By ELBRIDGE S. BROOKS

How a Philadelphia boy watched the Declaration of Independence in the

making and celebrated the first Fourth of July on the Eighth.

Philadelphia in July! Not even the most loyal boy or girl of that good

old Quaker town but must admit that Philadelphia in July _is_ a hot

place.

“Warm and sunshiny,” were the words that Mr. John Nixon, in his daily

journal for the year 1776, placed against the early days of July, but I

am inclined to think that young Joe Nixon was nearer the fact when he

called it “broiling hot.”

Very possibly, however, this slight exaggeration on the part of young

Joe was due to the fact that he was very busy and therefore very warm.

Not that he had anything of especial importance to do. Not always those

who are busiest have the most to do; but you see there was a great deal

to hear and see in Philadelphia town in the early days of July in the

year 1776 and young Joe Nixon, like a true American boy, felt it his

duty to be on hand when anything of importance was on foot.

And so he was continually on the go between his uncle’s big house on

the Water Street, the room of the Committee of Inspection on Second

Street, the parade-ground of the “Quaker Blues” on the city common, and

the big brick State House on Chestnut Street.

For young Joe Nixon was a privileged character and duly felt his

importance. His uncle, Mr. John Nixon, was a member of the Committee

of Safety, and better still, young Joe was a particular favorite of

Mr. David Rittenhouse who “had charge of the public clock in the State

House Square.” This put him on good terms with a still more influential

acquaintance--the doorkeeper of the Continental Congress, then in daily

session in the Assembly chamber of the State House.

Young Joe was a quick-witted lad and like all the rest of the race

of boys dearly loved to watch and listen even though he could not

always understand. Seated by the side of his friend the doorkeeper, he

found it very interesting and sometimes highly exciting to follow the

proceedings of the bewigged and earnest gentlemen who were talking,

discussing, and sometimes getting quite angry with one another on the

floor of the Congress. Joe only knew in a general sort of way what all

this talk and discussion meant. But one thing he was certain of, as

were all the boys and girls in the colonies--and that was that there

was a “jolly row” on hand between the colonies and the King. He knew,

too, that, away off toward Boston-town there had been two or three

fights with the King’s soldiers, in which the troops of the colonies

by no means had the worst of it. And he knew, most of all, that it was

mightily hard just now for a boy to get hold of anything new or nice

to eat or to wear or to play with and that, somehow, this was all the

fault of King George the Third, and that the colonies did not propose

to stand this sort of thing any longer.

So he had made the most of his acquaintance with the doorkeeper of the

Congress and had witnessed most of the important events that had taken

place during that lovely Philadelphia June.

He had looked with all the awe of a small boy of twelve upon the fifty

or more gentlemen--the delegates to the Congress--who, representing the

thirteen colonies, were ranged in a half-circle on either side of Mr.

Hancock, the President. But I think he admired, even more, the “elegant

standard, suspended in the Congress Room,” over the door of entrance at

which he sat with his friend the doorkeeper, and which was “a yellow

flag with a lively representation of a rattlesnake in the middle in the

attitude of going to strike, and these words underneath: ‘Don’t tread

on me!’”

He had been in the Congress Room so often that he knew most of the

delegates by sight and name: that gentleman in the big chair behind

the heavy mahogany table and the great silver inkstand--the gentleman

with the scarlet coat and the black velvet breeches--was Mr. John

Hancock, the President of the Congress--“Rosy John,” the Tory boys

called him, much to young Joe’s ireful indignation; that gentleman

in the long-waisted white cloth coat, scarlet vest and breeches, and

white silk hose, was Mr. Jefferson of Virginia; that gentleman in

the long buff coat and embroidered silk vest was, as of course every

Philadelphia boy knew, the great Doctor Franklin; and there, too, were

Mr. Adams and Mr. Gerry of Massachusetts, Mr. Sherman of Connecticut,

Mr. Clinton of New York, Mr. Stockton of New Jersey, Mr. Carroll of

Maryland, Mr. Lee of Virginia, Mr. Rutledge of South Carolina, and

many others whose faces and whose voices had now grown familiar. Even

his boyish mind, thoughtless of the present and careless of the future

though it was, had felt the excitement of the moment when on Friday,

June 7th, Mr. Richard Henry Lee of the Virginia colony had risen in his

place and, “amidst breathless silence,” had read to the Congress this

notable resolution:

“_Resolved_, that these United Colonies are, and of right ought to be,

free and independent States, that they are absolved from all allegiance

to the British Crown, and that all political connection between them

and the State of Great Britain is, and ought to be, totally dissolved.”

