The 4th Regiment of U.S. Infantry was raised principally in the year
1808--from the five N. England States, viz. Vermont, New-Hampshire,
Massachusetts, Rhode-Island and Connecticut, and consisted of between
8 & 900 men--under the command of Colonel John P. Boyd.--The regiment
was not embodied until--
Ap. 29, 1811--When we received orders from Government to rendezvous
at the Lazaretto Barracks on the Schuylkill, 5 miles below
Philadelphia--Capt. Whitney's Company of U.S. Riflemen, then stationed
at Newport, R.I. was also ordered to join the 4th regiment at this
place.
May 24th--The whole regiment (except one Company under Capt. Rannie,
which were detained at Marblehead) had arrived, and were immediately
formed, consisting of about 600 of as noble fellows as ever trod the
tented field; all in good health and fine spirits, and their
discipline unrivaled;--nothing worthy of note took place while we
remained here, which was but a few days, except the degrading
situation in which Capt. Whitney of the Riflemen, had placed himself,
while Commanding Officer, by descending to the level of a Musician,
and with his own hands bestowing corporeal punishment upon the bare
posteriors of two privates of his Company, in the face of the whole
regiment on parade. Such conduct in a commander, merited and received
the pointed scorn of every officer of the regiment.--The two men, who
had heretofore been good soldiers, deserted within two hours after
receiving their punishment--and a few days afterwards Capt. Whitney
resigned a command he was totally unworthy of, and returned
home.--Lieut. A. Hawkins, a fine officer, was afterwards appointed to
the command of this Company.--We received our tents, camp, equipage,
&c. and Col. Boyd and Lieut. Col. Miller, having arrived to take the
command.--On the
3d. June--1811, we commenced our march for Pittsburgh;--Crowds of
spectators from the city of Philadelphia came to witness our
departure;--the day was extremely warm, and we were almost suffocated
with heat and dust.--We marched five miles from the city, and encamped
about 4 o'clock,--Many respectable citizens from Philadelphia
accompanied us to our encampment.
I omit the particulars of our march through the State of Pennsylvania,
as no event transpired, except what falls to the lot of all soldiers
on long marches.--The country being extremely rough and mountainous,
our shoulders pressed beneath the weight of our cumbrous knapsacks,
our feet swollen and blistered, and performing toilsome marches
beneath a burning sun, amid clouds of dust, in the warmest season of
the year, rendered our situation painful in the extreme, and at times
almost insupportable.--A number of desertions took place on this
march, in consequence of its having been whispered among the troops,
that they were to be sent to New-Orleans,--and it is believed, had not
Col. Miller given them to understand that no such thing was intended,
one third at least, of the regiment would never have reached
Pittsburgh;--however, placing unbounded confidence in the word and
honor of Col. Miller, order was restored, and the fears of the men
were calmed.
On the 10th June, we arrived at Carlisle, a handsome little town about
120 miles from Philadelphia, where we halted one day, to refresh and
rest our wearied limbs.
June 12, we again proceeded on our march, and arrived at the beautiful
town of Pittsburgh on the 28th June, 1811.--At Pittsburgh we found
excellent quarters, necessaries of all kinds, cheap and plenty;--the
inhabitants were kind, generous and hospitable,--they knew how to
commiserate, and were happy in relieving the sufferings of the
soldier;--while we on our part were grateful for their favors, which
we endeavored to merit by treating them with the respect due to good
citizens. Our time here passed very agreeably for two or three weeks,
at the expiration of which, we received orders to descend the Ohio
river to Newport, (Ken.)
[Illustration: GEN. W. H. HARRISON]
July 29th. The regiment embarked on board ten long keel boats; each
boat being sufficiently large to contain one Company of men.--With our
colors flying and drums beating, we left the shore in regular order,
and commenced our passage while the band, attached to the regiment,
were chaunting our favorite ditty of _Yankee Doodle_, amidst the
cheers and acclamations of the generous citizens of Pittsburgh,
assembled at the place of our embarkation.--After a passage of 4 days,
without accident, we arrived at the little town of Marietta, where we
had the pleasure of meeting with many of our hardy yankee brethren
from N. England.--We tarried here over night, and early next morning
we continued on our passage, and on the 8th of August we all safely
arrived at Newport, a small village, situated at the mouth of the
Licking, which empties into the Ohio, and directly opposite to the
town of Cincinnati in the state of Ohio. Here we were to remain until
further orders; while Lieut. Hawkins was dispatched to Indiana to
inform Governor Harrison of our arrival at Newport and to receive his
commands.
The troops at this time were perfectly ignorant of their destination,
or the real object our government had in view, in sending us at such a
distance to the westward. Many were still fearful that we were to be
sent to New-Orleans, and knowing the fate of former troops, that had
been stationed there, who had been swept off by sickness, it created
much uneasiness in the minds of New-England troops; and some few
desertions took place.--We experienced some very warm sultry weather,
and considerable fear was entertained by Col. Boyd for the health of
the troops.--Capt. Welsh, an amiable officer, died and was buried with
Masonic and Military honors.
Aug. 28th. Lieut. Hawkins returned with orders from Governor Harrison
for the regiment to proceed with all possible dispatch to Vincennes,
in the Indiana Territory, where the conduct of the Indians on the
Wabash had become very alarming. The Governor had previously been
authorised to employ the 4th regiment in his service, should
circumstances make it necessary.
On the 31st. August we left Newport, and proceeded down the Ohio,
without difficulty, until we arrived at the falls or rapids, when we
were obliged to disembark and have the baggage taken from the boats
and conveyed round by land to the foot of the rapids, while skilful
pilots navigated our boats through this difficult passage.
Governor Harrison was at this place, and accompanied by Col. Boyd,
proceeded across the country to Vincennes, leaving the command of the
regiment to Lt. Col. Miller, to continue their passage by water.
Sept. 4th. Early in the morning we left the Rapids, and on the 9th,
without any occurrence worthy of note, we arrived at the mouth of
the Wabash, a distance of 1022 miles from Pittsburgh; but the most
disagreeable and difficult task in our navigation was yet to be
performed. We had now 160 miles to ascend the Wabash, the current of
which is very rapid, and at this season of the year, was quite low and
much interrupted by rocks and sand-bars. We were daily obliged to
wade the river, and haul the boats after us over the rapids, which
occasioned many of our men, on our arrival at Vincennes, to be
disordered with that painful disease, the fever and ague. Every
precaution possible was taken by the humane and generous Col. Miller
to preserve the health of the regiment; himself waded the river, as
well as every other officer; in many instances performing the duties
of the common soldier, and assisting them to haul up the boats. At the
close of each day we brought the boats to a convenient landing; placed
our guard for the night, while those who had obtained an evening's
respite from the toils of this tedious and laborious passage, were
suffered to regale their spirits over an extra glass of whiskey,
bestowed by the liberality of our Commander. The utmost harmony and
good humor prevailed--no contention--no murmuring--all cheerfully
performed their duty.
Sept. 19, 1811. After a fatiguing passage of ten days through an
unsettled country, which presented nothing to the view but a wild and
dreary wilderness, our hearts were cheered by a prospect of the town
of Vincennes. It was dark before we landed, and by the noise and
confusion about us, we concluded the town to be overrun with troops. A
rabble soon gathered about the boats and assisted in hauling them
ashore;--their whooping and yells, and their appearance caused us to
doubt whether we had not actually landed among the savages themselves.
Many of these militia spoke the French language;--their dress was a
short frock of Deer-skin, a belt around their bodies, with a tomahawk
and scalping knife attached to it, and were nearly as destitute of
discipline as the savages themselves. The militia from Kentucky, and a
few companies of Indiana were decent soldiers; yet the large knife and
hatchet which constituted a part of their equipment, with their dress,
gave them rather a savage appearance. The hatchet, however, was found
to be a very useful article on the march--they had no tents; but with
their hatchets would in a short time form themselves a secure shelter
from the weather, on encamping at night.
The Dragoons, commanded by Major Daviess, consisting of about 120 men,
were well mounted and handsomely equipped, and composed of some of the
most respectable citizens from Kentucky and Indiana.
The Indians who had been lurking about the town for a number of days
suddenly disappeared, and on the
27th September.--The army was embodied, consisting of between ten and
twelve hundred men; and under the immediate command of Gov. Harrison,
we took up our line of march from Vincennes, being well furnished with
arms, ammunition and provision, advancing with but little variation in
the following
[Illustration: ORDER OF MARCH.
Mounted Riflemen.
* * * * * * *
* * * * * * *
* * * * * * *
* * * * * * *
* Waggons. *
o o
o o
o o
* o o *
o o
o o
* o o *
o o
o o
o o
* o Militia. o *
o o
o o
o o
* o o *
o o
o o
* o o *
o o
o o
o o
* o Militia. o *
o o
o o
o o
* o o *
o o
o o
o o
* o o *
4th Regt 4th Regt
o o
o o
o o
* o Orderly Music o *
o * * o
o o
o o
o o
* o General & Aids. o *
o * * * * * o
o o
o o
o o
* * * *
Major Major
Dragoons under Maj. Daviess.
o o o o o o
o o o o o o
o o o o o o
o o o o o o]
In this manner we proceeded on our march by the taps of the drums at
the head of each column, to prevent the lines distancing each other
too far. It was customary each morning, an hour before day-break, to
rouse the troops from their slumbers, with three solitary taps of
the drums of each line, when they turned out and formed in front of
their tents, which was the line of battle in case of an attack; in
this manner they stood to their arms until the beating of the
Reveille.--This precaution was deemed a very necessary one, knowing it
to be the time that the Indians generally choose to make their
attacks, as the troops sleep more sound, and the sentinels become
wearied and sleepy, and consequently less vigilant.
