SCULPTURE.
§ 1. _The Origin of Statue-making._
The art of imitating living forms by means of sculpture was no less
ancient in Egypt than architecture. We do not mean to say that it
already existed in those remote ages when the first ancestors of the
Egyptian people built their mud cabins upon the banks of the Nile; but
as soon as their dwellings became something more than mere shelters
and began to be affected by the desire for beauty, the figures of men
and animals took a considerable place in their decoration. The oldest
mastabas that have been discovered have bas-reliefs upon their walls
and statues in their mummy-pits.
The existence of these statues and their relative perfection show that
sculpture had advanced with strides no less rapid than those of the
sister art. It may even be said that its progress had been greater
than that of architecture. Given the particular kind of expressive
beauty which formed the ambition of the Egyptian sculptor, he produced
masterpieces as early as the time of the Pyramid builders. We cannot
say as much of the architect. The latter showed himself, indeed, a
master in the mechanical processes of dressing and fixing stone, but
the arrangement of his buildings was simple, we might say elementary,
and many centuries had to pass before he had become capable of
imagining and creating the sumptuous temples of the New Empire, with
those ample porticos and great hypostyle halls which were the
culminating achievements of Egyptian architecture.
In order to explain this curious inequality we need not inquire which
of the two arts presents the fewest difficulties. It is with nations
as with individuals. Some among them succeed with ease in matters
which embarrass their neighbours. It is a question of circumstances,
of natural qualifications, and of surroundings. Among the Egyptians
the progress of sculpture was accelerated by that national belief in a
posthumous life for the body which we have described in connection
with their funerary architecture. By the existence of this constant
and singular belief we may explain both the early maturity of Egyptian
sculpture and the great originality of their most ancient style.
We have already described the arrangements which were necessary to
enable the inhabitant of the tomb to resist annihilation. Those
arrangements were of two kinds, a provision of food and drink, which
had to be constantly renewed, either in fact or by the magic
multiplication which followed prayer, and a permanent support for the
_ka_ or double, a support that should fill the place of the living
body of which it had been deprived by dissolution. This support was
afforded to some extent by the mummy; but the mummy was liable to be
destroyed or to perish by the action of time. The Egyptians were led
to provide against such a catastrophe by the invention of the funerary
statue. In the climate of Egypt, stone, and even wood, had far better
chances of duration than the most carefully embalmed body. Statues had
the additional advantage that they could be multiplied at will. There
was nothing to prevent ten, twenty, any number of them, being placed
in a tomb.[170] If but one of these images survived all the accidents
of time, the _double_ would be saved from that annihilation to which
it would otherwise be condemned.
[170] The _serdabs_ of the tomb of Ti contained twenty, only one
of which was recovered uninjured. MARIETTE, _Notice du Musée de
Boulak_, No. 24.
Working under the impulse of such an idea, the sculptor could not fail
to do his best to endow his statue with the characteristic features of
the original. "It is easy, then, to understand why those Egyptian
statues which do not represent gods are always portraits of some
individual, executed with all the precision of which the artists were
capable. They were not ideal figures to which the desire for beauty of
line and expression had much to say, they were stone bodies, bodies
which had to reproduce all the individual contours of their
flesh-and-blood originals. When the latter was ugly, its reproduction
had to be ugly also, and ugly in the same way. If these principles
were disregarded the double would be unable to find the support which
was necessary to it."[171]
[171] MASPERO, in Rayet's _Monuments de l'Art Antique_.
The first Egyptian statue was not so much a work of art as a cast from
nature. If photography had been invented in the time of Menes,
photographers would have made their fortunes in Egypt. Those
sun-portraits, which are supposed to present a perfect resemblance,
would have been put in the tomb of a deceased man in hundreds. Wanting
such things, they were contented to copy his figure faithfully in
stone or wood. His ordinary attitude, his features and costume, were
imitated with such scrupulous sincerity that the serdabs were filled
with faithful duplicates of himself. To obtain such a likeness the
artist cannot have trusted to his memory. His employer must have sat
before him, the stone body must have been executed in presence of him
whose immortality it had to ensure. In no other way could those
effigies have been produced whose iconic character is obvious at first
sight, effigies to which a contemporary would have put a name without
the slightest hesitation.
This individuality is not, however, equally well preserved in all
Egyptian sculpture, a remark which applies to the early dynasties as
well as to the later ones, though not in the same degree. In those
early ages the beliefs which led the Egyptian to inclose duplicates of
his own body in his last resting-place were more powerful over his
spirit, and the artist had to exert himself to satisfy the
requirements of his employers in the matter of fidelity. Again, those
centuries had not to struggle against such an accumulation of
precedents and fixed habits, in a word, against so much
conventionality as those which came after. There were no formulæ,
sanctioned by long custom, to relieve the artist from the necessity
for original thought and continual reference to nature; he was
compelled to make himself acquainted both with the general features of
his race and those of his individual employers. This necessity gave
him the best possible training. Portraiture taken up with intelligence
and practised with a passionate desire for truth has always been the
best school for the formation of masters in the plastic arts.
In those early centuries, then, Egypt produced a few statues which
were masterpieces of artistic expression, which were admirable
portraits. In all countries, however, great works are rare. The
sepulchral statues were far from being all equal in value to those of
the Sheik-el-Beled, of Ra-Hotep from Meidoum, or of the scribe in the
Louvre. This intelligent and scientific interpretation of nature was
not reached at a bound; Egyptian sculpture had its archaic period as
well as that of Greece.
Moreover, even when the art had come to maturity, there was, as in
other countries a crowd of mediocre artists whose work was to be
obtained at a cost smaller than that of the eminent men whom they
surrounded. The leading sculptors were fully employed by the kings and
great lords, by ministers and functionaries of high rank: their less
able brethren worked for that great class of functionaries of the
second order, who composed what may be called the Egyptian middle
class. It is probable too, that, although his work was to be hidden in
the darkness of the serdab, the artist took more care in reproducing
the features of a great personage whose appearance might be known from
one end of the Nile valley to the other, than when employed by some
comparatively humble individual. Before descending into the tomb, the
statue must for a time have been open to inspection, and its creator
must have had the chance of receiving those praises which neither poet
nor artist has been able to do without, from the days of Memphis to
those of Modern Europe.
In most cases, however, he had to reproduce the features and contours
of some obscure but honest scribe, some insignificant unit among the
thousands who served Cheops or Chephren; and his conscience was more
easily satisfied. If we pass in review those limestone figures which
are beginning to be comparatively common in our museums, we receive
the impression that many among them bear only a general resemblance to
their originals; they preserve the Egyptian type of feature, the
individual marks of sex and age, the costume, the familiar attitude,
and the attributes and accessories required by custom, and that is
all. It may even be that, like a certain category of funerary steles
among the Greeks of a later age, these inferior works were bought in
shops ready carved and painted, and that the mere inscription of a
name was supposed to give them that iconic character upon which so
much depended. A name indeed is not always found upon these images,
but it is always carved upon the tombs in which they were placed, and
its appearance there was sufficient to consecrate the statues and all
other contents of the sepulchre to the support of the double to which
it belonged. Whether it was copied from a sitter or bought ready-made,
the statue became from the moment of its consecration an auxiliary
body for the double. It preserved more of the appearance of life than
the corpse saturated with mineral essences and hidden under countless
bandages; the half-open smiling lips seemed about to speak, and the
eyes, to which the employment of enamel and polished metal give a
singular brilliance, seemed instinct with life.
The first statues produced by the Egyptians were sepulchral in
character, and in the intentions both of those who made them and of
those who gave the commissions, they were portraits, executed with
such fidelity that the double should confidingly attach himself to
them and not feel that he had been despoiled of his corporeal support.
As the power and wealth of the Egyptians grew, their artistic
aspirations grew also. They rose by degrees to the conception of an
ideal, but even when they are most visibly aiming at grandeur of style
the origin of their art may still be divined; in their happiest and
most noble creations the persistent effect of their early habits of
thought and belief is still to be surely traced.
§ 2. _Sculpture under the Ancient Empire._
The most ancient monument of sculpture to which we can assign, if not
a date, at least a chronological place in the list of Egyptian kings,
is a rock-cut monument in the peninsula of Sinai. This is in the
Wadi-maghara, and represents Snefrou, the last monarch of the third
dynasty, destroying a crouching barbarian with his mace. In spite of
its historic importance, we refrain from producing this bas-relief
because its dilapidated state takes away its interest from an artistic
point of view.[172]
[172] All the monuments in the Wadi-maghara are figured in the
_Denkmæler_ of LEPSIUS (part ii. plates 2, 39, and 61); casts of
them have also been made.
There are, besides, other statues in existence to which egyptologists
ascribe a still greater age. The Louvre contains three before which
the historian of art must halt for a moment.
Two of these are very much alike, and bear the name of a personage
called Sepa, who enjoyed the style and dignity of _prophet and priest
of the white bull_. The third is the presentment of Nesa, who is
called a relation of the king, and was, in all probability, the wife
of Sepa (Fig. 172). These statues were of soft limestone. Both man and
woman have black wigs with squared ends, which descend, in the case of
the former, to the shoulders, in that of the latter, to the breasts.