Then Mr. John Adams of Massachusetts seconded the resolution, Mr.

Thomson, the secretary, made the official entry in the Journal, the

Congress, with but few words, postponed its consideration until the

next day, and young Joe Nixon adjourned with the delegates, like them,

half-dazed and half-jubilant.

So, through the long June days, the Congress argued and debated and

hesitated while young Joe Nixon--a true type of the restless Young

America that is ever in a hurry for action and results--watched and

wished and wondered, not thinking of what might be in the future save

that King George was to be thrown overboard and the colonies were to

set up for a Nation.

At last, on June 28th, a committee, consisting of Mr. Jefferson of

Virginia, Mr. Adams of Massachusetts, Doctor Franklin of Pennsylvania,

Mr. Sherman of Connecticut, and Mr. Livingston of New York, presented

to the Congress a long paper which young Joe understood was called a

Declaration of Independence. And although he thought it was splendid

and full of the most mightily strong blows against King George, much to

the lad’s disgust the Congress did not seem to go into ecstasies over

it, but hummed and hawed and deliberated until July 2d, when Mr. Lee’s

original resolution was put to vote, carried by the voice of every

colony except New York, and the United Colonies were declared to be

Free and Independent States.

Young Joe Nixon, had he dared, would have tossed his little

three-cornered hat in the air with a loud hurrah, but the gentlemen of

the Congress he thought seemed strangely quiet about it all. He did not

see what their wiser heads comprehended, that the vote of the Congress

on that second of July meant years of struggle against a mighty

power--sorrow and privation and, perhaps, after all, only defeat and,

to the leaders, the disgraceful death of traitors. He saw only the

glowing colors of victory and excitement as young folks are apt to, and

as it is right they should.

And yet that very night, as the Congress adjourned, portly Mr.

John Adams, with whom the lad was quite a favorite, noticed the

ill-concealed exultation of the boy and laying a hand upon his head

said to him: “A great day this, my young friend; a great day, is it

not?”

“Oh, yes, sir,” replied young Joe with energy, “I’m so glad it passed,

sir.”

“And so am I, my lad,” said Mr. Adams, with almost equal enthusiasm;

“you are a bright and seemly little lad and will not soon forget this

day, I’ll be bound. So mark my words, my lad. The second of July,

1776, will be the most memorable day in all the history of America.

It will be celebrated ere you grow to manhood, and by succeeding

generations, as the great anniversary festival, commemorated as the day

of deliverance, by solemn acts of devotion to God Almighty, from one

end of the continent to the other, from this time forward for evermore.”

“Yes, sir,” said Joe most respectfully. He did not comprehend all the

meaning of Mr. Adams’s solemn words, but he was quite as confident as

was that gentleman that it was a day the anniversaries of which would

mean in future plenty of fun and jubilee.

Good Mother Nixon could get but little work from her Joe on the

following morning. And though, in her peaceful Quaker way, she bade

him beware of too much glorying in all the strife and warfare that

seemed afoot, I rather suspect that even her placid face flushed

with quiet enthusiasm as she besought her boy to remember that right

was always right, and that it was nobler and manlier to boldly face

whatever might betide than to be as were some men in their Quaker town

who, so she said, “loved too much their money and their ease, and did

but make conscience a convenience, instead of being sincerely and

religiously scrupulous of bearing arms.” All of which meant that there

were some craven folk in that day of manly protest against tyranny

who, to save themselves from annoyance, pretended to be Quakers and

“non-combatants,” when they were only skulking cowards. And all such

every honest Quaker utterly detested.

But young Joe Nixon, too full of the excitement of the moment, paid

but little regard to his good mother’s words, inasmuch as they did not

apply to his case; and, hot and panting, fearful lest he should miss

something new, dashed up to the State House and slipped in beside his

friend the doorkeeper.

The Congress was already in session. Mr. Jefferson’s paper called the

“Declaration respecting Independence” had been again taken up for

consideration, and was being soberly debated, paragraph by paragraph.