Oct. 3. After a march of six days, through an uninhabited country, we
arrived at a place on the banks of the Wabash, called Battelle des
Illinois. Here we formed our encampment with the intention of tarrying
a few weeks, to ascertain more correctly the disposition of the
Prophet and his warriors. A Fort and Block-Houses were ordered to be
built at this place, which gave sufficient employment to the
militia.--
Some murmuring took place among them, being heartily sick of the camp,
and desirous of returning to their homes. Many, indeed, threatened to
leave us at all hazards, which caused the Governor much anxiety and
trouble. He appeared not disposed to detain any man against his
inclination; being endowed by nature with a heart as humane as brave;
in his frequent addresses to the militia, his eloquence was formed to
persuade; appeals were made to reason as well as feeling--and never
were they made in vain--when the militia, unused to military
restriction, threatened a desertion, his eloquence calmed their
passions, and hushed their discontented murmurings--and in a short
time all became tranquil, and unanimity reigned throughout the army.
About this time many Indians came peaceably into camp, and held
frequent Council, with the Governor; but all endeavors to effect an
accommodation with the Prophet were vain--they still continued
stubborn and refractory,--and would not listen to any terms of peace
made them by the Governor. Their lurking Indians were nightly prowling
about our encampment, and alarming the sentinels on their posts.--On
the 20th Oct. in the evening, an Indian crept cautiously through the
bushes, opposite one of the sentinels in the main guard and shot him
through both thighs--the sentinel nearest to him, saw the flash of the
rifle, and immediately presented his piece,--snapped it twice--both
times it missed fire!--The Indian made his escape,--the camp was
alarmed, and the troops called to arms. The Dragoons were instantly
formed, and under the command of that gallant and spirited officer,
Major Daviess, sallied out, and scoured the woods in the vicinity of
the encampment; but no Indians could be found. The Dragoons in passing
the line of sentinels, were fired upon by mistake, the sentinels
supposing them to be the enemy (it being very dark) but fortunately no
one was injured.--We stood to our arms the whole of this night, while
the Gov. and Col. Boyd were riding down the lines animating the troops
to do their duty in case we were attacked.
Thus after a tedious course of negotiations, and fruitless endeavors to
effect by fair means, a redress of our wrongs, and the patience of the
Governor and of the army being nearly exhausted, it was determined to
give them some _weightier_ reasons than had been heretofore offered, why
peace should be concluded. Orders were therefore given for the army to
be in readiness to march to the Prophet's town.
October 21.--We commenced our march from Fort _Harrison_, so called, in
honor of our worthy Commander; Col. Miller, the officer so highly
esteemed by the troops of our regiment was unfortunately detained at
this place by sickness. After a few days of tedious marching, and having
crossed the Wabash, we arrived at Vermillion river--Capt. Baen, who had
been long absent from the command of his company, had a day or two
previous, joined us on the march, and being the oldest Captain in
Commission, was appointed, to act as Major, and headed the left column
of the army. Having a number of sick who were unable to proceed farther,
a small block-house was erected, for their accommodation, and a
Sergeant's guard was left for their protection.
Nov. 1. We crossed the Vermillion river into the Indian possessions,
at which time the weather became rainy and cold. Many Indians were
discovered by our spies, lurking in the woods about us; supposed to be
the scouts of the Prophet, watching our movements.--After marching about
fourteen miles, we crossed a small creek, and encamped on a high open
piece of land: still rainy and cold. An alarm was here given by one of
the sentinels, who fired on a Horse, which had strayed out of Camp.
November 3, Continued on our march--came to an extensive level
prairie, which took up the whole of this day in crossing--started up
many deer, two of which we killed--also an animal called a prairie
wolf. Nothing of importance transpired until--
November 6.--When our spies, who had ventured near the Indian village,
returned, and informed the Governor we were within a few miles of the
Prophet's town--We were ordered to throw off our knapsacks, and be in
preparation for an attack. We advanced about 4 miles to the edge of a
piece of woods, when we were ordered to break off by companies, and
advance in single lines; keeping a convenient distance from each other
to enable us to form a line of battle, should necessity require
it;--this was frequently done in the course of our advance toward the
town, in consequence of the unevenness of the land, and the appearance
of many favorable places for the enemy to attack us. In this manner we
advanced very cautiously, until we came in sight of the Indian
village, when we halted. The Indians appeared much surprized and
terrified at our sudden appearance before their town; we perceived
them running in every direction about the village, apparently in great
confusion; their object however, was to regain in season their
different positions behind a breastwork of logs which encircled the
town from the bank of the Wabash. A chief came out to the Governor,
begging of him not to proceed to open hostilities; but to encamp with
the troops for that night, and in the morning they solemnly promised
to come into camp and hold a council, and they would agree to almost
any terms the Governor might propose; expressing their earnest desire
for peace without bloodshed--but the treacherous villains merely made
this promise to gain sufficient time to put their infernal scheme in
execution. The Governor enquired of the chief where a situation
suitable for encamping might be found; being informed, he dispatched
three or four officers to examine the ground, who returned with a
favorable report of the place--which was a piece of narrow rising
ground, covered with heavy timber, running some length into a marshy
prairie, and about three quarters of a mile north-west of the town.
Here we encamped for the night, as near the form of a hollow square as
the nature of the ground would admit. Being cool, cloudy weather, we
built large fires in front of our tents, to dry our clothing, cook our
provisions &c. The signal for the field officers to collect at the
Governors marque was given; we were soon after ordered to lay with our
cartridge boxes on, and our guns at our sides;--and in case of an
attack, (as was always the order, while on the march,) each man
stepped 5 paces in front of his tent, which formed the line of battle.
On the morning of the 7th Nov. a few minutes before 4 o'clock, while
we were enjoying the sleep so necessary to the repose of our wearied
limbs,--the attack commenced--when only a single gun was fired by the
guard, and instantly we were aroused by the horrid yells of the
savages close upon our lines.
The dreadful attack was first received by a Company of regulars, under
the command of Capt. Barton, and a Company of Militia, commanded by
Capt. Geiger,--their men had not the least notice of the approach of
the Indians, until they were aroused by a horrid yell and a discharge
of rifles at the very door of their tents; considerable confusion
ensued in these two companies, before they could be formed in any
regular order; but notwithstanding the disorder this sudden attack
created, the men were not wanting in their duty--they sprang from
their tents and discharged their pieces upon the enemy, with great
execution, and kept their ground good until relief could be brought
them. The attack soon extended round to the right line, where the
troops were formed in complete order, and the assaults of the savages
were returned in full measure. One company of Indiana militia fell
back in great disorder, but after some arduous exertions of their
officers, they were again rallied and fought with a spirit that
evinced a determination to escape the odium of cowardice.--The battle
had now become general, every musket and rifle contributed its share
to the work of carnage. A few Indians had placed themselves in an
advantageous situation on the left of the front line, and being
screened from our fire by some large oak trees, did great execution in
our ranks, The small company of U.S. Riflemen, commanded by Lieut.
Hawkins, were stationed within two rods of these trees, and received
the heaviest of their fire, but maintained the position in a most
gallant manner, altho' the company of militia on their left were
giving way in great disorder. Major Daviess, with a small detachment
of dragoons attempted to dislodge them; but failed in the attempt,
and was himself mortally wounded. Capt. Snelling, of the regulars,
soon after made a desperate charge at the head of his company, with
success, losing one man, who was tomahawked by a wounded Indian. The
Indians fell back, and for a short time, continued the action at a
distance--here was some sharp shooting, as they had greatly the
advantage, by the light afforded them from our fires, which could
not be entirely extinguished. We were well supplied with buck shot
cartridges, which were admirably calculated for an engagement of
this nature. The savages were severely galled by the steady and well
directed fire of the troops. When near day-break, they made their last
desperate effort to break our lines, when three cheers were given, and
charge made by the 4th Regt. and a detachment of dragoons--they were
completely routed and the whole put to a precipitate flight. They fled
in all directions, leaving us masters of the field which was strewed
with the bodies of the killed and wounded. Some sharp-shooters of the
militia, harassed them greatly in their retreat, across the marshy
prairie. The day was appropriated to the mournful duties of dressing
the wounds of our unfortunate comrades, and burying the dead. To
attempt a full and detailed account of this action, or portray to the
imagination of the reader the horrors attendant on this sanguinary
conflict, far exceeds my powers of description.--The awful yell of the
savages, seeming rather the shrieks of despair, than the shouts of
triumph--the tremendous roar of musquetry--the agonizing screams of
the wounded and dying, added to the shouts of the victors, mingling in
tumultuous uproar, formed a scene that can better be imagined than
described.
The following statements are from Sergeant Montgomery Orr, of Capt.
Barton's Company, (one of the Companies first attacked) and that of
William Brigham, a private of the late Captain Whitney's Company of
Riflemen, who was on his post, in front of Barton's Company, at the
time of the attack; the latter of whom was mortally wounded, and died
of his wounds a few weeks afterwards at Vincennes. Their veracity is
unquestionable, and as I had the recital from their own lips, I do not
hesitate to declare my belief of them.