Sepa holds a long staff in his left hand, and in his right the sceptre
called _pat_, a sign of authority. His only robe is a plain _schenti_,
a kind of cotton breeches fastened round his waist by a band. His
trunk and legs are bare, and the latter are only half freed from the
stone in which they are carved. Nesa is dressed in a long chemise with
a triangular opening between the breasts. Upon her arms she has
bracelets composed of twelve rings. In each figure the wig, the
pupils, eyelids, and eyebrows, are painted black, while there is a
green stripe under the eyes. The bracelets are also green.
De Rougé asserted boldly that these were the oldest statues in the
world.[173] He believed them to date from the third dynasty, and his
successors do not think he exaggerated; they would perhaps give the
works in question an even more venerable age.
[173] _Notice des Monuments exposés dans la Galerie d'Antiquités
Égyptiennes, Salle du Rez-de-chaussé et Palier de l'Escalier_,
1875, p. 26.
This impression of great antiquity is not caused by the short
inscriptions on the plinths. The well-carved hieroglyphs which compose
them are in relief, but this peculiarity is found in monuments of the
fourth and fifth dynasties. The physiognomies and general style of the
figures are much more significant. They betray an art whose aims and
instincts are well developed, although it has not yet mastered its
mechanical processes. The sculptor knows thoroughly what he wants, but
his hand still lacks assurance and decision. He has set out upon the
way which will be trodden with ever-increasing firmness by his
successors. He follows nature faithfully. Observe how frankly the
breadth of Sepa's shoulders is insisted upon, how clearly the
collar-bones and the articulations of the knees are marked. The
rounded contours of Nesa's thighs betray the same sincerity. And yet
there is a certain timidity and awkwardness in the group which becomes
clearly perceptible when we compare it with works in its neighbourhood
which date from the fifth dynasty. The workmanship lacks freedom, and
the modelling is over-simplified. The arms, which elsewhere are laid
upon the knees, or, in the case of the woman, passed round the neck
of her husband, are too rigid. One is held straight down by the body,
the other is bent at a right angle across the stomach. The pose is
stiff, the placid features lack expression and will.
[Illustration: FIG. 172.--Sepa and Nesa, Louvre. Four feet eight
inches high.]
The induction to which we have been led by the style of these figures
is confirmed by an observation made during recent explorations in the
necropolis of Memphis. The patch of green paint under the eyes has, as
yet, only been found in statues from a certain peculiar class of tombs
at Gizeh and Sakkarah. These are chambers cut in the rock, in which
the roofs are carved into imitations of timber ceilings of palm wood.
Some of the texts which have been found in them contain the name of a
king whose chronological place has not yet been satisfactorily
determined, but who seems to have been anterior to Snefrou. The
figures upon which the adornment in question occurs would appear
therefore to be contemporary with the oldest tombs in the
neighbourhood of the pyramids.[174]
[174] The Boulak Museum also contains specimens of these
figures. See _Notice_, Nos. 994 and 995.
[Illustration: RA-HOTEP AND NEFERT
BOULAK MUSEUM
Imp. Ch. Chardon]
Progress was rapid between the end of the third dynasty and that of
the fourth. It was during the latter dynasty that the art of the
Ancient Empire produced its masterpieces. Mariette attributes the two
famous statues found in a tomb near the pyramid of Meidoum to the
reign of Snefrou, the predecessor of Cheops. They are exhibited, under
glass, in the Boulak Museum (Plate IX).[175]
[175] _Notice des principaux Monuments exposés à Boulak_, No.
973. These figures were discovered in January, 1872. They had a
narrow escape of being destroyed by the pickaxes of the
superstitious fellaheen. Mariette fortunately arrived just in
time to prevent the outrage. _Recueil de Travaux_, vol. i. p.
160.
"One of them represents Ra-hotep, a prince of the blood, who enjoyed
the dignity of general of infantry, a very rare title under the
Ancient Empire; the other is a woman, Nefert, _the beauty_; her statue
also informs us that she was related to the king. We do not know
whether she was the wife or sister of Ra-hotep. The interest excited
by the extreme beauty of these figures is increased by our certainty
of their prodigious antiquity. In the mastaba where they were found
everything is frankly archaic, everything is as old as the oldest of
the tombs at Sakkarah, and those date from before the fourth dynasty.
A neighbouring tomb which, as is proved by the connection between
their structures, dates from the same period as that of Ra-hotep, is
that of a functionary attached to the person of Snefrou I. We may,
therefore, fairly assign the two statues from Meidoum to the last
reign of the third dynasty."[176]
[176] MARIETTE, _Voyage dans la Haute-Égypte_, p. 47.
Each of these figures, with its chair-shaped seat, is carved from a
single block of limestone about four feet high. The man is almost
nude; his only dress is a ribbon about his neck, and white breeches
like those to which we have already alluded. The woman is robed in the
long chemise, open between the breasts, which we have seen upon Nesa.
Besides this a wide and richly designed necklace spreads over her
chest. Upon her head she has a square-cut black wig, which, however,
allows her natural hair to be visible in front. Over the wig she has a
low flat cap with a decorated border. The carnations of the man are
brownish red, those of the woman light yellow.
These statues betray an art much more advanced than that of Sepa and
Nesa. The pose is much easier and more natural, but the right arm of
Ra-hotep is stiff and held in a fashion which would soon cause cramp
in a living man. The modelling of the body is free and true, though
without much knowledge or subtlety. The breasts, arms, and legs of
Nefert are skilfully suggested under her robe. But the care of the
sculptor has been mainly given to the heads. By means of chisel and
paint-brush he has given them an individuality which is not readily
forgotten. The arched eyebrows surmount large well-opened eyes; the
eyelids seem to be edged with heavy lashes and to stand out well from
the eyeball. In the case of the latter the limestone has retained its
primitive whiteness, giving a strong contrast with the pupil and iris
(Fig. 173). The noses, especially that of Ra-hotep are fine and
pointed; the thick but well-drawn lips seem about to speak. Her smooth
cheeks and soft dark eyes, eyes which are still common among the women
of the East, give Nefert a very attractive look. Her smiling and
restful countenance is in strong contrast to that of Ra-hotep, which
is full of life and animation not unmingled with a little hardness.
[Illustration: FIG. 173.--Ra-hotep. Drawn by Bourgoin.]
The longer we look at these figures the less ready are we to turn away
from them. They are portraits, and portraits of marvellous sincerity.
If they could be gifted with life to-morrow, if we could encounter
Ra-hotep and Nefert working under the sun of Egypt, the man semi-nude,
sowing the grain or helping to make an embankment, his companion robed
in the long blue chemise of the fellah women and balancing a pitcher
upon her head, we should know them at once and salute them by name as
old acquaintances. We find none of the marks of inexperience and
archaism which are so conspicuous in the statues of Sepa and Nesa. A
few later figures may seem to us more delicately modelled and more
full of detail, but taking them all in all, we cannot look upon these
statues as other than the creations of a mature art, of an art which
was already in full command of its resources, and of a sculptor who
had a well-marked personal and original style of his own.
We find the same qualities in another group of monuments ascribed by
Mariette to no less remote a period.[177] The same eye for proportion,
the same life-like expression, the same frankness and confidence of
hand are to be found in those sculptured wooden panels of which the
museum at Boulak possesses four fine examples. They were found at
Sakkarah in the tomb of a personage called Hosi, where they were
enframed in four blind doorways. They are on the average about 3 feet
10 inches high and 1 foot 8 inches wide. The drawings which we
reproduce give a good idea of the peculiarities of style and execution
by which they are distinguished (Figs. 174-176).[178]
[177] "According to all appearance these panels date from before
the reign of Cheops." _Notices des principaux Monuments_, etc.
Nos. 987-92.
[178] There is a panel of the same kind in the Louvre (_Salle
Historique_, No. 1 of Pierret's _Catalogue_), but it is neither
so firm, nor in such good preservation as those at Cairo.
At first sight these carvings are a little embarrassing to the eye
accustomed to works in stone. The type of figure presented is less
thickset. The body, instead of being muscular, is nervous and wiry.
The arms and legs are thin and long. In the head especially do we find
unaccustomed features; the nose, instead of being round, is strongly
aquiline; the lips, instead of being thick and fleshy, as in almost
all other Egyptian heads, are thin and compressed. The profile is
strongly marked and rather severe. The general type is Semitic rather
than Egyptian. And yet the inscriptions which surround them prove that
the originals were pure Egyptians of the highest class. One of them,
he who is represented standing in two different attitudes, is Ra-hesi;
the other, who is sitting before a table of offerings, bears the name
of Pekh-hesi. The decipherable part of the inscription tells us that
he was a scribe, highly placed, and in great favour with the king.