Frequent repetitions had made Joe familiar with some of the phrases

in this remarkable paper. Even his young heart beat high as he heard

some of those ringing sentences--about all men being created equal

and being “endowed with the inalienable rights of life, liberty, and

the pursuit of happiness”; how that “whenever any form of government

becomes destructive to these ends it is the right of the people to

alter or abolish it”; that “the history of the present King of Great

Britain is a history of repeated injuries and usurpations,” that “a

prince whose character is thus marked by every act which may define

a tyrant is unfit to be the ruler of a free people”; that “we must,

therefore, hold the British people, as we hold the rest of mankind,

enemies in war, in peace friends”; that “we, the representatives of the

United States of America in general Congress assembled, appealing to

the Supreme Judge of the world for the rectitude of our intentions, do,

in the name and by the authority of the good people of these colonies,

solemnly publish and declare that these united colonies are and of

right ought to be free and independent States”; and, lastly, that “for

the support of this declaration, with a firm reliance on the protection

of Divine Providence, we mutually pledge to each other our lives, our

fortunes, and our sacred honor.”

Joe, as I have said, had felt his young heart glow and his young

pulse beat under the enthusiasm of these ringing declarations and all

this debating and questioning appeared to him as fearfully slow and

faint-hearted; he wondered why, since the Congress had already passed

Mr. Lee’s resolution of Independence, they should so hesitate over Mr.

Jefferson’s Declaration of Independence; and, quite frequently, he felt

compelled to dash out into the hot and sunny street and work off his

impatience in a wild and purposeless “go-as-you-please” around what was

called “Mr. Rittenhouse’s Observatory” in the centre of the square.

The day dragged on and so did the debate. Even Mr. Jefferson lost

patience and, confessing that he was “writhing under” all this talk,

needed all of Doctor Franklin’s philosophy and example to calm him down

again. So it is not to be wondered at that, late in the afternoon,

Joe Nixon, enthusiastic young patriot though he was, grew wearied

with the talk and the delay and determined to go home. But just as

he was leaving the building there dashed into the State House yard

a big chestnut horse covered with foam and dust. Its rider, a fine,

well-built man in dust-stained travelling cloak, sprang from the saddle

and, dropping the bridle-rein into Joe’s ready hand with a quick,

“Here, my lad, take my nag to the City Tavern stables, will you?”

hurried without further words into the Congress room.

Joe’s impatience changed to burning curiosity again and, transferring

his panting charge to another ready lad for attention, he, too, hurried

into the hall and asked his friend the doorkeeper who this newcomer

might be.

“Why, lad, ’tis Mr. Cæsar Rodney, don’t you know,” replied the

doorkeeper. “The delegate from the Counties upon Delaware whom they

sent for by special post only yesterday, since his colony is divided in

action and his vote is needful to carry the Declaration through.”

“And did he ride from home to-day?” inquired Joe.

“Surely, boy,” said the doorkeeper, “clean from the County of Kent,

eighty miles away. ’Twas a gallant day’s ride and a fair day’s work,

for by it is independence won.”

It was even as he said. Rodney’s glorious ride secured the vote of

Delaware for the Declaration and late that very night of Wednesday, the

third of July, by a majority vote of the States--as the colonies now

called themselves--the immortal paper that we know as the Declaration

of Independence passed the Congress.

But before it was handed to the secretary to be engrossed, or copied so

that it might be signed by all the delegates, Mr. Hancock, as president

of the Congress, affixed to it his bold signature that we all now know

so well. And young Joe Nixon had, actually, to stuff his hat into his

mouth to stifle the hurrah that did so want to burst out when Mr.

Hancock, rising from his seat, said in his most decided tones:

“There! John Bull can read my name without spectacles. Now let him

double the price on my head, for _this_ is my defiance.”

Then the Congress adjourned and young Joe went home, completely tired

out with the day’s anxiety and excitement. And though on that notable

night of the third of July a nation had been born, Philadelphia lay

quietly asleep knowing little or nothing of the great happening.

Next day--the first Fourth of July ever specially known to

Americans--Joe was about the only privileged character who, slipping

into the secret session heard, from his seat by the side of his

friend the doorkeeper, the order given by Mr. Hancock as president of

the Congress that “copies of the Declaration be sent to the several

assemblies, conventions, and committees or Councils of Safety, and to

the several commanding officers of the Continental troops; that it be

proclaimed in each of the United States and at the head of the army.”

This was all that was done on the Fourth of July, 1776, as young Joe

Nixon could testify. But the printed copies of the Declaration prepared

for transmission to the several States and to the army and signed by

Mr. Hancock, the president of the Congress, and by Mr. Thomson, the

secretary, all bore the heading: “In Congress, July 4, 1776,” and thus

that date has come down to us as the one to be especially remembered.