_Statement of Sergeant Orr._
"About 20 minutes, before the attack, I got up and went to the
door of my tent, (No. 1.) and overheard the sentinels talking in
front--listened, but could not distinctly hear what was said--it
was rainy and very dark.--I laid down and was partly asleep, when
some person rushed by and touched the corner of the tent--I sprang
partly up--all was still. I jogged Corpl. Thomas, (who slept in
the same tent) and asked, "if he did not hear somebody run by the
tent?"--He said, "no--I've been asleep." I then laid down again,
when something struck the top of the tent--Corpl. Thomas rose up,
took his gun; in a moment three or four rifles were discharged at
the very door of the tent, and an awful yell ensued--Thomas fell
back on to me--I said, "Corpl. Thomas, for God's sake don't give
back"--he made me no answer,--for he was a dead man.--I got out of
the tent as soon as possible--the men were in confusion, some in
front and some in the rear of the tents firing--the Indians within
a rod of us.--Capt. Barton ordered the men to form instantly--they
were too much broken, and no regular line could be formed; but
they kept up a steady fire on the Indians, who fell back. Capt.
Griger's company of militia, stationed near us, were in great
confusion--they could hardly be distinguished from the Indians--I
received a wound and was obliged to retire."
_Statement of William Brigham._
"On the night of the battle, I was warned for Guard, and took post
a little after sunset--Wm. Brown, (a regular) was the sentinel on
my left, and a militia man on my right. These three posts were
directly in front of Capt. Barton's Company of U.S. Infantry.
"I examined the ground adjacent to my post very particularly. There
was a small thicket of willows, on a stream of water, about two rods
in front of my post, and high grass between me and the willows--I
observed it to be a favorable place for the approach of Indians and
determined to be on the alert. Capt. Barton's Company were a few
feet higher, and between us there were logs and some small bushes. I
was relieved off post about 10 o'clock--At 3 o'clock I again took
post; very dark, and rainy. I had resumed my station about half an
hour, when I heard a faint whistle, not far from Wm. Brown's post,
as I supposed--he called to me; but I did not think it prudent to
answer--however, after he had called several times, I answered
"holloa"--says he, "look sharp"--[the usual word of _caution_
between sentinels]--I kneeled down, with my gun on a charge. It was
so very dark that no object could be discerned within three feet of
me, and I could hear nothing except the rustling noise occasioned by
the falling rain among the bushes. At this time, Brown, (being much
alarmed) very imprudently left his post, and came towards me. I
heard light footsteps--presented my gun, and should have fired upon
him had he not that moment spoke, much agitated--"Brigham, let us
fire and run in--you may depend on it there are Indians in the
bushes." I told him not to fire yet for fear we should give a false
alarm.--While we were standing together, something struck in the
brush near us, (I suppose an arrow)--we were both frightened and run
in without firing--the Indians close upon our heels--we passed
swiftly by Capt. Bartons's tents--I soon afterwards fell into Capt.
Wilson's Company of militia, where I received a wound which broke my
right arm."
Had this attack been delayed but ten minutes longer, the troops would
have been formed in line of battle, and in readiness to receive
it.--The General had arisen but a few moments previous to its
commencement, and in four minutes more would have ordered the usual
signal (three taps of the drum) to be given for the troops to rise and
stand to their arms. The orderly Musician at the same time stood in
readiness for that purpose, awaiting the orders of the General.--Some
of the troops were up, and sitting by the fires; many of which had
been furnished with fresh fuel, and the light arising from them, must
have afforded the Indians a pretty correct view of our situation, and
of the most proper place to make their assault. Every exertion was
made to extinguish these fires the moment the attack commenced, which
could not be but imperfectly accomplished, as the Indian marksmen were
sure to pick off whoever approached them.
It was truly unfortunate that these fires were not extinguished the
moment the troops retired to rest; for it is certain that the Indians
derived a great advantage from this circumstance in the course of the
action.
The hasty charge made by Major Daviess to dislodge the Indians from
behind the trees on the left of the front line, was made with only 20
of his dragoons, dismounted; and its fatal consequence to the Major,
was in a great measure owing to his having on a white blanket
surstuot. He was easily distinguished by the Indians, and received
three balls in his body; he immediately fell, exclaiming, "I am a
dead man;" he was taken up and lived, however, till the close of
the action. The fall of this brave and amiable officer was greatly
lamented by the army, as well as the citizens of the state of
Kentucky, where he held the office of Attorney General. He volunteered
his services in the expedition under Gen. Harrison, who, knowing his
worth, appointed him to the command of the volunteer dragoons.
Col. Owen, another brave officer, considerably advanced in years, and
acting as aid-de-camp was shot from his horse by the side of the
General, and immediately expired. Judge Taylor, the other aid, had
his horse shot under him; in their fall the horse came on top of the
Judge, where he lay confined for some time, unable to extricate
himself; he was relieved from this disagreeable situation by a
soldier, who happened to pass near him.
Capt. Baen, who had been with us but a few days, was shockingly mangled
with the tomahawk;--he was taken up in a delirious state, and died a
short time afterwards.--There was but one other instance of any person
being tomahawked in this engagement; which was a private soldier of
Capt. Snelling's company, upon a charge in the midst of the Indians.
Gen. Harrison received a shot through the rim of his hat. In the heat of
the action, his voice was frequently heard and easily distinguished,
giving his orders in the same calm, cool, and collected manner with
which we had been used to receive them on a drill or parade.--The
confidence of the troops in the General was unlimited, and his measures
were well calculated to gain the particular esteem of the 4th Regt. All
kinds of petty punishments, inflicted without authority, for the most
trifling errors of the private soldier, by the pompous sergeant, or the
insignificant corporal,[1] were at once prohibited.--A prohibition of
other grievances which had too long existed, in this Regiment, at once
fixed in the breast of every soldier, an affectionate and lasting regard
for their General. The benefit of which was fully realized in the
conduct of the troops in the engagement, as well as throughout the
campaign.
[1] This is not intended to apply to the _whole_ of the
Non-commissioned officers of the 4th--there were many
honorable exceptions; those of my comrades who may peruse
this Journal, well know how to make the selection.
After the action, a soldier of the Kentucky militia, discovered an
Indian at some distance above the encampment, leading a horse out of
the woods, into some high grass in the prairie; he caught his rifle
and made after him. The Indian had loaded his horse with two others
wounded, and was returning, when the Kentuckian gave a whoop,
discharged his rifle, brought the Indian down, and returned in triumph
to the camp, leading in his horse.
One Indian only broke through the lines into the encampment, and he
was immediately afterwards dispatched by Capt. Adams, the pay-master
of the regiment.
The force of the enemy in the engagement could never be correctly
ascertained; but from the best information that could be obtained, it
was calculated to amount to between ten and twelve hundred warriors,
headed by Winnemac, a Kickapoo Chief,--and that they lost about four
hundred in killed and wounded. Our loss amounted to forty-one killed,
and one hundred forty-seven wounded. The names of those of the 4th
regt are given in the latter part of this Journal.
A Potawatimie Chief was found severely wounded on the field, sometime
after the action. He was brought before the General, and expressed the
greatest sorrow at what had happened--and accused the Prophet of
deceiving them. His wounds were dressed by the surgeon, and the best
care taken of him while he remained with us on the ground. The Gen.
left with him a speech to be delivered to the Indians, if they should
return to the battle ground.
Nov. 8.--A small detachment of mounted men were ordered to advance to
the Prophet's town, and see what had become of the Indians. They
entered the town and found an aged squaw only, who informed them that
the Indians had left it in great haste, immediately after the action,
and had crossed the Wabash.--It was a handsome little Indian village
of between one and two hundred huts or cabins, and a large store
house, containing about 3,000 bushels of corn and beans. In their
hasty retreat they left many articles of value to themselves, which
except a few were destroyed in the conflagration of the town.
Nov. 9. After destroying considerable of our baggage, in order to make
room in the waggons for the conveyance of the wounded, we began our
march on the return to Vincennes expecting the Indians would follow
and attack us. Such an event was greatly to be dreaded; as we were
nearly out of provisions, and had upwards of a hundred and thirty
wounded men to be attended to, who were painfully situated in the
waggons, especially those who had broken limbs, by their continual
jolting, on an unbeaten road through the wilderness.
Having suffered severely in consequence of the light afforded the
Indians from our fires in the late attack, we adopted another method
on our return, by building large fires some distance beyond the line
of sentinels, while those in the encampment were extinguished on our
retiring to rest; which in case of an attack, would have been of much
service by placing the enemy between us and the fires. The sentinels
on post at night having been frequently alarmed by lurking Indians,
would place a stake in the ground about the height of a man, and hang
their blanket and cap upon it, and retire a few paces behind some log
or tree; as it had become hazardous for sentinels to walk their posts
while the Indians were continually hovering about them. It was said
that arrows had been found in some of the blankets put up in this
manner, which is very probable, as they would approach within a few
feet of a sentinel in the stillest night, without being discovered, as
was the case at Fort Harrison, where a sentinel was shot down by an
Indian, who had made his way through a thicket of bushes directly in
front, and within twelve feet of the man on post.