The tomb in which these panels were found was not built on the usual
plan of the mastaba. Mariette alludes to certain peculiarities which
are to be found in it, but he does not describe them in detail. The
hieroglyphs are grouped in a peculiar fashion; many of them are of a
very uncommon form. The arrangement of the objects borne in the left
hand of Ra-hesi is quite unique. Struck by these singularities,
Mariette asserts that "the style of these panels is to Egyptian art
what the style called archaic is to that of Greece."[179] This
assertion seems to us inaccurate. Not that we mean to contest the
validity of the reasons which Mariette gives for ascribing these
panels to an epoch anterior to the great pyramids; but, whatever may
be their age, it seems to be impossible, in view of the style in which
they are executed, to call them archaic. They show no more archaism
than the statues of Meidoum. The Egyptian artist never carved wood
with greater decision or with more subtlety and finesse than are to be
seen in these panels. As for the differences of execution which have
been noticed between these figures and the stone statues of the same
epoch, they may easily be explained by the change of material and by
the Egyptian love for fidelity of imitation. Wood is not attacked in
the same fashion as soft stone. Its constitution does not lend itself
to the ample and rounded forms of lapidary sculpture. It demands,
especially when a low relief is used, a more delicate and subtle
modelling. Again, these were portraits; all the Egyptians were not
like one another, especially in that primitive Egypt in which perhaps
various races had not yet been blended into a homogeneous population.
Among the contemporaries of Cheops, as in our day, there were fat
people and thin people. Men who were tall and slender, and men who
were short and thickset. Countenances varied both in features and
expression.[180] In time art succeeded in evolving from all these
diversities a type of Egyptian manhood and beauty. As the ages passed
away the influence of that type became more and more despotic. It
became almost universal, except in those cases where there was a rigid
obligation to reproduce the personal characteristics of an individual
with fidelity. But at the end of the third dynasty that consummation
was still far off. And we need feel no surprise that the higher we
mount in the stream of Egyptian civilization the more particular are
the concrete images which it offers to us, and the more striking the
variation between one work of art and another.
[179] MARIETTE, _La Galerie de l'Égypte Ancienne au Trocadéro_,
1878, p. 122.
[180] Thus we find in a tomb which, according to Lepsius, dates
from the fourth dynasty, certain thickset sculptured forms,
which contrast strongly with figures taken from mastabas in the
same neighbourhood, at Gizeh. The body is short, the legs heavy
and massive. LEPSIUS, _Denkmæler_, part ii. pl. 9.
It must not be supposed, however, that the features which we have
mentioned as peculiar in the cases of Ra-hesi and Pekh-hesi are not to
be found elsewhere. If we examine the profile of Nefert, still more
that of Ra-hotep, we shall find that they also have the sloping
forehead and aquiline nose. The body of Ra-hotep is rounder and fatter
than those in the wooden reliefs, but the lines of his countenance
have a strong resemblance to those which have excited remark in the
figures on the panels.
[Illustration: FIG. 174.--Wooden panel from the Tomb of Hosi. Drawn by
Bourgoin.]
In the case of a limestone head, covered with red paint, which stands
in the _Salle Civile_, in the Louvre, the cranium is no less
elongated, the cheekbones are no less large, the cheeks themselves are
as hollow, the chin as protuberant, and the whole head as bony and
fleshless. We do not know whence it came, but we have no hesitation in
agreeing with De Rougé, Mariette, and Maspero, that this head is a
masterpiece from one of the early dynasties. It may be put by the side
of the Meidoum couple for its vitality and individual expression. The
unknown original must have been ugly almost to vulgarity, but it
rouses in the spectator the same kind of admiration as a Tuscan bust
of the fifteenth century, and a pleasure which is not diminished by
the knowledge that the man whose faithful image is under his eyes
passed from the world some five or six thousand years ago (Fig. 177).
The little figure which occupies the place of honour in this same
saloon (Plate X.), though more famous, is hardly superior to the
fragment just described. It was found by Mariette in the tomb of
Sekhem-ka, during his excavation of the Serapeum. Other figures of the
same kind were found with it, but are hardly equal to it in merit.
They are believed to date from the fifth or sixth dynasty.
This scribe is seated, cross-legged, in an attitude still familiar to
those who have visited the East. The most superficial visitor to the
Levant must have seen, in the audience-hall of the _cadi_ or _pacha_,
the _kiatib_ crouching exactly in the same fashion before the chair or
divan, registering sentences with his rapid _kalem_, or writing out
despatches. Our scribe is listening; his thin and bony features are
vibrating with intelligence; his black eye-balls positively sparkle;
his mouth is only closed because respect keeps him silent. His
shoulders are high and, square, his chest ample, his pectoral muscles
very large. People who follow a very sedentary occupation generally
put on much fat on the front of their bodies, and this scribe is no
exception to the rule. His arms are free of his sides; their position
is easy and natural. One hand holds a strip of papyrus upon which he
writes with the other, his pen being a reed. The lower parts of the
body and the thighs are covered with a pair of drawers, whose
white colour contrasts with the brownish red of the carnations. The
breadth and truth with which the knee-joints are indicated should be
remarked. The only details that have, to a certain extent, been
"scamped," are the feet. Trusting to their being half hidden by the
folded legs, the sculptor has left them in a very rudimentary
condition.
[Illustration: THE SCRIBE
(LOUVRE)
Imp. Dufrenoy]
[Illustration: FIG. 175.--Wooden panel from the Tomb of Hosi. Drawn by
Bourgoin.]
The eyes form the most striking feature in this figure. "They consist
of an iris of rock crystal surrounding a metal pupil, and set in an
eyeball of opaque white quartz. The whole is framed in continuous
eyelids of bronze."[181]
[181] DE ROUGÉ, _Notice sommaire des Monuments Égyptiens_, 1865,
p. 68.
This clever contrivance gives singular vitality and animation to the
face. Even the Grecian sculptor never produced anything so vivacious.
The latter, indeed began by renouncing all attempts to imitate the
depth and brilliancy of the human eye. His point of departure differed
entirely from that of his Memphite predecessor; his conception of his
art led him, where the Egyptian would have used colour, to be content
with the general characteristics of form and with its elevation to the
highest pitch of nobility of which it was capable. This is not the
place for a comparison of the two systems, but accepting the
principles of art which prevailed in early Egypt, we must do justice
to those masters who were contemporary with the Pyramids. It must be
acknowledged that they produced works which are not to be surpassed in
their way by the greatest portraits of modern Europe. In later years
the Egyptian sculptor ceased to paint the eyes. Even in the time of
the Ancient Empire the Egyptian custom in this particular was the same
as the Greek, so far as statues in hard stone were concerned. The
great statue of Chephren is an instance. In it the chisel has merely
reproduced the contours of the eyelids and the salience of the
eyeball. No attempt has been made to imitate the iris or to give
brightness to the pupil. In none of the royal statues that have come
down to our time do we find any effort to produce this kind of
illusion, either by the use of paint or by the insertion of naturally
coloured substances.
There is a statue at Boulak which may, perhaps, be preferred even to
the scribe of the Louvre. We have already alluded to it as the
_Sheik-el-Beled_ (Fig. 7, Vol. I.). In its present state (it is
without either feet or base) it has no inscription but it is sometimes
called Ra-em-ké, because that was the name of the person in whose
tomb it was found. It is of wood, and, with the exception of its lower
members, is in marvellous preservation. The eyes are similar to those
of the scribe, and seem to be fixed upon the spectator while their
owner advances upon him. The type is very different from those we have
hitherto been describing. The face is round and flat, and so is the
trunk. The smiling good humour of the expression and the _embonpoint_
of the person indicate a man well nourished and comfortably off, a man
content both with himself and his neighbours.[182]
[182] Another wooden statue of equal merit as a work of art was
found in the same tomb. It represents a woman, standing.
Unfortunately there is nothing left of it but the head and the
torso. _Notice des principaux Monuments du Musée de Boulak_, No.
493.
[Illustration: FIG. 176.--Wooden panel from the Tomb of Hosi. Drawn by
Bourgoin]
[Illustration: FIG. 177.--Limestone head, in the Louvre. Drawn by
Saint-Elme Gautier.]
This statue is dressed in a different fashion from those we have
hitherto encountered. The sheik has his hips covered with a kind of
petticoat gathered into pleats in front. His legs, torso, and arms are
bare. The last named are of separate pieces of wood, and one of them,
the bent one, is made in two parts. When the statue was first finished
the joints were invisible. The whole body was covered with fine linen,
like a skin. Upon this linen a thin layer of plaster was spread, by
means of which, when wet, refinement could be added to the contours by
the modelling stick; the colours of nature were afterwards added by
the brush. Such figures as these have therefore come down to us in a
condition which resembles their primitive state much less than that of
the works in stone. They have, so to speak, lost their epidermis, and
with it the colours which served to distinguish the flesh from the
drapery.[183]
[183] The _Description de l'Égypte_ (_Antiquités_, vol. v. p.
33) gives the details of a mummy-mask in sycamore wood, of
fairly good workmanship, which was found at Sakkarah. The
eyebrows and edges of the eyelids were outlined with red copper;
a fine linen was stretched over the wood; over this there was a
thin layer of stucco, upon which the face was painted in green.
