
objection, but asked his excellency to utilise as far as possible the inns
and public victualling houses, "so as may be least offence to the
citizens."(1143) They even displayed a readiness to give up their own
houses to the use of the general and his officers, and promised that his
soldiers should lack nothing.(1144) On his quitting the court such a shout
was raised of "God bless your excellency" as had been seldom heard.
Bonfires were lighted that evening from Cheapside to Temple Bar, bells
were set ringing, and rumps carried in mock procession and solemnly
roasted in token of the approaching dissolution of parliament. So great
was the hospitality offered to the soldiers that most of them got
gloriously drunk.(1145)
(M588)
The next day being Sunday (12 Feb.) Monk, whose wife had joined him in his
lodgings in the city, attended morning service at St. Paul’s, and in the
afternoon went to a church in Broad Street, probably that of St. Peter le
Poor, in the neighbourhood of his lodgings.(1146)
(M589)
On Monday (13 Feb.) he held a conference with the mayor and aldermen at
Drapers’ Hall, a stone’s throw from where he lived, with reference to the
peace and safety of the city. Alderman Atkin, a member of parliament, was
sent for to be informed of "sundry matters of great danger to the city,"
of which information had reached the ears of the Court of Aldermen, and
which he was to communicate to the House. But particulars are not
recorded.(1147)
(M590)
The Council of State were far from being pleased with Monk for taking up
his quarters in the city, and repeatedly urged him to leave the city for
Whitehall, where they could keep a better watch on his movements. They
particularly desired his company at Whitehall on Tuesday morning for the
purpose (they said) of consulting him on matters relating to public
safety, and in order that they might have an opportunity of communicating
to him the recent proceedings of parliament.(1148)
(M591)
Monk was in no hurry to quit the city. On Wednesday (15 Feb.) he sent for
Alderman Fowke to say that he purposed marching out of the city with his
forces on the following afternoon, but that in so doing he had no
intention of receding from his promise to secure the safety of the city.
He would also endeavour to bring about a right understanding between
parliament and the city. Fowke having reported this to the Court of
Aldermen there was great alarm, and a deputation was despatched, with
Fowke at its head, to beg the general to let his soldiers remain in the
city "if it may consist with his trust." Word was brought next day to the
court that in the event of his excellency quitting the city he would leave
behind two regiments for its safety, and that if the court would give him
the names of persons fit to be officers he would endeavour to get two
regiments of their own appointed by parliament.(1149)
(M592)
Instead of quitting the city Monk only changed his quarters to the house
of William Wale, alderman of the ward of Farringdon Without, whither he
caused his goods to be removed from Whitehall, as to a more or less
permanent residence.(1150) There he remained, holding frequent interviews
with the leading citizens and preparing to carry into effect the project
of restoring the king.(1151)
(M593)
In the meanwhile parliament had been busy completing the bill for the
qualifications of electors and candidates for the new parliament, and on
the day fixed (17 Feb.) by Monk writs were ready to be issued. According
to the qualifications passed by the House, no one could be elected a
member of the forthcoming parliament unless pledged to support a
republican form of government. As this meant the exclusion of the members
shut out by Pride’s Purge in 1648 it gave rise to much dissatisfaction,
and Monk was appealed to. A deputation of the sitting members met a
deputation of the excluded members at Monk’s new quarters, when it was
decided that the Presbyterian members shut out by Pride’s Purge should
again be allowed to take their seats. Four days later (21 Feb.) they
attended parliament at Monk’s invitation and were admitted without
opposition.
The day passed off without any disturbance, although it was feared that
the "secluded" members might attempt to force their way into parliament.
It was also feared that if such an attempt were made it would be backed up
by some inhabitants of the city. The council had therefore asked Monk to
take precautions for securing the freedom of parliament as well as
maintaining peace within the city.(1152)
(M594)
The recent order of parliament dissolving the Common Council of the city
was declared null and void, the municipal authorities were allowed to set
up the city’s gates and portcullises again, and the imprisoned citizens
were liberated.(1153) That night was a joyous one in the city. Bells were
rung and bonfires were lighted, so that the sky was ablaze with
illuminations, "a most pleasant sight to see."(1154)
On the 28th February—a day set apart for public thanksgiving—Monk was
invited to an entertainment at Grocers’ Hall in honour of the restoration
of a full parliament and of the Common Council of the city; but party
spirit was so rife that it became necessary to warn the general against
receiving anything that he might hear "as the sense of the city."(1155)
Bonfires were forbidden to be lighted in the city that night by order of
the Council of State, lest some discontented spirits might seize the
opportunity to raise a disturbance.(1156)
(M595)
The day that the Common Council re-assembled (22 Feb.) it received a
deputation from the restored House asking for a loan. With little
hesitation the court voted a sum of £60,000 on the security of the monthly
assessments. It was left to the aldermen, deputies and common councilmen
of the wards to raise the money by subscription, and they were further
instructed to take the best course they could for raising a sum of
£100,000 upon the same account.(1157) It was subsequently (1 March)
arranged that the sum of £27,000 should be advanced upon security of the
six months’ assessment, and in case the same should not be fully collected
out of the assessment, the deficit, as well as the cost of repairing and
setting up the gates, portcullises, etc., should be secured by Act of
Parliament.(1158)
(M596)
The House acceded to the City’s request that its militia might be placed
in the hands of commissioners of its own choice. Monk himself was
nominated by the Common Council (3 March) Sergeant-Major-General of the
city’s forces, a post which he signified his willingness to accept.(1159)
The sooner the militia was settled the sooner would the city be rid of
Monk’s soldiers, of whose excesses the Common Council had had recent cause
to complain.(1160) Armed once more with parliamentary powers, the
commissioners for the militia of the city prepared to raise six regiments
of auxiliaries and some cavalry, as well as a month’s tax at the rate of
£35,000 a month over England for their maintenance or "trophies."(1161)
(M597)
Having settled the militia of the kingdom as well as that of London,
parliament—the Long Parliament, which during its actual or nominal
existence for nearly twenty years had experienced every vicissitude of
fortune—was at length dissolved (16 March) by its own act, and writs were
issued for a fresh parliament to meet on the 25th April.(1162) The new
parliament was known as the Convention Parliament on account of its
members having been elected without the king’s writs.