On the 14th we arrived at the small block-house on the Vermillion
river, where we left our sick, who had looked with painful anxiety for
our safe return. The vigilance of Sergeant Reed, who commanded at this
place was highly applauded in the arrest of two militia men, who
deserted us the moment the action commenced, and fled with such
precipitancy that they reached the block-house the night following,
informing Sergeant Reed that the army was defeated, and nearly all
were destroyed,--advising him to leave the place and hasten back to
Fort Harrison. Their advice was disregarded by the sergeant, who put
them under arrest. The express on his way to Vincennes a few hours
afterwards passed the block-house, and informed them of the success of
our engagement.
We suffered much for the want of provisions during our march to this
place. Many of the troops had made use of horse meat to satisfy their
craving appetites for the last 5 days. Col. Miller, then at Fort
Harrison, being apprized of our destitute situation, immediately
dispatched a boat with fresh provisions to our relief, which
fortunately arrived at the block-house nearly at the same time with
the army.
Nov. 15.--The wounded were placed in boats, and arrived at Fort
Harrison on the morning of the ensuing day. Capt. Snelling with his
company were left to garrison the Fort, and the army proceeded on
their march.
The author being one of the wounded, was put on board a boat with
other disabled men and sent down the river to Vincennes.--About 12
o'clock at night the boat we were in struck on a sand bank; which
obliged us to lay by until the next morning. The night, as may be
supposed, was passed in a very uncomfortable manner--the weather was
freezing cold, and our wounds which had not been dressed for two days
past, became stiff and extremely painful.
Nov. 19.--Arrived at Vincennes nearly at the same time the army did
by land, and immediately after were placed in excellent quarters,
and every possible attention paid to the sick and wounded, by Gov.
Harrison and Col. Boyd, who always evinced the most anxious solicitude
for the welfare of their soldiers.
Nothing more was heard from the Indians until the latter part of Dec.
when a Kickapoo Chief, bearing a white flag, with a few others, who
were desirous of concluding a peace with the United States, came to
Vincennes with the intention of holding a council for that purpose.
The Governor informed them that he did not consider them as qualified
for making a treaty which would be binding on their leader the
Prophet; and therefore no treaty would be made unless the Prophet was
present at the council, with his principal chiefs.
They informed the Governor that the warriors of the Prophet had all
left him; reproaching him with being the instigator of all their
misfortunes, and threatened to put him to death.--They were impressed
with a belief that they could defeat us with ease; and intended to
have attacked us in our camp at Fort Harrison, had we remained there a
week longer.
The Potawatimie chief who was taken prisoner by us and left on the
battle ground, they said, had since died of his wounds; but that he
faithfully delivered the speech of the Governor, to the different
tribes, and urged them to abandon the Prophet, and agree to the terms
offered them by the Governor.
March 10, 1812.--We experienced some heavy shocks of an Earthquake
about this time, which occasioned considerable alarm; but did no
other damage than throwing down a few chimnies in the town.--On the
Mississippi the shocks were more severe, where considerable damage
was done, especially to buildings. It is said the motion of the earth
in that quarter was from six to eight inches to and fro; but at
Vincennes, 250 miles to the north, it did not exceed three inches in
the heaviest shocks, as was ascertained with a lead ball suspended by
a thread from the ceiling in the house.--The duration of the longest
shock was about 3 minutes--they continued at intervals throughout the
month.
March 29.--About 150 Indians who were said to have remained neutral in
the late contest, came to Vincennes, and encamped about two miles north
of the town. They were requested to deliver up their arms, and a guard
of soldiers should be placed over them for their _protection_, and tents
supplied them while they tarried with us: this they complied with, and
desired an audience of the Governor on the ensuing day, which was
granted.
In Council, they declared their detestation of the Prophet and his
adherents, expressing their wishes to remain in peace and friendship
with their father, the President of the U. States.--The Governor, in
a short reply, warned them against entering into any alliance with
the Prophet and his warriors--telling them, if he should again be
disturbed, and obliged to come among them, it would be out of his
power to restrain his young warriors from destroying them all. A
treaty was signed, and the Indians received their annual presents of
blankets, broadcloths, calicoes, &c. and left the town for their
encampment.
April 2.--The Indians again came in, habited in their new dresses,
performing their dances through the town, to the great diversion of
the Regiment, who were unacquainted with their peculiarities, except
their propensity to deception and treachery; the ill consequences of
which we had been taught at the battle of Tippecanoe.--Towards evening
they retired in good order, and soon after received their arms, and
returned to their villages up the Wabash.
There were still remaining many refractory Indians on the Wabash, who
would agree to no terms of peace with the U. States. They had even
opened the graves of our unfortunate comrades who fell in the late
action--stripped and scalped them, and left their bodies above ground.
Col. Miller was preparing to send a detachment of troops to the battle
ground to have them again interred; but some friendly Indians
undertook this office, and the bodies were again replaced.
April 4.--Information was received of the murder of a family of
seven persons on White river, and others in Indiana, besides many
depredations on the Mississippi. The settlers were alarmed, and fled
to the forts and the most populous towns for protection, leaving their
property to the mercy of the savages.
April 9.--A family on the Embaras river, only seven miles from
Vincennes, consisting of a man, his wife and three small children,
were massacred while in the act of leaving their home for the purpose
of finding protection at Vincennes. A young man who had resided with
the family escaped and fled to Vincennes, where he arrived about 12
o'clock at night, and gave the alarm; the troops were immediately
called to arms, expecting an attack upon the town. The next day Col.
Miller, with a small detachment from the regiment, proceeded to the
river Embaras, where they found the bodies of the murdered family,
shockingly cut up with the tomahawk and scalping knife. The man had
his breast opened, his entrails torn out and strewed about the ground.
They were all scalped except an infant child in the mother's arms,
which was knocked on the head.--The bodies were decently interred and
the party returned to Vincennes without being able to discover the
perpetrators of this horrid massacre.
We received information soon after the above transaction, that the
famous Indian Chief, Tecumseh, brother to the Prophet, had collected a
considerable force on the Wabash with the intention of attacking the
town of Vincennes,--saying to the Governor--"You have destroyed my
town in my absence; I shall, when the corn is two inches high destroy
yours before your face." Tecumseh was not an enemy to be despised;
and the information of his approach towards Vincennes, created
considerable alarm among the inhabitants. The town was filled with
families who came to avoid the fury of the savages. Many of the
principal dwelling-houses were piqueted in, and the militia were
called upon to be at their posts at a moment's warning;--thus were we
kept in fearful apprehension of an attack being made upon us by the
Indians, whenever we should retire to rest; add to this the frequent
shocks of earthquakes, and the reader may imagine the unhappy
situation in which we were placed.
A serious misunderstanding had for some time existed between Gov.
Harrison and Col. Boyd, the grounds of which, the author could never
correctly ascertain; yet was supposed to originate from some hasty
remark of Col. Boyd upon the conduct of the militia of Indiana, during
the campaign; and perhaps he had laid claim to a greater share of the
laurels won in the late engagement, than the people of Indiana were
willing to allow him; however, it is admitted by all, that the
bravery, good order and discipline of 4th Regiment secured to the army
the victory at Tippecanoe;--for this Col. Boyd deserves the highest
praise.
April 17.--Col. Boyd left Vincennes for the city of Washington, and
Col. Miller assumed the command of the Regiment, when we soon after
received orders from Government to march to Dayton, in the State of
Ohio, there to join the army under Brigadier Gen. Hull.--The citizens
of Vincennes, sincerely lamented our departure, as there would be but
a small force left for their protection against the savages, who had
now assumed a formidable aspect, and threatened destruction to the
place.--Capt. Snelling, and his Company arrived from Fort Harrison,
where they had been stationed during the winter.
May 3d.--We swung our knapsacks and commenced our march for the falls
of the Ohio;--The road was so very bad that we were obliged to keep
pioneers in advance to clear it, which greatly retarded our march. We
observed on our rout through Indiana, several houses piquetted in,
where a number of families had collected, and formed little garrisons,
to defend themselves against the Indians, who daily committed the most
flagrant depredations upon the defenceless emigrant; we frequently saw
men armed going to their fields to work, leaving their women and
children to garrison their dwellings until their return in the
evening.
May 11.--We arrived on the banks of the Ohio, and immediately crossed
the river to Louisville, (Ken.) where great respect was manifested
towards us.--Many of the citizens of this place had fought by our
sides at the battle of Tippecanoe.
May 12--We proceeded on our march, and on the 16th reached the arsenal
at Newport, and halted one day.
May 18--We crossed the Ohio river again at Newport to Cincinnati,
where we were highly honored by the patriotic citizens of this
beautiful and flourishing town.--A grand salute was fired from two
field pieces while we were crossing the river.--We landed and formed
on its bank and were escorted through the town by a fine looking
Company of Artillery.--In one of the principal streets through which
we passed, a triumphal arch was erected, ornamented with wreaths of
evergreen, and the words "_Heroes of Tippecanoe_" were displayed
in large characters over the arch. We marched a few miles from the
town and encamped, where we were bountifully regaled by the generous
inhabitants of the place.
May 19th--Proceeded on our march to Dayton, where we arrived about the
first of June--Gen. Hull had left this place and gone on to Urbana
with the army, forty miles further.
June 3d--Arrived at Urbana, and joined Gen. Hull's army composed of
three Regiments of Ohio militia volunteers, commanded by Colonels
M'Arthur, Cass and Findley. Here we were received with a repetition of
the honors shewn us at Cincinnati, and obtained a short respite from
our long and fatiguing march from Indiana; having come the distance of
nearly four hundred miles, with but one day's rest.