It would seem that the sculptor in wood often counted upon this final
coat of stucco to perfect his modelling. There are in fact wooden
statues which seem to have been but roughly blocked out by the chisel.
There are three figures in the Louvre in which this character is very
conspicuous. The largest of the three is reproduced in our Fig.
178.[184] Acacia and sycamore wood is used for this kind of work.[185]
[184] The figure in the Louvre is split deeply in several
places, one of the fissures being down the middle of the face.
This latter our artist has suppressed, so as to give the figure
something of its ancient aspect. These fissures are sure to
appear in our humid climate. The warm and dry air of Egypt is
absolutely necessary for the preservation of such works, which
seem doomed to rapid destruction in our European museums.
[185] MASPERO (_Journal Asiatique_, March-April, 1880), _Sur
quelques Peintures Funéraires_, p. 137. See also BRUGSCH, _Die
Egyptische Græberwelt_, No. 87.
Finally, in this epoch or perhaps a little later, under the fifth and
sixth dynasties, funerary statues were cast in bronze. This notable
fact was first proclaimed by M. de Longperier. We quote the
observations which he addressed to the Academy of Inscriptions.[186]
[186] _Comptes Rendus de l'Académie des Inscriptions_, 1875, p.
345.
"The fact that bronze was employed in Egypt in very ancient times has
long been ascertained. The knob from the Sceptre of Papi, a Pharaoh of
the sixth dynasty, which exists in the British Museum, is enough to
prove this fact. M. Chabas has called our attention to the fact that
bronze is mentioned in texts which date from a period anterior to the
construction of the great Pyramids.[187]
[187] CHABAS, _Sur l'Usage des Bâtons de Main_, p. 12. (Lyons,
8vo, 1875.)
[Illustration: FIG. 178.--Wooden statue in the Louvre. Three feet
eight inches high. Drawn by Saint-Elme Gautier.]
"That the earliest Egyptian bronzes representing the human figure
are much older than was formerly thought, is proved by two statuettes
belonging to M. Gustave Posno. One of these is twenty-six inches high,
the other nineteen. They merit a short description: 'No 1: A man
standing; left foot forward, the left hand closed and raised to a
level with the breast. This hand, doubtless, held a spear. The right
hand which hangs straight down by the thigh formerly clasped, in all
probability, the small sceptre which is represented in many
bas-reliefs. The loins are girt with the garment called the _schenti_,
the band of which supports a dagger. The hair is arranged into regular
rows of small square knobs. The eyes and eyebrows, which were inlaid,
have disappeared (Fig. 179).'[188]
[188] Catalogue of the Posno Collection, No. 468.
[Illustration: FIG. 179.--Bronze statuette. Two feet two inches high.
Drawn by Saint-Elme Gautier.]
"'No 2: A man standing; his loins girt with the _schenti_, his left
foot forward, his right hand raised to the level of his breast, the
left hanging by his left thigh. The inlaid eyes and eyebrows have been
abstracted. His hair, which is less abundant than that of his
companion and allows the contour of his head to be easily seen, is
arranged into very small knobs. A vertical inscription on the left
side of his chest gives the name of the personage, in or after which
appears the ethnic _Schasou_, which seems to indicate an Oriental
origin.' The Schasous are mentioned in several Egyptian texts and seem
to have occupied the country which bordered Egypt on the North-East
(Fig. 180)."[189]
[189] _Ibid._, No. 524.
"In these two statuettes the muscles of the arms and legs, and the
articulation of the knees, are expressed with a care and truth which
denote a very remote age. We cannot fail to recognize a phase of art
earlier than the Second Empire. But if the first mentioned figure
recalls, by its features and the management of the hair, the
sculptures in stone of the fifth and sixth dynasties, the second
cannot, perhaps, be referred to quite such an early period. In the
latter the vertical line of the back and right leg slopes slightly
forward, betraying an attempt to express movement; the dorsal line of
the first figure is, on the other hand, quite perpendicular.
"Even in the photographs certain details are visible, such as the form
of the hair, the features, the rendering of the anatomical contours,
which denote a school anterior to that of the eighteenth dynasty.
[Illustration: FIG. 180.--Bronze statuette. One foot seven inches
high. Drawn by Saint-Elme Gautier.]
"Egypt, then, was first in the field in bronze casting, as she was in
stone and wood carving. One at least of the Posno statuettes carries
us so far back in the history of humanity that it is difficult to see
where we can look for earlier works of art, especially of so advanced
a style. We have already ascertained that the first named of these two
figures is far superior, both in style and modelling, to the Asiatic
canephorus of Afadj,[190] a work which was dedicated to a goddess by a
king, and must therefore be considered a good example of the art of
Western Asia."
[190] DE LONGPERIER, _Musée Napoléon III._ pl. 1.
We agree with M. de Longperier in all but one point, and that one as
to which he is careful not to commit himself. According to him the
second figure is later than the sixth dynasty and earlier than the
eighteenth, so that it would belong to the first Theban Empire. But we
do not see why, supposing the Egyptians of the Ancient Empire capable
of making the first figure, they should not have made the second.
Between the two statuettes there are but slight differences of
handling, differences much the same as those to be found in the wooden
and stone statues which we have already mentioned. Neither the artists
nor their sitters had quite the same capabilities.
The technical skill shown in these bronzes is extraordinary. The most
ancient Etruscan and Greek bronzes are solid castings, on the base of
which are rough protuberances, sometimes of considerable length,
resulting from the fact that the metal was allowed to solidify in the
orifice by which it was poured into the mould. Here there is nothing
of the kind. No imperfection in the mechanical part of the work is
allowed to interfere with its artistic effect. The casting is light,
hollow, and in one piece; the method employed must have been excellent
in itself and thoroughly understood.[191] They also understood how to
add finish by chasing the metal after its relief from the mould. The
small circular ornaments on the chest of the second figure, ornaments
which are so delicate in execution that they could not be reproduced
in our engraving without giving them too much importance, and the
hieroglyphs cut in the same figure, are instances of this.
[191] M. Pisani, who mounted the numerous bronzes in M. Posno's
collection, assures me that their insides are still filled with
the core of sand around which they were cast. The outward
details of the casting are repeated inside, showing that the
method used was what we call _fonte au carton_.
That so few bronze statuettes have come down to us seems to show that
the use of the metal by sculptors was quite exceptional. They used
wood far more than bronze, and stone more than wood. Most of the
sepulchral statues are cut in soft limestone (see Figs. 6, 49, 88, 89,
Vol. I., and Fig. 172, Vol. II.). Sometimes these statues are
isolated, sometimes they form family groups, often consisting of
father, mother, and children.
Statues of men are the most numerous. Differences between one and
another are many and frequent, but they are, on the whole, less
striking than the points of resemblance. Here we find a head bare,
there enveloped in either a square or rounded wig. The bodies are
never completely nude, and the garment which covers their middles is
arranged in a variety of ways. Fashions, both for men and women, seem
to have changed in Egypt as elsewhere. In the statues ascribed to the
last dynasties of the Ancient Empire the national type seems more
fixed and accentuated than in earlier works. These funerary statues
are the portraits of vigorous and powerful men, with broad shoulders,
well-developed pectoral muscles, thin flanks and muscular legs.
Ra-nefer, priest of Ptah and Sokar, stands upright, his arms by his
sides, and each hand grasping a roll of papyrus (Fig 181).[192] A
dagger is passed through the belt of his drawers.
[192] A sketch of this statue also appears on page 10, Vol. I.
Fig. 6; but as, according to Mariette, it is one of the best
statues in the Boulak Museum, we have thought well to give it a
second illustration, which, in spite of its smaller scale, shows
the modelling better than the first.
The person represented in Fig. 182 is distinguished from Ra-nefer by
the fashion in which he wears his hair and by his costume. His loose
skirt is arranged in front so as to form a kind of triangular apron.
This peculiar fall of the garment was obtained by the use of starch
and an instrument similar to our flat-iron. It is better seen in the
statue of Ti, the great personage to whose gorgeous tomb we have so
often referred.[193] The Albanians obtain the curious folds of their
kilts in the same fashion.[194] Ti wears a periwig of a different kind
from that of Ra-nefer. The Egyptians shaved their heads from motives
of cleanliness. The priests were compelled to do so by the rules of
their religion, which made purity of person even more imperative upon
them than upon the laymen. It was necessary, however, that the head
should be thoroughly protected from the sun, hence the wig. The shaved
Mohammedans of our day replace the periwig with the turban.
[193] _Notice des principaux Monuments du Musée de Boulak_, No.
24.
[194] Wooden instruments have been found which were used for the
pleating of linen stuffs. One of these, which is now in the
museum of Florence, is figured in WILKINSON (_Manners and
Customs_, vol. i. p. 185). The heavy and symmetrical folds which
are thus obtained are found, as we shall see, in the drapery of
Greek statues of the archaic period.
[Illustration: FIG. 181.--Ra-nefer. Boulak. Drawn by Bourgoin.]
