Recalling this remark of Tolstoy, on this Christmas morn, suggests

the question: How many Christmas days will yet have to come and go

before its gospel of peace and good-will will govern the hearts of

all who call themselves Christians as it governed that of the Russian

peasant-saint.

Lessening of church

power shown by

failure of Tolstoy's

excommunication.

And vividly I recalled his remarks on the shorn power of the church,

when, six years later, the papers brought the news that Tolstoy had

been excommunicated by the Russian church. I could picture to myself

the expression of sorrow or disgust on his face when that church decree

was conveyed to him. Its ecclesiastical wrath, could have meant only

hollow sounds to him. None knew better than he that the metropolitans

who issued this excommunication merely grasped at a shadow, that

the substance was gone, that that age was happily passed when the

pronouncement of the ecclesiastical _anathema_ deprived its victim

of all association with friend or foe, deprived him of intercourse

even with the closest members of his family, prevented them, under

the penalty of like punishment, from providing him even with food,

shelter and raiment. When during his flight from home, shortly before

his death, he knocked at the doors of a monastery, and said "I am

the excommunicated and anathematized Leo Tolstoy," the reply was "It

is a duty and a pleasure to offer you shelter." The life of Tolstoy

passed on as serenely, in the midst of his family and friends, after

his excommunication as before. And the world's esteem of him grew even

greater than it had been, by reason of the charges upon which the

excommunication was based, namely:

"In his writings on religious questions he clearly shows himself

an enemy of the Russian Orthodox Church. He does not recognize God

in three persons (or three persons in one God), and he calls the

Son of God, the second person of the Trinity, a mortal human being.

He scoffs at the idea of Incarnation. He perverts the text of the

Gospel. He censures the Holy Church and calls it a human institution.

He denies the Church Hierarchy and ridicules the Holy Sacraments and

the rites of the Holy Orthodox Church. Therefore, the Holy Synod

has decreed that no priest is to absolve Count Tolstoy, or give

him communion. Nor is he to be given burial ground, unless, before

departing this life he shall repent, acknowledge the Orthodox Church,

believe in it, and return to it."

Died unreconciled

with church.

He never recanted. He never changed his attitude towards the errors

and wrongs of the Russian orthodox church. And no one who ever stood

and talked with him, face to face, could ever have believed that

that modern Prometheus, that stern and fearless personality, that

re-incarnation of Mattathias of old, and of his valiant sons, the

Maccabees, could ever swerve from a position once taken by him.

When upon his death-bed, he was frequently importuned to return as

a penitent to the mother-church; he spurned every mention of it. He

was still in the possession of his senses, he said, he still knew

and believed that twice two equals four, and as long as he knew and

believed this so long would he continue to know and to believe that

what he had said and written concerning the errors and wrongs of the

church was the truth.

Never a truer

follower of Jesus

than he.

It is noteworthy, and quite in keeping with the general tenor of the

Russian orthodox church, that no cognizance was taken by the church

of the many noble things Tolstoy had said and written and done; no

cognizance of the self-sacrificing efforts he had made to live the

life which Jesus had lived and had enjoined upon his followers; no

cognizance of his having conscientiously endeavored to square his life

with the teachings of the _Sermon on the Mount_; no cognizance of his

having brought light to those in darkness and comfort to those in

sorrow, of his having consorted and labored with the poor and lightened

their burden, of his having thirsted and hungered after righteousness,

of his having sought peace and protested against war, and preached the

gospel of the wrongfulness of all physical resistance, of his having,

though of the oldest nobility, spurned luxury and ease and even money,

having regarded these the source of corruption and the root of many of

the evils in society.

Yet refused Christian

burial.

Such a person, and one even but half as good as this, should have been

entitled to sepulture in the most sacred of Christian cemeteries, and

the most eminent of priests should have deemed it a privilege to have

been permitted to perform the last rites over his mortal remains. So

would it have happened among rational people, but so could it not have

happened in Russia. There, because he could not subscribe to doctrines

and rites and ceremonies for which he found neither scriptural nor

rational warrant, priests felt themselves disgraced, and in danger of

eternal damnation, even when their names were associated with that of

Tolstoy.