June 13th.--Col. M'Arthur's regiment of militia left the encampment
and proceeded on the march for Detroit, with orders to build
block-houses at the distance of every twenty miles, and to cut a road
for the march of the army.
June 15th.--The army followed on the route of Col. M'Arthur;--the
weather was extremely wet, and the new road had become a perfect slough
nearly the whole distance to the River Scioto, which contributed greatly
to retard our progress,--having many waggons attached to the army, we
were frequently obliged to halt and relieve them from the mire--We
came up with M'Arthur's regiment at the Scioto, where they were just
completing a large block-house. A militia sentinel was shot through the
body while peaceably walking his post, by one of his comrades in the
regiment, without any previous provocation being given by the deceased.
His punishment was as singular as his crime. A Court Martial found him
guilty of murder, and he was sentenced to have both _ears cropped_, and
both cheeks branded with the letter M. which was immediately put in
execution.
June 17th.--Col. M'Arthur's regiment again went forward;--on the 20th
the army followed. An extensive swamp we had to pass through, called
the Black Swamp, rendered it impossible to carry our baggage on
waggons; it was therefore found necessary to transfer the flour to
pack-horses, which was put up in bags for the purpose. Much rain
having previously fallen, we had to wade for whole days through mud
and water, tormented in the extreme both night and day by the stings
of the innumerable musquetos and knats. The water we drank could only
be obtained from holes made by the pioneers in advance, or from places
where trees had been torn up by the roots.
It was thought that the Indians might cause us some trouble on our
march through this forest, and a temporary breast-work of felled trees
was erected each day on encamping--however, we received no annoyance
from any enemy, during our march to the Miami rapids, where we arrived
on the 29th, and found Col. M'Arthur encamped on a beautiful plain on
the bank of the river. On the opposite shore, we were told, was the
famous spot where, on the 20th Aug. 1794, Gen. Wayne gained an
important victory over a body of about 2000 Indians.
July 1--We crossed the river, and the 4th Regt. were mustered, when we
marched a few miles through a small village and encamped. Here the
General chartered a small schooner to take the sick and baggage, and
hospital stores of the army to Detroit, with Lieut. Gooding of the 4th
regiment, and lady, and the ladies of Lieuts. Bacon and Fuller, and
two Sergeants, Jennison and Forbush, and about thirty privates.--These
were all taken by the British brig Hunter, at the mouth of Detroit
river, and which was the first notice these people had of the
declaration of war.--The capture of this vessel was truly unfortunate
in its consequences to the American army, as many papers of great
importance, relative to our future operations, fell into the hands of
the enemy, besides the private baggage of some of the officers of the
army.
[Illustration: ANTHONY WAYNE]
Mrs. Bacon and Mrs. Fuller were sent to Detroit by a flag of truce
immediately after the schooner was taken.--Mrs. Gooding preferred
remaining at Malden, with her husband, who was then seriously
indisposed.
July 2d--Proceeded on our march, and without any occurrence worthy of
notice, arrived at the river Huron on the 4th, and threw a bridge of
logs across for the passage of the waggons. The Indians from
Brownstown came to the river in considerable numbers, appearing very
friendly--seeing many waggons cross the bridge; while the main body of
the army were screened from their view by a piece of woods, they
expressed their surprize that Gen. Hull should think of taking the
Canadas, "with so many waggons and so few men!" and were very curious
to examine some of the waggons, to ascertain if the army was not
packed up within them. The army crossed the bridge and encamped. This
day being the anniversary of American Independence, an extra glass of
whiskey was issued to the troops on the occasion!
A little past sunset a rumor was spread in the camp, that an attack
was intended on our army by a large force of British and Indians. In
consequence we were called to arms, to which we stood by turns until
day-break. No attack was made. We received our first information here
of the declaration of War between the United States and Great-Britain.
July 5th--At sunrise we proceeded on our march without interruption,
and passed through a small Indian village called Brownstown. The
Indians appeared very friendly; some of their Chiefs came out and
saluted the General with great cordiality. About 5 o'clock, P.M. we
arrived within 3 miles of Detroit, at a place called Spring-Wells.
July 6th--Marched into the town of Detroit, and encamped. We continued
here 5 or 6 days, making preparations to cross the river into Upper
Canada. The troops were in much better health and spirits than was to
be expected after the performance of so long and laborious a march;
and all appeared anxious immediately to commence active operations
against the enemy.
July 12--A little before day the troops were turned out with great
silence and marched by detachments to the river, where we immediately
embarked on board of boats prepared for the purpose, with muffled
oars, and a few minutes after day-break we all safely landed in Upper
Canada.--We then marched a short distance down the river and formed
our encampment directly opposite to Detroit,--when the American
standard was hoisted, and the following Proclamation issued by Gen.
Hull:--
_Inhabitants of Canada!_
After thirty years of peace and prosperity, the United States have
been driven to arms. The injuries and aggressions, the insults and
indignities of Great Britain have once more left them no alternative
but manly resistance or unconditional submission. The army under my
command has invaded your country; the standard of the Union now
waves upon the territory of Canada. To the peaceable unoffending
inhabitants it brings neither danger nor difficulty. I come to find
enemies, not to make them, I come to protect, not to injure you.
Separated by an extensive wilderness from Great Britain, you have
no participation in her councils, no interest in her conduct. You
have felt her tyranny, you have seen her injustice. But I do not
ask you to avenge the one or to redress the other. The United
States are sufficiently powerful to afford every security
consistent with their rights and your expectations. I tender you
the invaluable blessing of civil, political and religious liberty,
and their necessary result, individual and general prosperity;
that liberty which gave decision to our councils, and energy to
our conduct in a struggle for independence,--which conducted
us safely and triumphantly through the stormy period of the
revolution--that liberty which has raised us to an elevated rank
among the nations of the world; and which offered us a greater
measure of peace and security, of wealth and improvement, than
ever fell to the lot of any people. In the name of my country, and
the authority of government, I promise you protection to your
persons, property and rights; remain at your homes; pursue your
peaceful and customary avocations; raise not your hands against
your brethren. Many of your fathers fought for the freedom and
independence we now enjoy. Being children therefore of the same
family with us and heirs to the same heritage, the arrival of an
army of friends must be hailed by you with a cordial welcome. You
will be emancipated from tyranny and oppression, and restored to
the dignified station of freedom. Had I any doubt of eventual
success, I might ask your assistance, but I do not, I come
prepared for every contingency. I have a force which will look
down all opposition, and that force is but the vanguard of a
much greater--If, contrary to your own interest and the just
expectation of my country, you should take part in the approaching
contest, you will be considered as enemies, and the horrors and
calamities of war will stalk before you.
If the barbarous and savage policy of Great Britain be pursued, and
the savages are let loose to murder our citizens and butcher even
women and children, _this war will be a war of extermination_.
The first stroke of a tomahawk--the first attempt with the scalping
knife, will be the signal of an indiscriminate scene of desolation.
No white man found fighting by the side of an Indian will be taken
prisoner--instant death will be his lot. If the dictates of reason,
duty, justice and humanity cannot prevent the employment of a force
which respects no rights, and knows no wrong, it will be prevented
by a severe and relentless system of retaliation. I doubt not your
courage and firmness--I will not doubt your attachment to liberty.
If you tender your services voluntarily, they will be accepted
readily. The United States offer you peace, liberty and security.
Your choice lies between these and war, slavery and destruction.
Choose then, but choose wisely; and may He who knows the justice of
our cause, and who holds in His hands the fate of nations, guide you
to a result the most compatible with your rights and interests, your
peace and happiness.
The troops considered this Proclamation as highly indicative of
energetic measures; although the "_exterminating_" avowal was
disapproved of by the advocates of humanity and generosity to a fallen
enemy. The Canadians, who had fled from their homes on our entering
Canada, or were doing duty in the service of the Crown at Fort Malden,
returned to their dwellings, and sought protection from the American
army; such was their confidence in the ability of Gen. Hull to afford
them protection, that many of them had expressed their willingness to
join our army whenever it should be ready to march against the enemy's
post at Malden.
The Indians also seemed willing to remain neutral rather than to take
up the tomahawk against a force which to them appeared so formidable
as that of the American army. The troops were in high spirits, and
loudly expressed their anxious wish to be immediately led on against
the enemy--instead of which, or taking any advantage of the favorable
moment offered to strike the important blow, the services of all the
carpenters, blacksmiths, and artificers of every kind were put in
requisition; building gun carriages, scaling-ladders, and gundolas for
the transportation of our heavy ordnance.--In short, the preparations
which were making seemed to bespeak some grand and brilliant
achievement, unparallelled in the annals of martial prowess.
July 14--Col. M'Arthur was detached with 150 men to the river Thames,
where he captured a considerable quantity of provisions, blankets,
arms and ammunition, while another party secured several hundred
merino sheep at Belle Donne, the property of the Earl of Selkirk.
July 15--Col. Cass with a detachment of about 300 men, left the
encampment to reconnoitre the enemy's advanced posts. They were found
in possession of the bridge over Aux Canard river, five miles from
Malden. A detachment of regular troops passed the river to the south
side at a ford about 5 miles above the bridge, thence down to the
enemy, whom they attacked and drove from their position. The militia
behaved in this affair with the greatest gallantry;--three times the
British formed, and as often were compelled to retreat. The loss on
our part was trifling. One prisoner was taken, and Col. Cass encamped
during the night on the scene of action without molestation.