One wooden statue at Boulak offers a variety of costume which is at
present unique among the remains of Egyptian civilization. It is,
unfortunately, in very bad preservation. It represents a man,
standing, and draped in an ample robe which covers him from head to
foot. His right arm is free; it is held across the body, and meets the
left hand, which is thrust through an opening in the robe. The place
where this statue was found, the material of which it consists, and
the character of the workmanship, all combine to prove that it is a
production of the early dynasties (Fig. 184).[195]
[195] _Notice du Musée de Boulak_, No. 770.
[Illustration: FIG. 182.--Statue in the Boulak Museum. Drawn by
Bourgoin.]
[Illustration: FIG. 183.--Statue of Ti. Boulak. Drawn by Bourgoin.]
A few kneeling statues have also been found. The anonymous personage
whose portrait is reproduced in Fig. 185 is upon his knees. His
clasped hands rest upon his thighs. His eyes are inlaid; they are
formed of numerous small pieces skilfully put together.[196]
[196] _Ibid._, No. 769.
There is no less variety in those groups where the sculptor has been
charged to represent a whole family reunited in the tomb. Sometimes
the husband is sitting and the wife standing. She has her left arm
round his neck, the left hand resting on his left shoulder, while with
her right hand she holds his right arm (Fig. 88, Vol. I.). Sometimes a
father and mother are seated upon the same bench, but here too the
woman confesses her dependence on, and shows her confidence in, her
master by the same affectionate gesture (Fig. 186). Both are of the
same height, but between them, and leaning against the bench upon
which they are seated, appears their child, quite small. His gesture
is that to which the Egyptian artist has recourse when he wishes to
express early childhood (Fig. 187). We also find the husband and wife
standing erect in front of a slab; the relation which they bear to
each other is here also indicated by the position of the woman's arms
(Fig. 188).[197] Sometimes the woman is altogether absent (Fig. 89,
Vol. I.). The head of the family is placed by himself, on a raised
seat. In front of this seat, and hardly reaching to their father's
knees, are two children, boy and girl, the boy holding the right leg,
the girl the left. The boy has the lock of hair pendent over the right
ear, which, like the finger in the mouth, is a sign of tender years.
He is nude; the girl is dressed in an ornamental robe reaching to her
ankles. There is a piquant contrast between these two tender little
bodies with their childish heads, and the virile power of the father
and protector who towers so high above them.
[197] _Notice_, No. 793. These two people were called
Nefer-hotep and Tenteta. The latter is also described as
_related to Pharaoh_.
[Illustration: FIG. 184.--Wooden statue, Boulak. Drawn by Bourgoin.]
[Illustration: FIG. 185.--Statue in limestone, Boulak. Drawn by
Bourgoin.]
[Illustration: FIG. 186.--Limestone group in the Louvre. Height
twenty-eight inches. Drawn by Saint-Elme Gautier.]
[Illustration: FIG. 187.--Wooden statuette, Boulak. Drawn by
Bourgoin.]
[Illustration: FIG. 188.--Nefer-hotep and Tenteta. Boulak.]
These limestone groups do not, as a rule, appear to have been executed
with any great care. Their makers do not seem to have taken much pains
to give them an individuality of their own; but in spite of this
feebleness of execution, they please by their composition. They are
well arranged, their attitudes are simple and their gestures
expressive. As a whole they have an air of calmness and repose which
is thoroughly in accord with the ideas of the Egyptians on the
question of life and death.
[Illustration: FIG. 189.--Limestone statue, Boulak. Drawn by
Bourgoin.]
[Illustration: FIG. 190.--Limestone statue, Boulak. Drawn by
Bourgoin.]
From the same memphite tombs many limestone statues have been
recovered, representing, not the defunct himself, but those who mourn
his decease and the crowd of retainers attached to his person. All
these are expected to carry on their labours for his benefit and to be
ready to satisfy his wants through all eternity. Here we find one
seated upon the ground, his hand upon his head in sign of grief (Fig.
189).[198] There a young man, completely naked, advancing with a sack
upon his left shoulder which falls down to the centre of his back. He
carries a bouquet of flowers in his right hand (Fig. 190).[199] A man
seated upon the ground holds a vase between his knees, into which he
has plunged his right hand (Fig. 191).[200] Another bends over a
wide-mouthed jar of mortar in which he is mixing flour and water (Fig.
192). A young woman, in a similar attitude, is occupied over the same
task (Fig. 193). Other women are rolling the paste thus obtained on a
plank, or rather upon a stone slab, before which they kneel upon the
ground. The muscular exertion necessary for the operation is rendered
with great skill (Figs. 193 and 194).[201] Women are still to be
encountered at Elephantiné and in Nubia, wearing the same head-dress
and carrying out the same operation in the same attitude and with
exactly similar utensils. We reproduce two sketches by M. Bourgoin,
which show the details of this head-covering, which, among the women
of the lower orders, supplied the piece of the wig; it consists of a
piece of stuff held upon the head by a ribbon knotted at the back of
the neck (Figs. 196 and 197).
[198] _Notice du Musée de Boulak_, No. 768.
[199] _Notice_, No. 771. This is the person represented in
profile in Fig. 47, Vol. I.
[200] _Notice_, No. 766.
[201] The four last quoted figures belong to the series noticed
in the Boulak Catalogue under numbers 757 to 764. The statue
reproduced in Fig. 197 has been already shown in profile in Fig.
48, Vol. I.
[Illustration: FIG. 191.--Limestone statue, Boulak. Drawn by
Bourgoin.]
[Illustration: FIG. 192.--Limestone statue, Boulak. Drawn by
Bourgoin.]
[Illustration: FIG. 193.--Woman kneading dough, Boulak. Drawn by
Bourgoin.]
Mariette brought all these figures to Paris in 1878, where they
excited the greatest interest among artists and archæologists. They
were eminently well fitted to enlighten those who are able to see and
to do away with many rooted prejudices. What an abyss of difference
they showed between Egyptian art as it used to be defined some thirty
years ago and the reality. The stiffness and rigidity which used to be
so universally attributed to the productions of the sculptors of
Memphis and Thebes, were forgotten before their varied motives and
free natural attitudes. The whole of these works, in fact, are imbued
with a spirit which is diametrically opposed to the unchanging
inflexibility which used to be considered the chief characteristic of
Egyptian art. They are distinguished by an extraordinary ease of
attitude, and by that curious elasticity of body which still remains
one of the most conspicuous physical qualities of the race.
"The suppleness of body which distinguished the female fellah is
marvellous. She rarely sits down. When she requires rest she crouches
with her knees in the air in an attitude which we should find
singularly fatiguing. So too with the men. Their habitual posture
corresponds to that shown on the steles: the knees drawn up in front
of the face to the height of the nose, or on each side of the head and
level with the ears. These attitudes are not graceful, but when the
bodies thus drawn together are raised to their full height they are
superb. They are, to borrow a happy expression of Fromentin, 'at once
awkward and magnificent; when crouching and at rest they look like
monkeys; when they stand up they are living statues.'"[202]
[202] GABRIEL CHARMES, _Cinq mois au Caire_, p. 96.
[Illustration: FIG. 194.--Woman making bread, Boulak. Drawn by
Bourgoin.]
This early art never carried its powers of observation and its
exactitude of reproduction farther than in the statue of Nem-hotep,
which we show in full-face and profile in Figs. 198 and 199. Whether
we call him, with Mariette, a cook, or, with Maspero, a master of the
wardrobe or keeper of perfumes, it cannot be doubted that. Nem-hotep
was a person of importance. One of the fine tombs at Sakkarah was his.
He certainly did not make his way at court by the graces of his
person. He was a dwarf with all the characteristics that distinguish
those unlucky beings. His head was too large, his torso very long, his
arms and legs very short; besides which he was marvellously
_dolichocephalic_.
[Illustration: FIG. 195.--Bread maker, Boulak. Drawn by Bourgoin.]
[Illustration: FIGS. 196, 197.--Details of head-dresses.]
The sincerity of Egyptian art is conspicuously shown in its treatment
of the foot. Winckelmann noticed that the feet in Egyptian statues
were larger and fatter than in those of Greece. The great toes are
straight, no articulations being shown. The second toe is always the
longest, and the little toe is not bent in the middle but straight
like the others. These peculiarities spring from the Egyptian habit of
walking bare-foot on the Nile mud; they are very strongly marked in
the feet of the modern fellah.[203]
[203] WILKINSON, _Manners and Customs_, vol. ii. p. 270.
The general characteristics of these works in the round are repeated
in the bas-reliefs of the mastabas at Gizeh and Sakkarah. Of these we
have already given numerous illustrations; we shall therefore be
content with reproducing one or two which are more than usually
conspicuous for their artistic merit.
[Illustration: FIGS. 198, 199.--Nem-hotep; limestone statue at
Boulak.]
The sculptures of Wadi-maghara and the wooden panels from the Tomb of
Hosi are enough to prove that work in relief was as old in Egypt as
work in the round. In the mastabas sculptures in low-relief served to
multiply the images of the defunct. He is figured upon the steles
which occupy the principal wall, as well as in various other parts of
the tomb. Sometimes he is shown seated before the table of
offerings (Fig. 200), sometimes standing upright (Figs. 57 and 120,
Vol. I.). But the sculptor did not restrict himself to these two
motives. In the preparation and presentation of the funeral gifts he
found many themes, to which he was able to give more or less
development according to the space at his command.