(M598)
Ten days after the dissolution of the Long Parliament there came to the
Common Council of the city a deputation from the Council of State, in
whose hands the sole government of the kingdom then lay, with a proposal
to borrow the sum of half a million of money (£500,000) upon the security
of a moiety of the excise. The court, after deliberation, agreed (2 April)
to lend a sum of money (amount not specified) to the Council of State upon
security of the moiety of the excise "and the honour of the said Council
of State," and ordered that subscriptions should at once be set on foot in
the several wards.(1163)
(M599)
Scarcely had the House broken up before people began to talk freely of the
king and his probable restoration, a subject on which they had hitherto
dared only to speak in a whisper. So bold indeed did they become that on
the very day of the dissolution a man came with a ladder to the
Exchange—not "Royal," but "Great" Exchange—in the city and obliterated
with a brush the inscription, _Exit Tyrannus Regum Ultimus_, which had
been set up in August, 1650, near the site of the late king’s statue,
destroyed by order of the then Council of State, as already narrated.
Before the end of the month another statue was in course of making to take
the place of the one that had been thus destroyed.(1164) As time went on,
and Monk’s design to bring in Charles became more apparent, the citizens
grew yet bolder. The Skinners’ Company went so far as to set up again the
royal arms in their hall on the occasion of an entertainment given to Monk
himself.(1165)
(M600)
Towards the close of April, when it was evident that the king’s
restoration was a mere question of time, the Common Council showed an
anxiety to place on record an account of the attitude taken up by the
City, and to vindicate its action throughout the late troublous times. It
appointed (26 April) a committee "to peruse the records of this court and
report what of them are fit to be considered of, and their opinions
thereupon; and also to prepare a narrative for the vindication of this
court and city touching the same." The committee at once set to work, and
in four days were ready with a draft of "a declaration and vindication of
the lord mayor, aldermen and commons of the city of London in Common
Council assembled," which received the approval of the court (30 April),
and a printed copy of which was ordered to be sent to every member of
parliament and Council of State.(1166)
After expressions of satisfaction at the thought of an end having been put
to the distractions of the kingdom by General Monk, and at the hopeful
prospect of a return to the old form of government by king, lords and
commons, under which the country had so long prospered at home and been
respected abroad, this declaration proceeded to disavow the various Acts
of the Common Council as established in 1648, when, "in the general deluge
of disorder introduced upon these kingdoms" in that year, the government
of the city passed into the hands of "men of loose and dangerous
principles," who proceeded to pass Acts "tending to the murder of the late
king and total extinguishment of kingly government," and who by no means
were a fair representation of the city. It set forth various proceedings
of the Common Council in connection with parliament and the city’s
Engagement to guarantee the personal safety of the late king from the 22nd
June, 1648, down to the 13th January, 1649, when the lord mayor Reynardson
was constrained to leave the council. The terms of this Engagement the
City was prepared to carry out, "but it pleased Almighty God to permit
their good intentions and endeavours to be frustrated by the destructive
counsels and actings of those who had designed to build upp their dominion
and fortunes on the ruin of the king and kingdom." The House of Lords was
dissolved, and all the best members excluded from the House of Commons. By
"pretended ordinances" of parliament, all those worthy citizens who,
according to their allegiance and covenant, had engaged to procure and
secure a personal treaty with the king, were rendered incapable to be
elected into the Common Council or any other office of trust in the city.