Frequent skirmishing took place between other detachments which were
sent to reconnoitre the enemy. In one of these rencontres we lost
seven killed and eleven wounded. Such skirmishing, marching and
countermarching by detachments from the army, without obtaining any
advantage over the enemy had become irksome to the troops and loud
murmuring took place.
Sergeant Forbush, one of the prisoners confined at Malden, found means
to have a letter conveyed to his Captain, (Burton) informing of the
weak state of that post; it is even said the prisoners might at one
time have taken it with ease, as all the force of the enemy had
crossed the river to the American side, and left but a sergeant's
guard at the fort.--It was further stated, at the time Col. Cass drove
the British from their position at the river aux Canard, an immediate
attack was expected upon the town and fort, and that preparations were
made to secure the public property, and to make good their retreat in
the event of an assault by our army.
July 21--A large schooner was taken possession of at Sandwich and
towed up the river to Detroit, and men employed to fit her up for the
service. A cartel arrived from Fort Michillimacinac with American
prisoners, who had surrendered that post to the enemy without
resistance.--They were ignorant of the declaration of war until they
were made prisoners. Nothing further of consequence took place for
eight or ten days. The vast preparations for an attack on Malden were
still progressing with great industry. The militia from that place
were daily coming in to join our standard, and it was expected an
immediate attack upon that fort would now be made.
August 4--Major Van Horn, of Col. Findley's regiment was detached with
200 men to the river Raisin, for the purpose of escorting a quantity
of provisions to the army, which were at that place under the charge
of Capt. Brush. He was attacked in the woods of Brownstown by a large
body of Indians while his men were partaking of a little refreshment.
So sudden and unexpected was the attack that it was impossible to form
the men in line of battle, although every exertion was made by the
officers for that purpose. In this defeat seven officers and ten
privates were killed, and many more wounded--They retreated in great
disorder, leaving part of their killed on the field.
Aug. 5.--Orders are at last issued by Gen. Hull for the army to be in
readiness to take the field against the enemy; the first step for this
purpose, was to _abandon_ our position in Upper Canada, and return to
Detroit; which was accomplished on the night of the 6th, leaving a
detachment, however, to garrison a small fort we had built during our
stay at Sandwich: this also was shortly after set fire to and abandoned.
Aug. 8.--In consequence of the failure of the expedition under Major
Van Horn, the 4th Regt. with a detachment from the militia, all under
the command of Col. Miller, left Detroit about 3 o'clock P.M. and
proceeded on our march to open the communication with Capt. Brush, who
had fortified himself on the banks of the river Raisin. A little past
sunset we arrived at the river De Coss, which we crossed, and encamped
without tents.--Early next morning continued our march and about 12
o'clock our Cavalry were fired upon by some Indian scouts, who had
stationed themselves behind an old log hut, and killed one and wounded
another of the dragoons. The line of battle was instantly formed, and
we advanced rapidly forward, for a considerable distance, but no enemy
could be discovered.--We halted to refresh on an open field, where we
tarried a short time, and again proceeded on our march.--At 3 o'clock,
P.M. the vanguard, commanded by Capt. Snelling, was fired upon by an
extensive line of British troops. Capt. Snelling maintained his
position in a most gallant manner until the main body could be formed
in line of battle, and advance to his relief; when the whole,
excepting the rear guard was brought into action in a masterly style
by our brave Commander.--The enemy were formed in an advantageous
position behind a breast-work of felled trees; we had advanced but a
few rods towards their works before a large body of Indians arose upon
each flank of the British and poured a tremendous fire of rifles into
our ranks; and in a moment dropped down behind their logs. We still
continued on the advance, and could discover nothing but the smoke
from their discharge until nearly upon them with the bayonet, which
they perceived, before they had time to reload, and retreated to a
second breast-work; but they, as well as the British, were driven from
every place wherever they attempted to make a stand. The rout became
general, and the pursuit continued for about two miles, to the village
of Brownstown, where the British took to their boats, and the Indians
to the woods.--Col. Miller had directed a charge to be made by the
Cavalry, while the enemy were in full rout; which was not done,
although Capt. Snelling offered himself to lead them on in person.
This cowardice of the Cavalry alone saved the enemy from destruction.
In the action an Indian had climbed into the top of a large tree, from
which he discharged many arrows into our ranks, but was discovered by
the soldiers, and brought down very suddenly. Another Indian who had
been wounded, and lay in the woods unable to move from his place, had
loaded his rifle and shot down a militia soldier, who was in search
of some of his fallen comrades; a party near by heard the report of
the rifle, came up and dispatched the Indian while in the act of
reloading, for another victim who might pass in his way.--Our killed
and wounded were collected before dark and brought to the camp;
consisting of 18 killed and 58 wounded. The loss of the British and
Indians were 100 killed, and nearly twice that number wounded. Many
of them were picked up and brought into camp the same evening, and
their wounds carefully attended to. The British were commanded in
this action by Major Muir, and the Indians by Tecumseh, Marpot and
Walk-in-the-water. Their force consisted of three hundred Regulars and
five hundred Indians, nearly one third greater than the American force
under Col. Miller.
The only Officers of the 4th Regt. wounded, were Lieut. Larabee, a
brave officer who lost an arm--and Lieut. George P. Peters, who
commanded the late Capt. Wentworth's company.
Aug. 10.--Boats from Detroit arrived to take up the wounded. On their
return they were fired upon by the British brig Hunter, and even after
the wounded were transferred from the boats to waggons, this vessel
took several positions to harass them on their return to Detroit.
Col. Miller had determined to push on to the river Raisin; for which
purpose the troops were paraded in readiness to march; but the Col.
was suddenly attacked by a fit of the fever and ague, with which he
had been partially afflicted from the time of his severe illness at
Fort Harrison in Indiana. We therefore continued on the ground this
day, expecting provisions from Detroit, but none arrived. We observed
the British to be busy in crossing over troops from Malden a few miles
below us, and concluded they intended an attack upon our encampment
the following night. About sunset an express arrived in Camp from the
General at Detroit, with a peremptory order for the troops to return
that evening to the river De Coss. We were immediately formed and
proceeded on our return. It having rained the whole of the day, and
the night being extremely dark, it was with great difficulty we
reached the river; being without tents we were wet to the skin; many
lost their shoes in the mud and came on barefoot. About 2 o'clock the
next morning we arrived at the river, and after partaking of some
refreshment, which had been sent to this place, we spread our
blankets, which were wet as well as the ground we lay upon; and
notwithstanding our uncomfortable situation we slept soundly until day
light.
Aug. 11.--Continued on our march, re-crossed the river De Coss, and
arrived at Detroit about 12 o'clock.
Aug. 12.--The British had taken possession of the ground we had
abandoned at Sandwich, and commenced throwing up their works; at which
they continued without interruption until the 15th, working in open
day. Our troops were also employed in erecting batteries on the bank
of the river, opposite to those of the British.
Aug. 14.--A detachment of three hundred and fifty troops from
M'Arthur's and Cass' regiments were ordered to the river Raisin to
escort up the provisions which had so long remained there under the
protection of Captain Brush. This was the _third_ detachment which had
been sent on that service.
Aug. 15.--The enemy had completed their batteries, and about 10
o'clock, P.M. Gen. Brock, the British commander, sent over a flag of
truce from Sandwich, with a summons for the surrender of the town and
fort; stating that he could no longer restrain the fury of the
savages, and should at 3 o'clock, commence a cannonade upon the place
unless the summons was complied with. A prompt and spirited refusal
was returned. At 4 o'clock their batteries were opened upon the town,
from two 18 pounders and a howitzer. Their fire was briskly returned
from our two batteries of three 24 pounders, and continued without
interruption until dark. In the evening they commenced throwing
shells, and did not cease until 9 o'clock. No person was hurt, or but
little damage done, except to a few buildings in the town.
Aug. 16.--At day light the firing recommenced upon the fort, where was
stationed the 4th regiment. Not a gun was fired from this place in
return. Five men were killed and wounded in the fort, where the Gen.
and some citizens from the town had repaired. At sunrise the Indians
appeared in the woods back of the town, while the British were seen
landing from the Queen Charlotte at Spring Wells, three miles below
us. About 8 o'clock they began to move towards us in close column. It
was now that we every moment expected the orders of the Gen. to march
out and commence the battle which was to decide the fate of this
army.--The long wished for moment had now arrived; the eyes of
the soldiers of the 4th regiment were turned towards their brave
Commander, Col. Miller, and seemed to express the ardent wishes of the
men for _him_ to give the word and lead the way.
The militia were posted outside of the fort, behind a line of pickets.
Two 24 pounders loaded with grape shot were placed in a situation to
sweep the advancing column of the enemy.
The British troops advanced with a regular step, and in fine order.
All was silent in the fort--"Not a discontent broke upon the ear--Not
a look of cowardice met the eye." We listened in eager expectation,
that each moment our ears would be saluted from the discharge of
the 24 pounders. What was our surprise when we beheld the militia
retreating towards the fort, and at the same time an American Officer
on horseback riding towards the British column bearing a _white flag_,
while another was placed on the parapet of the fort. A soldier
attempted to knock it down with his musquet--an officer stepped up and
commanded him to desist--"There sir," says the soldier, pointing to
the American colors, then waving on the flag-staff--"_There is the
flag I choose to fight under!_"--Such was the spirit which animated
the whole body of the troops. A British officer rode up to the fort,
and in thirty minutes afterwards a capitulation was signed. The
Adjutant soon after came in and informed the troops that we must
consider ourselves prisoners of war to His Britannic Majesty's forces
under Gen. Brock.