[Illustration: FIG. 200.--Funerary bas-relief; Sakkarah. Drawn by
Bourgoin.]
[Illustration: FIG. 201.--Bas-relief from the Tomb of Ti, Sakkarah.]
Even in the earliest attempts that have come down to us, the Egyptian
sculptor shows a complete grasp of the peculiar features of the
domesticated animals of the country. Men accustomed to the careful
study of the human figure could make light of rendering those of
beasts, with their more striking distinctions between one species and
another. In the time when the oldest existing tombs were constructed,
the ass was already domesticated in Egypt. Then as now, he was the
most indispensable of the servants of mankind. There were, in all
probability, as many donkeys in the streets of Memphis under Cheops as
there are now in Cairo under Tewfik. Upon the walls of the mastabas we
see them trotting in droves under the cries and sticks of their
drivers (Fig. 201), we see the foals, with their awkward gait and long
pricked ears, walking by the sides of their mothers (Fig. 202), the
latter are heavily laden and drag their steps; the drivers brandish
their heavy sticks, but threaten their patient brutes much oftener
than they strike them. This is still the habit of those donkey boys,
who, upon the _Esbekieh_, naïvely offer you "M. de Lesseps' donkey."
The bas-relief to which we are alluding consists only of a slight
outline, but that outline is so accurate and full of character, that
we have no difficulty in identifying the ass of Egypt, with his
graceful carriage of the head and easy, brisk, and dainty motion.
The same artists have figured another of the companions of man with
equal fidelity; namely, the deep-sided, long-tailed, long-horned,
Egyptian ox. Sometimes he lies upon the earth, ruminating (Fig. 29,
Vol. I.); sometimes he is driven between two peasants, the one leading
him by a rope, the other bringing up the rear with a stick held in
readiness against any outburst of self-will (Fig. 203). In another
relief we see a drove advancing by the side of a canal, upon which a
boat with three men is making way by means of pole and paddle. One
herdsman walks in front of the oxen, another marches behind and urges
them on by voice and gesture (Fig. 204). In another place we find a
cow being milked by a crouching herdsman. She seems to lend herself to
the operation in the most docile manner in the world, and we are
inclined to wonder what need there is of a second herdsman who sits
before her nose and holds one of her legs in both his hands. The
precaution, however, may not be superfluous, an ox-fly might sting her
into sudden movement, and then if there was no one at hand to restrain
her, the milk, which already nears the summit of the pail, might be
lost (Fig. 30, Vol. I.).
[Illustration: FIG. 202.--Bas-relief from the Tomb of Ti, Sakkarah.]
By careful selection from the sepulchral bas-reliefs, we might, if we
chose, present to our readers reproductions of the whole fauna of
Ancient Egypt, the lion, hyena, leopard, jackal, fox, wolf, ibex,
gazelle, the hare, the porcupine, the crocodile, the hippopotamus, the
different fishes in the Nile, the birds in the marshes, the flamingo,
the ibis, duck, stork, crane, and goose, the dog and the cat, the goat
and the pig. Everywhere we find the same aptitude for summarizing the
distinctive characteristics of a species. This accuracy of observation
has been recognized by every connoisseur who has treated the subject.
"In the Boulak Museum," says M. Gabriel Charmes, "there is a row of
Nile geese painted with such precision, that I have seen a naturalist
stand amazed at their truth to nature and the fidelity with which they
reproduce the features of the race. Their colours, too, are as bright
and uninjured as upon the day when they were last touched by the brush
of the artist."[204]
[204] GABRIEL CHARMES, _La Réorganisation du Musée de Boulak_
(_Revue des Deux Mondes_, September 1, 1880). He is speaking of
the fragment which is numbered 988 in the _Notice du Musée_.
According to Mariette it dates from a period anterior to Cheops.
It was found near the statues of Ra-hotep and Nefert.
[Illustration: FIG. 203.--Sepulchral bas-relief, Boulak.]
[Illustration: FIG. 204.--Bas-relief from the Tomb of Ra-ka-pou,
Boulak.]
The figures of men and animals to which our attention has been given
all belong to the domain of portraiture. The artist imitates the forms
of those who sit to him and of the animals of the country; he copies
the incidents of the daily life about him, but his ambition goes no
farther. All art is a translation, an interpretation, and, of course,
the sculptors of the mastabas had their own individual ways of looking
at their models. But they made no conscious effort to add anything to
them, they did not attempt to select, to give one feature predominance
over another, or to combine various features in different proportions
from those found in ordinary life, and by such means to produce
something better than mere repetitions of their accidental models.
They tried neither to invent nor to create.
And yet the Egyptians must have begun at this period to give concrete
forms to their gods. In view of the hieroglyphs of which Egyptian
writing consisted, we have some difficulty in imagining a time when
the names of their deities were not each attached to a material image
with well marked features of its own. To write the name of a god was
to give his portrait, a portrait whose sketchy outlines only required
to be filled in by the sculptor to be complete. Egypt, therefore, must
have possessed images of her gods at a very early date, but as they
were not placed in the tombs they have disappeared long before our
day, and we are thus unable to decide how far the necessity for their
production may have stimulated the imaginative faculties of the early
sculptors. In presence, however, of the Great Sphinx at Gizeh, in
which we find one of those composite forms so often repeated in later
centuries, we may fairly suspect that many more of the divine types
with which we are familiar had been established. The Sphinx proves
that the primitive Egyptians were already bitten with the mania for
colossal statues. Even the Theban kings never carved any figure more
huge than that which keeps watch over the necropolis of Gizeh (Fig.
157, Vol. I.). But Egypt had other gods than these first-fruits of her
reflective powers, than those mysterious beings who personified for
her the forces which had created the world and preserved its
equilibrium. She had her kings, children of the sun, present and
visible deities who maintained upon the earth, and especially in the
valley of the Nile, the ever-threatened order established by their
divine progenitors. Until quite recently it was impossible to say for
certain whether or no the Egyptians of the Ancient Empire had
attempted to impress upon the images of their kings the national
belief in their divine origin and almost supernatural power. But
Mariette--again Mariette--recovered from the well in the Temple of the
Sphinx at Gizeh, nine statues or statuettes of Chephren. The
inscriptions upon the plinths of these statues enable us to recognize
for certain the founder of the second pyramid.
Most of these figures were broken beyond recovery, but two have been
successfully restored. One of these, which is but little mutilated, is
of diorite (Fig. 205); the other, in a much worse condition, is of
green basalt (Fig. 56, Vol. I.).[205]
[205] _Notice du Musée de Boulak_, Nos. 578 and 792. The
discovery was made in 1860; MARIETTE gives an account of it in
his _Lettres à M. de Rougé sur les Résultats des Fouilles
entreprises par ordre du Vice-roi d'Égypte_. (_Revue
Archéologique_, No. 5, vol. ii. pp. 19, 20.)
An initial distinction between these royal statues and the portraits
of private individuals is found in the materials employed. For
subjects even of high rank, wood or limestone was good enough, but
when the august person of the monarch had to be immortalized a
substance which was at once harder and more beautiful was employed.
The Egyptians had no marble, and when they wished to do particular
honour to their models they made use of those volcanic rocks, whose
close grain and dusky brilliance of tone make them resemble metal. The
slowness and difficulty with which these dense rocks yielded to the
tools of the sculptor increased the value of the result, while their
hardness added immensely to their chances of duration. It would seem
that figures which only took form under the tools of skilful and
patient workmen after years of persevering labour might defy the
attacks of time or of human enemies. Look at the statue on the next
page. It is very different from the figures we have been noticing,
although it resembles them in many details. Like many of his subjects
the king is seated. His head, instead of being either bare or covered
with the heavy wig, is enframed in that royal head-dress which has
been known, ever since the days of Champollion, as the _klaft_.[206]
It consists of an ample band of linen covering the upper part of the
forehead, the cranium, and the nape of the neck. It stands out boldly
on each side of the face, and hangs down in two pleated lappets upon
the chest. The king's chin is not shaved like those of his subjects.
It is adorned like that of a god with the long and narrow tuft of hair
which we call _the Osiride beard_. At the back of Chephren's head,
which is invisible in our illustration, there is a hawk, the symbol of
protection. His trunk and legs are bare; his only garment is, in fact,
the _schenti_ about his middle. His left hand lies upon his knee, his
right hand holds a rod of some kind. The details of the chair are
interesting. The arms end in lions' heads, and the feet are paws of
the same animal. Upon the sides are figured in high relief the two
plants which symbolize the upper and lower country respectively; they
are arranged around the hieroglyph _sam_, signifying _union_.
[206] This is a Coptic word meaning _hood_.
[Illustration: FIG. 205.--Statue of Chephren. Height five feet seven
inches. Boulak. Drawn by G. Bénédite.]