Priest objected

to his name being

associated with

Tolstoy's.

A striking illustration of this was given, seven years ago, at the

university of Dorpat, at the occasion of the celebration of its

hundredth anniversary. In commemoration of that event the institution

elected as honorary members of the corporation a number of Russians

distinguished in literature, science and art, one of these was Tolstoy,

another was Ivan, the miracle-working priest of Cronstadt, elected to

allay the church's indignation at the choice of Tolstoy. Ivan, the

priest, refused the honor, and in the following letter to the Rector of

the University:

"YOUR EXCELLENCY--I have read your estimable and respectful letter

to me, which is so full of subtle delicacy--I decline absolutely

the honor of the membership to which I have been elected. I do not

wish to become connected, in any way, with a corporation--however

respectable and learned--which, by some lamentable misunderstanding,

has put me side by side with that atheist Leo Tolstoy--the most

malignant heretic of our unfortunate age--who, in presumption and

arrogance, surpasses all previous heretics of any age. I do not wish

to stand beside Antichrist. I am surprised furthermore, to see with

what indifference the University Council regards that satanic author,

and with what slavishness it burns incense to him."

IVAN SERGEIEF, _Prior and Archpriest of the Cronstadt Cathedral_.

This letter tells of the attitude of the church towards Tolstoy better

than any words of mine can tell. And this same Ivan, it is said,

approved of the massacre of the petitioners of St. Petersburg on that

memorable White Sunday, and when petitioned to protect the Jews against

threatening massacres, treated the appeal with silent contempt.

Government hatred

back of that of the

church.

It is to be remembered, however, that over and back of the Church of

Russia stands the government. The Czar is the head of the church. Whom

the government favors the church favors; whom the government hates, the

church hates. The church hated Tolstoy because the government hated

him, and why it hated him we shall be told in the next discourse of

this series.

My Visit to Tolstoy.

(_Continued._)

A DISCOURSE, AT TEMPLE KENESETH ISRAEL,

BY

RABBI JOSEPH KRAUSKOPF, D. D.

Philadelphia, January 1st, 1911.

Government used

church for

discrediting Tolstoy.

Speaking in our last discourse of the church's excommunication of

Tolstoy, and of its refusing a resting place to his remains in what she

calls "consecrated ground," we said that the Czar is the spiritual as

well as the temporal head of the Church of Russia, and that the hated

of the church is yet more the hated of the government. This statement

explains what otherwise is difficult to understand, namely, how so good

a man as Tolstoy, who, for more than two score years, strove to square

his life with the teachings of the _Sermon on the Mount_, could have

incurred the hatred of the Russian orthodox Church. The government

had far more reason to hate Tolstoy than had the church. Finding it

impolitic to proceed directly against him, it availed itself of the

church for discrediting Tolstoy in the eyes of the credulous populace.

Before giving reason

why.

Before entering upon a discussion as to why the government feared

Tolstoy, we must first have a glimpse of his earlier years, and

briefly follow his heroic self-extrication from the corruption of the

aristocratic society into which he was born, and his gradual rise to

the exalted station of greatest reformer in the history of Russia.

Must hear story of

his life.

He was born eighty-two years ago of an ancient noble family. His

childhood years were spent in the midst of the gay military life of

Moscow. Yet more gay and more corrupt was the society that surrounded

him during his university life. Experiencing a revulsion of feeling

against the kind of life he was leading, he fled from the university

before graduation, returned to his family estate at Yasnaya Polyana and

took up the life of a farmer.

This impetuous flight, and a later one of which we shall hear

presently, may throw some light upon his last flight, a few weeks ago,

which came to a pathetic end, and of which we shall speak in our next

discourse.

His early glory and

shame.