What could be expected of a body thus emasculated? They declare themselves
unable to find words to express their abhorrence of the proceedings that
had taken place in the Common Council of the 13th January, 1649, and
"profess their thankful memory of the noble gallant resolutions of the
then lord mayor, Alderman Reynardson, and his brethren the aldermen, who
so valiantly resisted the turbulent disorders of that _mechanicke juncto_
during many hours’ assault and at last prudently retreated and washed
their hands from the guilt of those bloody resolves." In conclusion they
express a hope and trust that since the recovery of the right of free
election the Common Council had manifested an eagerness to act cordially
and strenuously with parliament in everything tending towards good
government, and that soon, by the aid of the parliament recently convened,
they would be put under the protection of the first and fundamental
government of hereditary monarchy according to the ancient laws of the
nation.
(M601)
The City’s declaration and vindication was scarcely printed and published
before a letter from Charles himself(1167) was brought to the Common
Council by Lord Mordaunt and Sir John Grenville (1 May), in which the
prince expressed a wish that the City should know how little he desired
revenge and how convinced he was that the peace, happiness and security of
the kingdom were only to be secured by gaining the hearts and affections
of his subjects. He felt that he could count upon the City to assist him
in re-establishing those fundamental laws upon which the happiness of the
country so much depended, and he avowed a "particular affection" for his
native city, the charters of which he was not only ready to renew and
confirm, but to grant such new favours as might advance its trade, wealth
and honour.
(M602)
Enclosed in this letter was a declaration known as the Declaration of
Breda, from the place where Charles had signed it on the 4th April
(o.s.)(1168) It offered a general pardon to all except those specially
exempted by parliament and promised liberty of conscience in matters of
religion. Charles further expressed his willingness to leave questions of
title to estates acquired during the late troublous times to be decided by
parliament. He assured the soldiers of arrears of pay and promised to
continue them in his service on the same terms as they then enjoyed.
(M603)
The letter and declaration having been read (1 May), the Common Council
returned thanks to Charles for his condescension towards the City, and
expressed their willingness to submit to his majesty’s government, in
token of which the arms of the Commonwealth (he was informed) had already
been taken down and orders given for those of his majesty to be set up. A
committee was appointed to draw up a formal answer in writing for
conveyance to Charles by the same hands that had brought his letter,
provided parliament would allow the City to return an answer. The late
king’s statue, which had been removed from the Guildhall chapel, was to be
forthwith set up again.(1169)
(M604)
Charles having shrewdly thrown upon parliament the burden of naming the
terms on which his restoration was to take place, it became necessary that
a parliament should meet forthwith. Another Convention Parliament had
accordingly met on the 25th April. The declaration of Breda reached it on
the 1st May, and on the following day it sent to borrow £100,000 from the
City. The Common Council at once took steps for raising the money.(1170)
One half of this sum was destined for the king’s own use, and sorely he
stood in need of it. Pepys, who had it from an eye-witness, records "how
overjoyed the king was when Sir J. Grenville brought him some money; so
joyful that he called the Princess Royal and Duke of York to look upon it
as it lay in the portmanteau before it was taken out."(1171)
(M605)
The same day (2 May) that the Common Council undertook to raise the loan
for parliament it voted on its own account a gift of £10,000 to Charles.
It also voted a sum of £2,000 for expenses in sending a deputation to the
Hague; but it was subsequently resolved to divide the sum between the
Dukes of York and Gloucester, and that the members of the deputation
should discharge their own expenses. A further sum of £300 was voted for
Lord Mordaunt and Sir John Grenville, the bearers of the king’s letters,
for the purchase of a ring apiece. The sum of £12,000 was raised among the
livery companies on the understanding that this was an exceptional
occasion and was not to be drawn into precedent.(1172)
(M606)
Besides returning an answer by the hands of the king’s messengers, the
Common Council appointed sixteen commissioners to wait upon the king at
the Hague with the City’s formal answer.(1173) By the 28th May the
commissioners returned and reported the success of their expedition to the
Common Council. They had been very graciously received by Charles, who had
conferred knighthood upon those who had not already received that honour.
The court gave them a hearty vote of thanks for the great pains and
charges they had been put to.(1174)
(M607)
In the meantime Charles had been publicly proclaimed king in the city by
the lord mayor (8 May), who, in honour of the occasion, had been specially
provided with a new crimson velvet gown, whilst his Swordbearer in
attendance was scarcely less gorgeous in a damask gown of the finest
"branch."(1175) The Commons of England joining with them, the lord mayor,
aldermen and commons of London unanimously acknowledged and proclaimed
that by inherent right the crown had devolved upon Charles II immediately
on the decease of his father as next heir.(1176)
(M608)
On the 25th May Charles landed at Dover, and four days later entered
London, being met at St. George’s Fields(1177) by the mayor and aldermen.
The City’s sword having been offered to the king and returned, Charles
conferred the honour of knighthood upon Thomas Aleyne, the lord mayor, and
partook of refreshment in the lord mayor’s tent, set up for the purpose.
From there to Whitehall the journey was one long triumphal procession
through streets strewn with flowers and lined with members of the
companies in their handsome liveries. Never was there such a restoration,
wrote John Evelyn, since the return of the Jews from the Babylonish
captivity.(1178)