The other statue, which now consists of little more than the head and
trunk, differs from the first only in a few details. The chair is
without a back, and, curiously enough, the head is that of a much
older man than the Chephren of the diorite statue. This difference
makes it pretty certain that both heads were modelled directly from
nature.
These royal statues are, then, portraits like the rest, but when in
their presence we feel that they are more than portraits, that there
is something in their individuality which could not have been rendered
by photography or by casts from nature, had such processes been
understood by their authors. In spite of the unkindly material the
execution is as free as that of the stone figures. The face, the
shoulders, the pectoral muscles, and especially the knees, betray a
hand no less firm and confident than those which carved the softer
rocks. The diorite Chephren excels ordinary statues in size--for it is
larger than nature--in the richness of its throne, in the arrangement
of the linen hood which gives such dignity to the head, in the
existence of the beard which gives length and importance to the face.
The artist has never lost sight of nature; he has never forgotten that
it was his business to portray Chephren and not Cheops or Snefrou; and
yet he has succeeded in giving to his work the significance of a type.
He has made it the embodiment of the Egyptian belief in the
semi-divine nature of their Pharaohs. By its size, its pose, its
expression and arrangement he has given it a certain ideality. We may
see in these two statues, for similar qualities are to be found in the
basalt figure, the first effort made by the genius of Egyptian art to
escape from mere realism and to bring the higher powers of the
imagination into play.
The reign of those traditional forms which were to be so despotic in
Egypt began at the same time. The type created by the sculptors of the
fourth dynasty, or perhaps earlier, for the representation of the
Pharaoh in all the mysterious dignity of his position, was thought
satisfactory. The calm majesty of these figures, their expression of
force in repose and of illimitable power, left so little to be desired
that they were accepted there and thereafter. Centuries rolled away,
the royal power fell again and again before foreign enemies and
internal dissensions, but with every restoration of the national
independence and of the national rulers, the old form was revived.
There are variants upon it; some royal statues show Pharaoh standing,
others show him sitting and endowed with the attributes of Osiris,
but, speaking generally, the favourite model of the kings and of the
sculptors whom they employed was that which is first made known to us
by the statue of him to whom we owe the second pyramid. The only
differences between it and the colossi of Amenophis III. at Thebes are
to be found in their respective sizes, in their original condition,
and in the details of their features.
The moulds in which the thoughts of the Egyptians were to receive
concrete expression through so many centuries were formed, then, by
their ancestors of the Ancient Empire. All the later revivals of
artistic activity consisted in attempts to compose variations upon
these early themes, to remodel them, with more or less felicity,
according to the fashion of the day. Style and technical methods were
modified with time, but types, that is the attitudes and motives
employed to characterise the age, the mental power, and the social
condition of the different persons represented, underwent little or no
change.
This period of single-minded and devoted study of nature ought also to
have transmitted to later times its care and skill in portraiture, and
its realistic powers generally, to use a very modern phrase. Egyptian
painters and sculptors never lost those qualities entirely; they
always remained fully alive to the differences of conformation and
physiognomy which distinguished one individual, or one class, from
another; but as the models furnished by the past increased in number,
their execution became more facile and superficial, and their
reference to nature became less direct and continual. Neither the art
of Thebes nor that of Sais seems to have produced anything so
original and expressive as the two statues from Meidoum or the
_Sheik-el-beled_, at Boulak, or the _scribe_ in the Louvre.
We may easily understand what surprise and admiration the discovery of
this early phase of Egyptian art excited among archæologists. When the
exploration of the Memphite necropolis revealed what had up to that
time been an unknown world, Nestor L'Hôte, one of the companions of
Champollion, was the first to comprehend its full importance. He was
not a savant; he was an intelligent and faithful draughtsman and his
artistic nature enabled him to appreciate, even better than the
illustrious founder of egyptology, the singular charm of an art free
from convention and routine. In his letters from Egypt, Champollion
showed himself impressed mainly by the grandeur and nobility of the
Theban remains; L'Hôte, on the other hand, only gave vent to his
enthusiasm when he had had a glimpse of one or two of those mastabas
which were afterwards to be explored by Lepsius and Mariette. Writing
of the tomb of Menofré, barber to one of the earliest Memphite kings,
he says: "The sculptures of this tomb are remarkable for their
elegance and the finesse of their execution. Their relief is so slight
that it may be compared to that of a five-franc piece. Such consummate
workmanship in a structure so ancient confirms the assertion that the
higher we mount upon the stream of Egyptian civilization the more
perfect do her works of art become. By this it would appear that the
genius of the Egyptian people, unlike that of other races, was born in
a state of maturity."[207]
[207] _Journal des Savants_, 1851, pp. 53, 54.
"Of Egyptian art," he says elsewhere, "we know only the decadence."
Such an assertion must have appeared paradoxical at a time when the
Turin Museum already possessed, and exhibited, so many fine statues of
the Theban kings. And yet Nestor L'Hôte was right, as the discoveries
made since his time have abundantly proved, and that fact must be our
excuse for devoting so large a part of our examination of Egyptian
sculpture to the productions of the Ancient Empire.
§ 3. _Sculpture under the First Theban Empire._
After the sixth dynasty comes an obscure and barren period, whose
duration and general character are still unknown to egyptologists.
Order began to be re-established in the eleventh dynasty, under the
Entefs and Menthouthoteps, but the monuments found in more ancient
Theban tombs are rude and awkward in an extreme degree, as Mariette
has shown.[208] It was not until the twelfth dynasty, when all Egypt
was again united under the sceptre of the Ousourtesens and Amenemhats,
that art made good its revival. It made use of the same
materials--limestone, wood, and the harder rocks--but their
proportions were changed. In Fig. 206 a wooden statue attributed to
this period is reproduced. The legs are longer, the torso more
flexible, than in the statue of Chephren and other productions of the
early centuries.
[208] MARIETTE, _Notice du Musée_, etc. _Avant-propos_, pp. 38,
39.
Compared with their predecessors other statues of this period will be
found to have the same characteristics. It has been asserted that the
Egyptians, as a race, had become more slender from the effects of
their warm and dry climate. It is impossible now to decide how much of
the change may fairly be attributed to such a cause, and how much to a
revolution in taste. Even among the figures of the Ancient Empire
there are examples to be found of these slender proportions, but they
certainly appear to have been in peculiar favour with the sculptors of
the later epoch. Except in this particular, the differences are not
very great. The attitudes are the same. See, for instance, the statue
in grey sandstone of the scribe Menthouthotep, which was found by
Mariette at Karnak and attributed by him to this epoch. Both by its
pose and by the folds of fat which cross the front of the trunk, it
reminds us of the figures of scribes left to us by the Ancient Empire.
The nobler types also reappear. There is in the Louvre a statue in red
granite representing a Sebek-hotep of the thirteenth dynasty (Fig.
207). He sits in the same attitude, with the same head-dress and the
same costume, as the Chephren of Boulak. There is one difference,
however, his forehead is decorated with the _uræus_, the symbol of
royal dignity, which Chephren lacks.[209] The dimensions, too, are
different. We do not know whether the Ancient Empire made colossal
statues of its kings or not, but this Sebek-hotep exceeds the stature
of mankind sufficiently to make it worthy of the name.
[209] See PIERRET, _Dictionnaire d'Archéologie_, under the word
_Uræus_.
[Illustration: FIG. 206.--Wooden statue, Boulak. Drawn by Bénédite.]
The Louvre possesses another monument giving a high idea of the taste
of the sculptors belonging to this period, we mean the red-granite
sphinx (Fig. 41, Vol. I.), which was successively appropriated by one
of the shepherd kings and by a Theban Pharaoh of the nineteenth
dynasty: the ovals of both are to be found upon it. Like so many other
things from Tanis, this sphinx must date from a Pharaoh of the
thirteenth dynasty. This De Rougé has clearly shown.[210] Tanis seems
to have been a favoured residence of those princes, and most of their
statues have been found in it. A leg in black granite, now in the
Berlin Museum, is considered the masterpiece of these centuries. It is
all that remains of a colossal statue of Ousourtesen.[211]
[210] _Notice des Monuments exposés dans la Galerie d'Antiquités
Égyptiennes, Salle du Rez-de-chaussée_, No. 23.
[211] DE ROUGÉ, _Notice_, etc. _Avant-propos_, p. 6.
According to Mariette, many of those fine statues in the Turin Museum
which bear the names of princes belonging to the eighteenth dynasty,
Amenhoteps and Thothmeses, must have been made by order of the princes
of the twelfth and thirteenth dynasties. In later years they were
appropriated, in the fashion well known in Egypt, by the Pharaohs of
the Second Theban Empire, who substituted their cartouches for those
of the original owners. On more than one of the statues signs of the
operation may still be traced, and in other cases the usurpation may
be divined by carefully studying the style and workmanship.[212]
[212] MARIETTE, _Notice du Musée_, p. 86.