Five years long he lived the life of a peasant, when a call to arms

landed him on the battlefields of the Crimea, where he soon won

distinction for heroic service. But the dissoluteness of campaign-life

soon disclosed that the Tartar in him was not yet dead. He returned

to the debaucheries of his former years, and, according to his own

confession, with all the greater zest, because of the double glory that

had come to him, that of a distinguished soldier and of a brilliant

author. He had taken to story-writing, and displayed in it a talent

that made success instantaneous. He became the lion of his day, and

was courted by high and low. And the greater his glory the more

unrestrained grew his libertinism.[1]

[1] See his book "_My Confession_."

His reform.

But there were lucid intervals, now and then, during which he held up

to himself the lofty ideals of his former peasant life, and bitterly

he denounced himself, and even portrayed himself unsparingly in the

character-sketches of some of his novels. His better self acquired

mastery at last; he threw off the yoke that had held him fast to the

corrupt society of his day, and for the second time he fled to his

estate.

He himself told of the circumstance that led to that flight. He had

attended a ball at the home of a prominent nobleman, and passed the

night in dancing and feasting, leaving his peasant-coachman waiting for

him outside, in an open sleigh, in a bitter cold night. When at four in

the morning he wished to return home, he found the coachman seemingly

frozen dead, and it required several hours of strenuous effort to

restore him to consciousness and to save his life. "Why," he asked

himself, "should I, a rich, young aristocrat, who has done nothing for

society, spend the night amid warmth and luxuries and feastings, while

this peasant who represents the class that has built our cities, given

us our food and clothing and other necessities, be kept outside to

freeze?" He resolved, then and there, to dedicate the remainder of his

life to the righting of this and other wrongs. And he kept his promise.

How strong an impression this incident made upon him may be gathered

from an indirect allusion to it, in his novel "_Master and Man_,"

published some two score years later.

Consecrates life to

peasant.

It was discouraging work at first. The people whom he desired to

benefit had no faith in him. They could not conceive of an aristocrat,

to whom the serfs had been no more than worms to be trod upon, becoming

suddenly interested in their welfare. There were long spells of utter

disheartenment. A number of times he found himself at the brink of

suicide. He sought relief and diversion in travel, but returned more

convinced than ever of the corruptions and evils of society, of the

tyranny of the classes and of the sufferings of the masses.

Marriage opened at last a new vista of life to him. Aided and

stimulated by his cultured and companionable wife he entered upon his

reform work by directing a powerful search-light on the goings-on among

the high and the low, in a series of novels that secured for him at

once rank among the greatest novelists of his age.

Aided by his writings.

In the second discourse of this series, I spoke of his having

deprecated his novels, and of his having expressed his preference for

his ethical and religious and sociological and economical and political

writings. I ventured to say to him that but for his novels he would

have gotten but comparatively few people to look into his other

writings, that his fiction had secured a world-wide audience, that they

contained many of the teachings of his other books, and that the public

swallows a moral pill easiest when offered in the form of a novel. To

which he replied "Most readers swallow the sugar-coating and leave the

pill untouched, or, if they swallow it, it remains unassimilated."

His novels criticized.

And he was right. I have heard much criticism of Tolstoy's novels.

Some find him too realistic, too plain spoken, even coarse. A certain

magazine that had begun publishing his "_Resurrection_" was obliged to

discontinue the story, because of complaints by many of its readers. It

was a sad commentary, not on the morals of the writer but on the lack

of morals, or on the false modesty, of the readers, for that novel has

been declared by eminent critics to be "the greatest and most moral

novel ever written." Others again value his realism for whatever spice

they might find therein, little heeding the serious purpose for which

the story was written.

Few know meaning of

novel in Russia.