Such curses and imprecations as were now uttered by the soldiers upon
the head of our General, were perhaps never before made use in any
army.--"_Treachery_"--"_We are sold_"--was the cry throughout.
We were ordered to pack up our effects as soon as possible. Some
officers entered the loft of the store house, where they found a few
articles of clothing, which was distributed among us. The militia had
been crowded into the fort which now was nearly filled with troops, in
great disorder.
At 12 o'clock the British marched in and took possession of the
fort. We were then ordered to shoulder arms and march out in
sections.--Passing near the British, we observed the greater part of
their troops to be Militia, having "_Canadian Militia_," stamped on
the buttons of their coats, which were _red_, and gave them the
appearance of regulars.--Of the red coats there were 29 platoons, with
12 men to each, (348) and about the same number without uniforms.--We
were marched into a field adjoining the fort, and stacked our arms--a
British guard was immediately placed over them.
The colors of the 4th regiment were next brought out by the Adjutant
and delivered into the hands of a British officer. On observing this
the soldiers could not suppress their tears. These colors were a
present to the regiment by some ladies in Boston, and had been borne
victoriously on the banks of the Wabash, and the shores of Erie, and
at last are obliged to be shamefully surrendered to Canadian Militia,
in consequence of the _cowardly_, (if not treacherous) conduct of
our General.
The absence of Cols. M'Arthur and Cass was greatly lamented--had they
been present, doubtless an engagement would have taken place; but some
how or other the plans of the Gen. seemed to be more wisely arranged
for a surrender than a manly defence.
There were surrendered with the fort, 29 pieces of cannon, 2500 stands
of arms and a considerable quantity of military stores and provisions.
At 2 o'clock we were sent on board a schooner, (the same we had taken
possession of while at Sandwich) where wounded and sick men, women and
children were stowed away without discrimination. We received no
provisions from the British for two days; but fortunately some of the
men had brought a small quantity on board with them, which was shared
among us while it lasted.
Aug. 18.--We were transferred to another schooner and sent to Malden,
where we met with our former comrades who were taken prisoners on the
2nd July, confined on board an old vessel in the river. They said they
had been well treated by the British, but were frequently insulted by
the Indians who passed along the shore. Sergt. Jennison has favored
the author with the following minutes of the conduct of the Indians
while he remained a prisoner at Malden:
"On the 18th July we were informed that an engagement took place at
the river aux Canard between our troops and the British, and that
the former were driven back. A British soldier was killed in the
action, and buried near the river; the Indians afterwards dug up the
body, (supposing him to be an American) and took off the scalp.
Towards evening they came into the town with the scalp fixed to a
pole, which they shook at us, saying "one yankee gone home.""
July 19.--A number of Indians came in from a skirmish with our troops,
having one of their number badly wounded; when they came opposite to
us, they suddenly halted and pointed their rifles towards us as we
were walking the deck, in order to frighten us, as we supposed; but
not taking any particular notice of them, they discharged several
pieces at us; some of their shot came very close, but they did no
injury.
July 21.--The Indians received new blankets and guns from the King's
store. An American prisoner was brought to the fort by the name of
Burns--he was shot through the thigh, and had been awfully beat by the
squaws: an officer found means to purchase him, and thereby saved his
life.
Aug. 4.--The Indians at Brownstown agreed in council to take up the
tomahawk against the Americans, and a number of boats passed across
the river to assist them over with their effects.--Gen. Brock soon
after arrived with troops from York. Nothing more of consequence took
place here until the arrival of our troops from Detroit.
On our arrival at Malden we were put on board of different vessels in
the river: The private property taken in the schooner the 2d of July
was restored to its right owners.
Aug. 19.--The regular troops were put on board the Queen Charlotte and
another small vessel in the river. Provisions were dealt out to us,
consisting of pork and flour; but we had no convenience allowed us to
cook it, and were obliged to eat our pork raw. The flour, we contrived
to mix into small cakes, and when the greasy cook to the vessel saw
fit to grant us permission, we threw them into his kettle, where they
were boiled.
The Militia prisoners departed in two vessels for Cleveland where they
were to receive their paroles.
Aug. 20.--We set sail from Malden for fort Erie in the Queen Charlotte
and a schooner.--Our situation on board the schooner was truly
deplorable: being 150 of us in number, there was hardly room
sufficient for us to stand together in the hold. Only a few were
allowed to remain on deck at a time, and at night all were turned
below, where we were obliged to huddle together and each one rest the
best way he could. The hold became so foul before morning that the men
would gather at the hatchway, greatly distressed for fresh air.
After a passage of three days we arrived at Fort Erie, half famished
with hunger; although we had a plenty of provisions on board such as
it was;--raw pork and dough may answer two or three meals for a
_soldier_, but a continuance of such food would starve even him.
Aug. 23d.--We were landed, and informed that an armistice had been
concluded between the two governments.--We tarried here but a short
time--drew provisions for the day, and at ten o'clock we were formed,
and under a guard proceeded on our march for Fort George. As we passed
Black Rock, the American fort on the opposite shore, we beheld many of
our country soldiers viewing us from the ramparts. At sunset we
arrived at Chippewa and were confined in a large building where we
remained for that night. Two or three of our men escaped from the
British and crossed the river to the American side on a gate which
they had taken from the fence near the building where we were
confined.
Aug. 24.--A quantity of cooked provision was dealt out to us; and at 8
o'clock we again commenced our march; passed through Queenstown, and
arrived at Fort George, about two o'clock, P.M.--We were paraded and
a strict examination made for British deserters; but none were found
among us.
One of our men by the name of Barker, an American by birth, had been
previously claimed, and was taken from us as a British deserter--he
had been in the British service at Quebec several years before, and
from which he deserted, and enlisted at Fort Independence in Boston,
in 1809.
Aug. 27.--We embarked on board two gun brigs, the Royal George and
Prince Regent, and in two days arrived at Kingston, where we were well
treated and had plenty of provisions allowed us. One of our men was
prevailed upon to enter the British service, on board the Royal
George.
Aug. 28.--Two hundred British troops arrived from Montreal in
Batteaux; and at the same time we received orders to be in readiness
to embark the next morning and proceed on our passage.
A Corporal and Musician of Captain Brown's Company made their escape
by swimming to a small island a short distance from where we were
confined.
Sept. 1.--We drew provisions for 4 days, and embarked on board the
batteaux, and ordered to Montreal. A strong guard of soldiers, in
boats carrying a small swivel in the bow, loaded with grape shot,
escorted us on our passage;--we were compelled to row ourselves in the
boats, which much fatigued us in our weakly situation; but complaints
were of no other consequence here than an addition of abuse: he who
complained least fared best.--Each night the boats were brought
ashore, and a guard lined the beach to prevent us from leaving them.
We were not allowed to go three rods from the boats, and if in that
compass we could procure fuel sufficient to cook our provision, it was
well, otherwise our next day's fare must be on raw pork, as usual. At
dark we were all driven to the boats, where we remained till morning,
in a very uncomfortable situation, there being from twelve to fifteen
men in each it was impossible to lay in any convenient position for
resting or sleep.
Sept. 7.--We arrived at a small village, seventeen miles from
Montreal--crowds of people had collected at this place, to have a peep
as they said, at Gen. Hull's "_exterminating yankees_,"--Our guard was
strengthened by a fine looking company of volunteers, and about three
o'clock we were paraded in sections, and commenced our march for the
city, where we arrived about 8 o'clock in the evening. The streets
through which we passed, and the houses were filled with spectators,
holding lights from their windows. A band of music joined the escort,
and struck up our much admired ditty, "_yankee doodle_," in which they
were joined by all of us who could whistle the tune; and like merry
yankee soldiers we jogged on, and when they ceased to play, yankee
doodle was loudly called for by the regiment. At last somewhat
mortified at our conduct, they began "Rule Britannia," which was
cheered by the multitude; but we still continued our favorite song,
some singing and others whistling till we reached the barracks.
Sept. 7.--Many people crowded about the barrack yard, but none were
permitted to converse with us. In the afternoon we were paraded by
companies, and a list descriptive of each individual of the regiment
was taken by the British officers.
Sept. 8.--We embarked on board of boats to descend the river to
Quebec--we arrived very late at the mouth of the river Sorel, and were
immediately landed; passing two lines of soldiers with charged
bayonets, to a large stone house, and were shut close during the
night. Notwithstanding our repeated calls for water not a drop would
they allow us; neither would they permit us to pass out in any case
whatever. At sunrise we were turned out and ordered to the boats, and
were permitted to cook our breakfasts on the shore, provided we could
find fuel near us, for they would allow us none but what we could pick
up about the boats. It is somewhat singular that our officers, (many
of whom were with us) could be so regardless of our situation. Had
they manifested the same spirit for the welfare of their men in
_captivity_, that they did in _active service_, we should never have
been so shamefully abused. Sergeant Tracy of the late Capt. Baen's
company, was the only man among us who had spirit enough to speak
_openly_ to the British officers of our treatment in this case--they
said that our being _closely confined_ was without the orders of the
commanding officer; and the officer who commanded the guard had been
severely reprimanded for his conduct--poor consolation enough for
_our_ sufferings.
