The Emperor at Rome--The Florentines refuse to purchase Lucca, and
repent of it--Enterprises of the Florentines--Conspiracy of the Bardi
and the Frescobaldi--The conspiracy discovered and checked--Maffeo da
Marradi appeases the tumult--Lucca is purchased by the Florentines
and taken by the Pisans--The duke of Athens at Florence--The nobility
determine to make him prince of the city.
The emperor, being arrived at Rome, created an anti-pope, did many
things in opposition to the church, and attempted many others, but
without effect, so that at last he retired with disgrace, and went to
Pisa, where, either because they were not paid, or from disaffection,
about 800 German horse mutinied, and fortified themselves at Montechiaro
upon the Ceruglio; and when the emperor had left Pisa to go into
Lombardy, they took possession of Lucca and drove out Francesco
Castracani, whom he had left there. Designing to turn their conquest to
account, they offered it to the Florentines for 80,000 florins, which,
by the advice of Simone della Tosa, was refused. This resolution, if
they had remained in it, would have been of the greatest utility to
the Florentines; but as they shortly afterward changed their minds,
it became most pernicious; for although at the time they might have
obtained peaceful possession of her for a small sum and would not,
they afterward wished to have her and could not, even for a much larger
amount; which caused many and most hurtful changes to take place in
Florence. Lucca, being refused by the Florentines, was purchased by
Gherardino Spinoli, a Genoese, for 30,000 florins. And as men are often
less anxious to take what is in their power than desirous of that which
they cannot attain, as soon as the purchase of Gherardino became known,
and for how small a sum it had been bought, the people of Florence were
seized with an extreme desire to have it, blaming themselves and those
by whose advice they had been induced to reject the offer made to them.
And in order to obtain by force what they had refused to purchase, they
sent troops to plunder and overrun the country of the Lucchese.
About this time the emperor left Italy. The anti-pope, by means of the
Pisans, became a prisoner in France; and the Florentines from the death
of Castruccio, which occurred in 1328, remained in domestic peace till
1340, and gave their undivided attention to external affairs, while many
wars were carried on in Lombardy, occasioned by the coming of John king
of Bohemia, and in Tuscany, on account of Lucca. During this period
Florence was ornamented with many new buildings, and by the advice of
Giotto, the most distinguished painter of his time, they built the tower
of Santa Reparata. Besides this, the waters of the Arno having, in 1333,
risen twelve feet above their ordinary level, destroyed some of the
bridges and many buildings, all which were restored with great care and
expense.
In the year 1340, new sources of disagreement arose. The great had two
ways of increasing or preserving their power; the one, so to restrain
the emborsation of magistrates, that the lot always fell upon themselves
or their friends; the other, that having the election of the rectors,
they were always favorable to their party. This second mode they
considered of so great importance, that the ordinary rectors not being
sufficient for them, they on some occasions elected a third, and at
this time they had made an extraordinary appointment, under the title
of captain of the guard, of Jacopo Gabrielli of Agobbio, and endowed him
with unlimited authority over the citizens. This man, under the sanction
of those who governed, committed constant outrages; and among those whom
he injured were Piero de' Bardi and Bardo Frescobaldi. These being of
the nobility, and naturally proud, could not endure that a stranger,
supported by a few powerful men, should without cause injure them with
impunity, and consequently entered into a conspiracy against him and
those by whom he was supported. They were joined by many noble families,
and some of the people, who were offended with the tyranny of those in
power. Their plan was, that each should bring into his house a number of
armed men, and on the morning after the day of All Saints, when almost
all would be in the temples praying for their dead, they should take
arms, kill the Capitano and those who were at the head of affairs, and
then, with a new Signory and new ordinances, reform the government.
But, as the more a dangerous business is considered, the less willingly
it is undertaken, it commonly happens, when there is any time allowed
between the determining upon a perilous enterprise and its execution,
that the conspiracy by one means or another becomes known. Andrea de'
Bardi was one of the conspirators, and upon reconsideration of the
matter, the fear of the punishment operated more powerfully upon him
than the desire of revenge, and he disclosed the affair to Jacopo
Alberti, his brother-in-law. Jacopo acquainted the Priors, and they
informed the government. And as the danger was near, All Saints' day
being just at hand, many citizens met together in the palace; and
thinking their peril increased by delay, they insisted that the Signory
should order the alarm to be rung, and called the people together in
arms. Taldo Valori was at this time Gonfalonier, and Francesco Salviati
one of the Signory, who, being relatives of the Bardi, were unwilling to
summon the people with the bell, alleging as a reason that it is by
no means well to assemble them in arms upon every slight occasion,
for power put into the hands of an unrestrained multitude was never
beneficial; that it is an easy matter to excite them to violence, but
a difficult thing to restrain them; and that, therefore, it would be
taking a more prudent course if they were to inquire into the truth of
the affair, and punish the delinquents by the civil authority, than to
attempt, upon a simple information, to correct it by such a tumultuous
means, and thus hazard the safety of the city. None would listen to
these remarks; the Signory were assailed with insolent behavior and
indecent expressions, and compelled to sound the alarm, upon which the
people presently assembled in arms. On the other hand, the Bardi and the
Frescobaldi, finding themselves discovered, that they might conquer
with glory or die without shame, armed themselves, in the hope that they
would be able to defend that part of the city beyond the river, where
their houses were situated; and they fortified the bridge in expectation
of assistance, which they expected from the nobles and their friends in
the country. Their design was frustrated by the people who, in common
with themselves, occupied this part of the city; for these took arms
in favor of the Signory, so that, seeing themselves thus circumstanced,
they abandoned the bridges, and betook themselves to the street in which
the Bardi resided, as being a stronger situation than any other; and
this they defended with great bravery.