At best, few people understand the meaning of a novel in such a

country as Russia, where free press, free pulpit, free platform and

free speech are unknown, where the novelist attempts to do the work of

all of these, under the guise of fiction, the only form of literature

that has a chance to pass the eye of the censor. Whole systems of

political and social and moral reform are crowded between the covers

of a novel, which, if published in any other form of literature, would

condemn the author to life-long imprisonment in the Siberian mines. The

novelist in Russia does not look upon himself as an entertainer nor as

a money-maker, neither is he looked upon as such. He is the prophet,

the leader, the teacher, the tribune of the people, the liberator--the

emancipation of the Russian serfs, for instance, was entirely due to

the novel. He has serious work to do, and he does it seriously. His

eye is not upon rhetoric nor upon aesthetics, but upon the evil he has

to uproot, on the corruption he has to expose, on the reform he has to

institute, on the philosophy of life he has to unfold, and to do that

means the production of a novel like "_Anna Karénina_" or of a play

like "_The Power of Darkness_." He speaks not to English or American

puritans, but to Russians, whose receptivity of strong, plain speech is

healthier than ours.

Spoke as a prophet

and reformer.

Such a novelist was Tolstoy. His fiction is as powerful as is the art

of the Pre-Raphaelites. It is all sincerity. Nothing escapes him. What

the X-Ray does in the physical world that his penetrating eye does

in the field of morals. He sees the sin through a thousand layers of

pretense and hypocrisy, and he describes it as he sees it. Disagreeable

as are some of the subjects of which he treats, there is not a line

that may not be read without a blush by the pure-minded. Like a

surgeon, who cuts into the sore for the purpose of letting out the

poison, he lays bare the wrongs and rottenness of church and government

for the purpose of affecting the needed cure. As a prophet he speaks

the language of prophets. As a reformer he tells the truth as reformers

tell it, unvarnished and ungarnished. He spares others as little as he

spared himself in his book "_My Confession_." He wants others to do as

he has done, to subject the lusts and appetites and greeds to the rule

of conscience, if the kingdom of God is ever to be established on earth.

Opposed by government.

Radical in his reform propositions from the first, he attracted

attention at once. The world was amazed at the daring of his thought

and at the plainness of his speech, and hailed him as a new prophet.

The government, however, looked upon him as a revolutionist, and gave

him clearly to understand that he would be silenced if he did not

change his views and style of writing. Instead of complying with its

wish, he became all the more daring in thought and all the plainer

in speech. The humblest peasant could understand as clearly as the

shrewdest diplomat what he was after. And it was not long before the

government was after him. The publication and sale of certain of his

books were prohibited. They were read all the more outside of Russia,

and by the thousands of copies within Russia. And the more they were

read the larger loomed his world-fame, till he became too large for

banishment or prison, for fortress or Siberian mine.

Challenged government

to do its worst.

With all the fiery zeal of an ancient Jewish prophet, he challenged the

government to do its worst, "to tighten the well-soaped noose about his

throat" as it tightened it about the throats of thousands of better men

than any that are in the service of the autocrat or of his hirelings,

the bureaucrats. Theirs was a government, he said, by might not by

right, by gallows and knout, not by law.

His political demands.

He demanded the abolition of the throne and of capital punishment,

the disbanding of the army, and the discontinuance of trial by

court-martial. He demanded liberty of speech and freedom of conscience.

He demanded the surrender to the people of lands and rights that

justly belonged to them, and scathingly he denounced those who wasted

in riotousness what had been painfully gotten together with the

heart's blood of the laboring-people. He denounced the government for

its cruelty toward the Jews, and charged it with having instigated

the massacres of them. He held the government responsible for every

misfortune that befell the country--war, famine, pestilence, intense

poverty, hopeless misery, appalling ignorance. In burning words he

charged the slaughter of tens of thousands of husbands and fathers and

sons, in the Japanese war, to the greed of the mighty. He depicted

the Duma as the laughing stock of the world, as composed of people

so stupid as not even to recognize what fools they were making of

themselves. In his "_Resurrection_" he held up to the view of the world

Russia's courts of law, and her iniquitous prison-system, the blocking

of justice, the shocking judicial indifference and laxities in cases

involving life-long sentences to penal servitude, the "lives that are

shed like water upon the ground" during the transport to Siberia, and

the crimes and rebellions that are systematically bred by such crying

injustice.