That very night Joe heard, at his uncle’s big house on the Water

Street, that the Committee of Safety in Philadelphia--of which, as I

have said, Mr. John Nixon was a member--had ordered that “the Sheriff

of Philadelphia read or cause to be read and proclaimed at the State

House, in the city of Philadelphia, on Monday the 8th day of July

instant, at 12 o’clock at noon of this same day, the Declaration of the

Representatives of the United States of America, and that he cause

all his officers and the constables of the said city to attend to the

reading thereof.”

Here was a new treat in store for young Joe; and when he learned that

the Worshipful Sheriff had designated his uncle, Mr. John Nixon, as

the reader, Joe knew that this meant a front seat for him and was

appropriately jubilant.

The day came. Monday, the eighth of July, 1776. “A warm and sunshiny

morning” again reads the truthful journal, and twelve o’clock, noon,

must have been hot indeed. But not all the heat of a Philadelphia July

could wither the ardor of such patriots as young Joe Nixon. He was

therefore a very “live” portion of the procession which, forming at

the hall of the Committee of Inspection in Second Street, joined the

Committee of Safety at their lodge, and, to the stirring sounds of fife

and drum, marched into the State House square. Out from the rear door

of the State House came the Congress and other dignitaries and then,

standing upon the balcony of Mr. Rittenhouse’s astronomical observatory

just south of the State House, Mr. John Nixon in a voice both loud and

clear read to the assembled throng the paper which declared the United

States of America “Free and Independent.”

The reader concluded with the glorious words: “We mutually pledge to

each other our lives, our fortunes, and our sacred honor,” and, as his

voice ceased, the listening throng, so the record says, “broke out

into cheers and repeated huzzas.” Then the Royal arms were torn down

from above the seats of the King’s Judges in the State House, and Joe,

like a wild young Indian, danced frantically around the bonfire which

destroyed these “insignia of Royalty.”

Again, at five o’clock, the Declaration was read to the troops then

present in the town, and the evening was given up to bonfires and

fireworks which you may be certain young Joe enjoyed to his full

content.

And peal upon peal, sounding above all the shouts and the hurrahing,

rang out loud and clear, at both the noon reading and the night’s

celebration, the joyous clang of the big bell of the State House

telling the glad tidings of freedom, as well befitted a bell on whose

brazen rim men had read for twenty-four years the almost prophetic

motto:

“_Proclaim liberty through all the land to all the inhabitants

thereof._”

To his dying day Joe Nixon never forgot the glory and exultation of

that jubilant first Independence Day--the eighth of July, 1776.

One other notable scene also lived long in his memory--a day and a date

new to many of us who have always supposed that the Declaration of

Independence was passed, signed, and proclaimed on the Fourth of July.

It was the morning of Tuesday, the second of August, that same historic

summer of 1776. From his customary seat by the doorkeeper Joe saw Mr.

Thomson, the secretary of the Congress, lay upon the president’s

table a great sheet of parchment. And on this sheet carefully and

beautifully copied was the Declaration of Independence. Then, one by

one, beginning with Mr. Hancock the president, the delegates to the

Congress signed the great paper and by that act sent their names down

to posterity--famous and honored forever.

Of the fifty-six signers of the Declaration not all affixed their

names to the document on that notable second of August. Absentees and

new-comers added their names as they joined the Congress, and not until

the fourth day of November, 1776, was the last signature affixed.

Names and dates go for but little when a great deed is done. The

deed itself is of more importance than either names or dates. But

to us of this second century of the Republic there is both interest

and pleasure in re-telling the story of liberty and following out by

dates, altogether new to most of us, the real progress of the historic

document that made us a nation.

Instead of one “Fourth of July,” you see, we have really four--The

Second of July, upon which Mr. Lee’s Resolution of Independence was

passed by the Congress; the Third of July, upon which the Declaration

itself was passed; the Fourth of July which witnessed the order for

its proclamation, and the Second of August upon which it was actually

signed by the members of the Congress.

The original document to which these names were signed still exists,

grown worn and yellow with age; the Liberty Bell that rang out the

joyous news of freedom on the sunny noon and the starlit night of the

eventful eighth of July is now cracked and voiceless; the signers

themselves are now only names and memories; but their work lives in

the power and glory of the great nation which they founded, and every

true American girl and boy honors the memory and applauds the courage

of those devoted men. And upon each recurring Fourth of July every girl

and boy in the land is as joyous and jubilant a young patriot as was

even young Joe Nixon when, with bonfire and rude, old-time fireworks,

with hurrah and shout and song he celebrated, in the days when George

the Third was king, the first Fourth of July on the Eighth.

Children's book of patriotic stories: The spirit of '76 · 第 73 / 86 题