Sept. 9.--We embarked and continued on our passage--four of our men
were missing.--At sunset we arrived at Cornwall--were landed, and
marched into the jail yard, which appeared by the filth about us, to
have been a rendezvous for all the hogs of the village. The gate was
closed upon us, and we spread our blankets upon the ground and lay
quietly until morning. We tarried here the following day, and no man
was permitted to leave the yard on any consideration whatever.
Sept. 11.--We proceeded on our passage, and about 4 o'clock, P.M.
arrived at a town called Three Rivers; here our guard was relieved by
a company of the Glengary regiment. In this company we recognized
several of the former soldiers of the 4th regiment, who had deserted
us on our march through Pennsylvania.
Sept. 13.--We arrived at Quebec; and were immediately put on board two
transport ships laying in the river; and here commenced the greatest
of our sufferings as prisoners of war. The weather was cool and we
were destitute of sufficient clothing; the provision which was dealt
out to us was fit for none but hogs. Each man received three sea
biscuit for his daily allowance, about the size of a saucer; these
were full of small worms, and we drew no better bread while we
continued on board. Beef and pork was given us once a week, in
quantities too small to satisfy our appetites. We also drew peas,
rice, and oatmeal, which after being boiled they called _Burgoo_,
or some such name;--it was bitter and not at all palatable even to
stomachs as hungry as ours. We complained, petitioned, and
remonstrated against such treatment; but no notice was taken of us
whatever. The healths of the men in a short time began to waste away,
and another vessel was prepared to receive the sick. The weather
becoming too cool for our comfort, we were supplied with blankets, and
in a short time afterwards we found ourselves covered with vermin,
which no doubt we received from these blankets, as they were old, and
had probably been used on board of other prison ships, previous to our
arrival. We formed a kind of police on board to keep ourselves as
clean and make our situation as comfortable as possible, and each of
the decks above and below was scraped and washed down once a day;--we
had no soap allowed us to wash our clothing, neither had we money to
buy a single article for our comfort; and even if we had, the
extravagant price demanded for all articles, would have taken nearly
the whole pay of a soldier for one year to supply him with necessaries
for a month.
Many of the men died here, and were buried back of the city. Our
situation became alarming, and a petition from the prisoners was drawn
up to be forwarded to the Commanding Officer at Quebec; but we
received the agreeable news that we were to be sent home on parole,
and of course it was withheld. Nothing could exceed the joy manifested
by the prisoners on the reception of this pleasing intelligence. Capt.
Baker, a few days previous arrived with money to pay off the men; but
only a few of the non-commissioned officers were paid, as it was
considered improper to give all the men their wages, in consequence of
the high price demanded for necessaries. Potatoes were sold on board
for half a dollar a peck, while they were selling in the city for half
a dollar per bushel; prices in the same proportion were set upon all
the articles we stood in need of.
Oct. 26.--Some of the non-commissioned officers were permitted to go
on shore and purchase necessaries for us on the passage; and had the
privilege of selling articles to the men, which was a great relief to
us, although _they_ also demanded an exorbitant price for their
goods;--taking advantage of the privilege given them to help their
suffering comrades, many of them had the niggardly meanness to turn it
into a speculating business;--however, there were a few nobler minded
ones, who did all in their power to alleviate our sufferings;--such
were sergeants Wright, Jennison, and Forbush, to whom many of the men
are indebted for their friendly assistance during our confinement.
Oct. 27.--The officers of the regiment who had been quartered in the
vicinity of Quebec arrived on board to take their passage with us to
Boston.
Oct. 29.--Early in the morning we set sail from Quebec in company with
another transport with prisoners, for Boston.
Nothing of consequence took place except the death of one or two of
our men, until we arrived in the Gulph of St. Lawrence, where we
experienced a severe gale of wind, which drove us on our course at an
amazing rate. During this gale our situation was truly distressing;
some were sea-sick, others were frightened, and all expected to be
lost. Late at night, _breakers_ was cried out by the hands on deck,
and those among us who could be of any service, sprang from their
births, and assisted the seamen to put about the ship.
Nov. 14.--We had cleared the Grand Banks, and were far out at sea,
with very boisterous weather; many of the men had died and were cast
overboard. The weather was so foul and cloudy that no observation
could be taken, and the Captain of the vessel had been unwell during
the whole passage, and it was deemed necessary to make the nearest
port. We steered a N.W. direction, and on the 20th Nov. we discovered
land directly ahead, and made all sail for it.
About 12 o'clock we came up to the light house, and fired a signal gun
for a pilot--a man came off, and informed us where we were, (our
Captain being totally ignorant)--it proved to be Shelburne on the east
side of the bay of Fundy. The inhabitants came off in boats with
produce and fish, which they sold at a fair price. We tarried here the
day following our arrival, and a month's wages were paid to each man
to purchase themselves necessaries. In the passage to this place, we
had consigned the bodies of fifteen of our comrades to a watery tomb,
and two others died here, and were interred on the beach.
Nov. 24.--A pilot was taken on board, and we again set sail with a
fine breeze, and arrived at Boston the 28th Nov. 1812.
The other transport which sailed from Quebec in company with us,
arrived two days previous;--they had lost ten men, who died on the
passage; and in our passage we had thrown over thirty in the whole
number. The reader can form his own opinion from this one circumstance
of the severe treatment we had experienced in our captivity.
On our arrival at Boston, we had the good fortune to meet with our
late Colonel, then Gen. Boyd, who commanded at that place. As soon as
this benevolent officer was informed of the arrival and distressing
situation of his late regiment, he had the best quarters provided for
our reception at Charlestown, and provisions sent to us in abundance.
There were only two hundred of us now remaining of the regiment. We
tarried here until the 1st. of January, 1813, when each man received
his pay, clothing and furlough from Gen. Boyd, to return to their
homes.
Thus ends the Journal of the march of the 4th regiment of U.S.
Infantry. Perhaps no other regiment in any two campaigns since the
revolutionary war, have experienced greater hardships, performed more
toilsome marches, or fought better in the field of battle. For this we
have received our clothing, pay and rations, and the _thanks_ of our
government.
List of killed and wounded of the 4th Regiment U.S. Infantry, in
the battle of Tippecanoe.
Late Capt. _Whitney's_ Riflemen.
Under the command of Lieut. Abraham Hawkins.
Killed--Ira Trowbridge. Wounded--Ensign Buchested; Sergeant Reuben
Newton; Sergeant Aaron W. Forbush; Adam Walker; Ebenezer T.
Andrews; Wm. Brigham; Samuel Briggs; Eph. Hall; Edward R. Tuck;
Israel Newhall; Samuel Thing.--Total 12.
Capt. _Paul Wentworth's_ Company.
Commanded in the action by Lieut. George P. Peters.
Killed--Wm. H. King, private. Wounded--Lieut. George P. Peters;
Corporal S. Johnson; Curtis Phipps; Charles Wait; Wm. Layman;
Caleb Critchet; Jacob Kealer; Noah Furnald; Jos. Burditt, dead;
Stanton Smiley; Nathaniel Haynes; Isaac M. Nute, dead.--Total 13.
Capt. _W. C. Baen's_ Company.
Wounded--Capt. W. C. Baen, dead; Dexter Earl, dead; Sylvester
Dean; John Donnahue; Timo. Foster; John D. Jones; Daniel Rodman;
John Mahannon; Fra's Nelson; Isaac Rathbone--.Total 10.
Capt._ Snelling's_ Company.
Killed--Joseph Tibbetts. Wounded--Ithiel Hathway,--Goodenough.
--Total 3.
The late Capt. _Welch's_ Company.
Killed--Corporal James Mitchell; Corporal David L. Thompson; Levi
Cary private--Wounded--Lieut. Geo. Gooding; Sergeant Montgomery
Orr, dead; Corporal John Rice; Jona Crowell, dead; Daniel Gilman,
dead; Stephen Pettis; Wm. Pomroy; Lucius Sallis; Jas. Stevenson,
dead; Samuel Tibbetts, dangerous.--Total 10.
Capt. _Barton's_ Company.
Wounded--Daniel Kearness, dead; Lewis Taylor, dead; Lemuel E.
Welch, dead; John Clark; Robert Douglas; Wm. Foster; Souther; Wm.
Turner.--Total 8.
Capt. _George W. Prescott's_ Company.
Wounded--John Sandborn, dead.
Capt. _R. B. Brown's_ Company.
Wounded--John Yeomans, dead; Bliss Lovell, dangerous. Augustus
Bradford.--Total 3.
Capt. _Cook's_ Company.
Wounded--Sergeant Henry Munn; Nathan Snow, dead; Amos Rice, dead;
Daniel Lee, dead; Dennison Crumby, dead; Robert Thompson; Charles
Coger, dangerous; Wm. M. Saunders; Daniel Rogers.--Total 9.
Lt. _Albright's_ detached 1st. and 7th regiment.
Killed--Isaac Butler. Wounded--Sergeant Walcott Babbit; Sergeant
Nathan Fairbank; Samuel Potter, badly; Lewis Margum; Elisha
Nappe.--Total 6.
Killed--1 Capt., 2 Corporals, 19 privates. Wounded--3
Subalterns--6 Sergeants--2 Corporals--1 Musician--44 Privates.
Whole number, killed and wounded of the army--188.