Little wonder that the government had no love for Tolstoy, and that

it suppressed publication after publication of his, and maintained a

special corps of censors and spies to watch him. Little wonder that it

prohibited demonstrations of sorrow at the announcement of his death,

and made use of the church as a cat's paw for holding him up as the

Anti-Christ, and arch-fiend, as the enemy of the Czar, Church and

people.[2]

[2] See his essay "_Church and State_."

His demands of the

people.

Plain and fearless as was his speech to the government it was yet more

so to the people. Not a wrong in society, public or private, which he

did not know, and which he did not castigate as only he knew how to

castigate. Louder and louder, as he grew older, he preached the Law of

God against the law of degenerate society. Art and science, commerce

and industry were to him as nothing in comparison with the Moral Law,

without which he saw no future for mankind.

His views respecting

marriage and society.

The sanctity of the marriage tie, the sobriety and industry of the

husband, the domesticity of the wife, were among the most constant of

his themes. He loathed the self-exhibiting society woman; in his eyes

she was no better than the street-woman. Great to him was the womanly

woman, greater the domestic wife, greatest of all the mother, and so

many more times greater the more times she was mother.[3]

[3] See his essays "_Man and Woman, Their Respective

Functions_;" and "_The Mother_," and his book "_What To Do?_"

His views respecting

labor and capital.

The sad lot of the poor and the riotous extravagances of the rich were

constantly recurrent subjects of discussion with him. "We speak of the

abolition of slavery," said he, "but we have abolished only the word,

the poor are enslaved as much as ever. We need a new emancipation,

the emancipation of the rich from the tyranny of their money, from

the thraldom of the false view of themselves and of society. With

what right do men speak of the abolition of slavery, when every time

they look into the mirror they see a slave-driver, when they live in

idleness, and fatten on the heart's blood of the down-trodden, when

they indulge their stomachs with the choicest of dainties, and wrap

their bodies in silks and broad cloths and furs, while those, whose

slavish toil provides these luxuries and comforts, have not enough food

to keep body and soul together, nor enough of raiment and shelter to

keep from freezing?"

In an article, published a few years ago in the _North American

Review_, Tolstoy spoke of a group of peasants standing aside to let

a picknicking party of rich folks drive by. One of the ladies' hats

"has cost more than the horse with which the peasant plows the field,"

and for the gentleman's riding stick has been paid a week's wages of

an underground workman. "Everywhere, two or three men in a thousand

live so that, doing nothing for themselves, they eat and drink in

one week what would have fed hundreds for a year; they wear garments

costing thousands of dollars; they live in palaces, where thousands of

workmen could have been housed; and they spend upon their caprices the

fruits of thousands and tens of thousands of working days. The others,

sleepless and unfed, labor beyond their strength, ruining their moral

and physical health for the benefit of these few chosen ones." It is

natural that the rich should not object to this arrangement, said

he, the surprising thing is that the poor take it so complacently.

"Why do all these men, strong in physical vigor, and in the habit of

labor--the enormous majority of humanity--why do they submit to and

obey a handful of feeble men, generally incapable of anything?" Tolstoy

finds the answer very simple. It is because the minority have money,

and the workingmen need the money to feed their families. Millions of

workingmen submit "because one man has usurped the factory, another

the land, and a third the taxes collected from the workmen." Were the

millions, who now slave for the rich, to get their food from the soil,

the rich, to keep alive, would be obliged to raise their own food,

and the double redemption would have begun. It is because the number

of workers who produce the prime necessities of life is diminishing

that the number of those who use luxuries is increasing. Under such

conditions, the health of society, wrote he, is as little possible as

is the health of that person, whose body is continually growing heavier

in weight, and his legs are continually growing thinner and weaker.

When the support vanishes the body must fall.[4]

[4] See also his book "_What To Do?_" and his essay "_The

Russian Revolution_."

His Remedy.

"My Visit to Tolstoy": Five Discourses · 第 2 / 3 段