It was in the ruins of the same city that Mariette discovered a group
of now famous remains in which he himself, De Rougé, Devéria, and
others, recognised works carried out by Egyptian artists for the
shepherd kings. These works have an individual character which is
peculiar to themselves.[213] They differ greatly from the ordinary
type of Egyptian statues, and must have preserved the features of
those foreign invaders whose memory was so long held in detestation in
Egypt. This supposition is founded upon the presumed identity of Tanis
with Avaris, the strong place which formed the centre of the Hyksos
power for so many generations.
[213] MARIETTE, _Lettre de M. Aug. Mariette à M. de Rougé sur
les Fouilles de Tanis_ (_Revue Archéologique_, vol. iii. 1861,
p. 97). DE ROUGÉ, _Lettre à M. Guigniaut sur les Nouvelles
Explorations en Égypte_ (_Revue Archéologique_, vol. ix., 1864,
p. 128).--DEVÉRIA, _Lettre à M. Aug. Mariette sur quelques
Monuments Relatifs aux Hyqsos ou Antérieurs à leur Domination_
(_Revue Archéologique_, vol. iv. 1861, p. 251).--EBERS,
_Ægypten_, vol. ii. p. 108.
[Illustration: FIG. 207.--Sebek-hotep III. Colossal statue in red
granite. Height nine feet. Louvre. Drawn by Saint-Elme Gautier.]
Confirmation of this theory is found in the existence of an oval
bearing the name of Apepi, one of the shepherd kings, upon the
shoulder of a sphinx from Tanis. The aspect of this sphinx, and the
features and costume of certain figures discovered upon the same site
and dispersed among the museums of Europe, are said to have much in
common with the ethnic peculiarities of the Syrian tribe by which
Middle and Lower Egypt was occupied. M. Maspero, however, who has
recently devoted fresh attention to these curious monuments, is
inclined to doubt the justness of this conclusion. The position of the
cartouche of Apepi suggests that it may be due to one of those
usurpations which we have mentioned. For the present, therefore, it
may be as well to class these monuments simply among the Tanite
remains. Tanis, like some other Egyptian cities, had a style of its
own, but we are without the knowledge required for a determination of
its origin. We shall be content with describing its most important
works and with calling attention to their remarkable originality.
The most important and the best preserved of all these monuments is a
sphinx of black granite which was recovered, in a fragmentary
condition, from the ruins of the principal temple at Tanis (Fig. 208).
Three more were found at the same time, but they were in a still worse
state of preservation. The fore-part of one of them is figured in the
adjoining woodcut.
"There is a great gulf," says Mariette, "between the energetic power
which distinguishes the head of this sphinx and the tranquil majesty
with which most of these colossi are endowed. The face is round and
rugged, the eyes small, the nose flat, the mouth loftily contemptuous.
A thick lion-like mane enframes the countenance and adds to its
energetic expression. It is certain that the work before us comes from
the hands of an Egyptian artist, and, on the other hand, that his
sitter was not of Egyptian blood."[214]
[214] _Notice du Musée de Boulak_, No. 869. Our draughtsman has
not thought it necessary to reproduce the hieroglyphs engraved
upon the plinth.
The group of two figures upon a common base, which is such a
conspicuous object in the Hyksos chamber at Boulak, seems to have had
a similar origin. We give a front and a side view of it (Figs. 210
and 211), and borrow the following description from Mariette.[215]
[215] _Notice du Musée de Boulak_, No. 1.
[Illustration: FIG. 208.--Sphinx in black granite; from Tanis. Drawn
by G. Bénédite.]
"Huge full-bottomed wigs, arranged into thick tresses, cover the heads
of the two figures. Their hard and strongly-marked features
(unfortunately much broken) bear a great resemblance to those of the
lion-maned sphinxes. The upper lips are shaven but the cheeks and
chins are covered with long wavy beards. Each of them sustains on his
outstretched arms an ingenious arrangement of fishes, aquatic birds,
and lotus flowers.
"No monument can be referred with greater certainty than this to the
disturbed period when the Shepherds were masters of Egypt. It is
difficult to decide upon its exact meaning. In spite of the mutilation
which prevents us from ascertaining whether they bore the _uræus_ upon
their foreheads, it cannot be doubted that the originals of the two
statues were kings. In after years Psousennes put his cartouche upon
the group, which assuredly he would never have done if he believed it
to represent two private individuals. But who could the two kings have
been who were thus associated in one act and must therefore have been
contemporaries?"
[Illustration: FIG. 209.--Head and shoulders of a Tanite Sphinx in
black granite. Drawn by G. Bénédite.]
This explanation seems to carry with it certain grave objections. It
is not, in the first place, so necessary as Mariette seems to think
that we should believe them to be kings. Similar objects--fishes, and
aquatic flowers and birds--are grouped in the same fashion upon works
which, to our certain knowledge, neither come from Tanism or date from
the Shepherd supremacy. Their appearance indicates an offering to the
Nile, and we can readily understand how Psousennes claimed the merit
of the offering by inscribing his name upon it, even although he were
not the real donor.
Mariette does not hesitate to ascribe to the same series a figure
discovered in the Fayoum, upon the site of the city which the Greeks
called Crocodilopolis (Fig. 212). He describes it thus:--[216]
[216] _Notice du Musée de Boulak_, No. 2.
"Upper part of a broken colossal statue, representing a king standing
erect. No inscription.
"The general form of the head, the high cheek-bones, the thick lips,
the wavy beard that covers the lower part of the cheeks, the curious
wig, with its heavy tresses, are all worthy of remark; they give a
peculiar and even unique expression to the face. The curious ornaments
which lie upon the chest should also be noticed. The king is covered
with panther skins; the heads of two of those animals appear over his
shoulders.
[Illustration: FIG. 210.--Group from Tanis; grey sandstone. Drawn by
Bourgoin.]
"The origin of this statue, which was found at Mit-fares in the
Fayoum, admits of no doubt. The kings who decorated the temple at
Tanis with the fine sphinxes and groups of fishermen which I found
among its ruins, must also have transported the vigorous fragments
which we have before our eyes to the other side of Egypt."
[Illustration: FIG. 211.--Side view of the same group. Drawn by
Bourgoin.]
Finally, Devéria and De Rougé have suggested that a work of the same
school is to be recognized in the fragment of a statuette of green
basalt, which belongs to the Louvre and is figured upon page 237.[217]
They point to similarities of feature and of race characteristics. The
face of the Louvre statuette has a truculence of expression not unlike
that of the Tanite monuments, while the workmanship is purely Egyptian
and of the best quality; the flexibility of body, which is one of the
most constant qualities in the productions of the first Theban
Empire, being especially characteristic. The king represented wears
the _klaft_ with the _uræus_ in front of it; his _schenti_ is finely
pleated and a dagger with its handle carved into the shape of a hawk's
head is thrust into his girdle. The support at the back has,
unfortunately, been left without the usual inscription and we have no
means of ascertaining the age of the fragment beyond the style, the
workmanship, and the very peculiar physiognomy. Devéria suggests that
it preserves the features of one of the shepherd kings, some of whose
images Mariette thought he had discovered at Tanis and in the
Fayoum.[218]
[217] DEVÉRIA, _Lettre à M. Aug. Mariette_, p. 258.--PIERRET,
_Catalogue de la Salle Historique_, No. 6.
[218] M. FR. LENORMANT (_Bulletino della Commissione
Archeologica di Roma_, fifth year, January to June, 1877)
believes that he has discovered in one of the Roman museums
another monument belonging to the same period and to the same
artistic group.
[Illustration: FIG. 212.--Upper part of a royal statue. Grey granite.
Boulak. Drawn by G. Bénédite.]
It cannot be denied that there are many striking points of
resemblance between the different works which we have here brought
together. Mariette laid great stress upon what he regarded as one of
his most important discoveries. This is his definition of the type
which the Egyptian artist set himself to reproduce with his habitual
exactness: "The eyes are small, the nose vigorous, arched, and flat at
the end, the cheeks are large and bony, and the mouth is remarkable
for the way in which its extremities are drawn down. The face as a
whole is in harmony with the harshness of its separate features, and
the matted hair in which the head seems to be sunk adds to the
singularity of its appearance."[219]
[219] _Lettres à M. de Rougé sur les Fouilles de Tanis_, p. 105.
(_Revue Archéologique._)
[Illustration: FIG. 213.--Fragmentary statuette of a king; height
seven inches. Drawn by Saint-Elme Gautier.]
Both Mariette and Ebers declare that this type has been preserved to
our day with astonishing persistence. In the very district in which
the power of the shepherds was greatest, in the neighbourhood of that
Lake Menzaleh which almost bathes the ruins of Tanis, the poor and
half savage fishermen who form the population of the district possess
the strongly marked features which are so easily distinguished from
the rounder and softer physiognomies of the true Egyptian fellah.
Ahmes must have been content with the expulsion of the chiefs only of
those Semitic tribes who had occupied this region for so many
centuries. The mass of the people must have been too strongly attached
to the fertile lands where they dwelt to refuse obedience to the
conqueror, and more than one immigration, like that of the Hebrews,
may have come in later times to renew the Arab and Syrian
characteristics of the race.[220]