Jacopo d'Agobbio, knowing the whole conspiracy was directed against
himself, in fear of death, terrified and vanquished, kept himself
surrounded with forces near the palace of the Signory; but the other
rectors, who were much less blamable, discovered greater courage, and
especially the podesta or provost, whose name was Maffeo da Marradi. He
presented himself among the combatants without any fear, and passing the
bridge of the Rubaconte amid the swords of the Bardi, made a sign that
he wished to speak to them. Upon this, their reverence for the man, his
noble demeanor, and the excellent qualities he was known to possess,
caused an immediate cessation of the combat, and induced them to listen
to him patiently. He very gravely, but without the use of any bitter or
aggravating expressions, blamed their conspiracy, showed the danger they
would incur if they still contended against the popular feeling, gave
them reason to hope their complaints would be heard and mercifully
considered, and promised that he himself would use his endeavors in
their behalf. He then returned to the Signory, and implored them to
spare the blood of the citizens, showing the impropriety of judging them
unheard, and at length induced them to consent that the Bardi and the
Frescobaldi, with their friends, should leave the city, and without
impediment be allowed to retire to their castles. Upon their departure
the people being again disarmed, the Signory proceeded against those
only of the Bardi and Frescobaldi families who had taken arms. To lessen
their power, they bought of the Bardi the castle of Mangona and that
of Vernia; and enacted a law which provided that no citizen should be
allowed to possess a castle or fortified place within twenty miles of
Florence.
After a few months, Stiatta Frescobaldi was beheaded, and many of his
family banished. Those who governed, not satisfied with having subdued
the Bardi and the Frescobaldi, as is most commonly the case, the more
authority they possessed the worse use they made of it and the more
insolent they became. As they had hitherto had one captain of the guard
who afflicted the city, they now appointed another for the country, with
unlimited authority, to the end that those whom they suspected might
abide neither within nor without. And they excited them to such
excesses against the whole of the nobility, that these were driven to
desperation, and ready to sell both themselves and the city to obtain
revenge. The occasion at length came, and they did not fail to use it.
The troubles of Tuscany and Lombardy had brought the city of Lucca under
the rule of Mastino della Scala, lord of Verona, who, though bound by
contract to assign her to the Florentines, had refused to do so; for,
being lord of Parma, he thought he should be able to retain her, and did
not trouble himself about his breach of faith. Upon this the Florentines
joined the Venetians, and with their assistance brought Mastino to
the brink of ruin. They did not, however, derive any benefit from
this beyond the slight satisfaction of having conquered him; for the
Venetians, like all who enter into league with less powerful states than
themselves, having acquired Trevigi and Vicenza, made peace with Mastino
without the least regard for the Florentines. Shortly after this, the
Visconti, lords of Milan, having taken Parma from Mastino, he found
himself unable to retain Lucca, and therefore determined to sell it. The
competitors for the purchase were the Florentines and the Pisans; and in
the course of the treaty the Pisans, finding that the Florentines, being
the richer people, were about to obtain it, had recourse to arms,
and, with the assistance of the Visconti, marched against Lucca. The
Florentines did not, on that account, withdraw from the purchase, but
having agreed upon the terms with Mastino, paid part of the money,
gave security for the remainder, and sent Naddo Rucellai, Giovanni
di Bernadino de' Medici, and Rosso di Ricciardo de' Ricci, to take
possession, who entered Lucca by force, and Mastino's people delivered
the city to them. Nevertheless, the Pisans continued the siege, and the
Florentines used their utmost endeavors to relieve her; but after a long
war, loss of money, and accumulation of disgrace, they were compelled to
retire, and the Pisans became lords of Lucca.
The loss of this city, as in like cases commonly happens, exasperated
the people of Florence against the members of the government; at every
street corner and public place they were openly censured, and the entire
misfortune was laid to the charge of their greediness and mismanagement.
At the beginning of the war, twenty citizens had been appointed to
undertake the direction of it, who appointed Malatesta da Rimini to
the command of the forces. He having exhibited little zeal and less
prudence, they requested assistance from Robert king of Naples, and he
sent them Walter duke of Athens, who, as Providence would have it,
to bring about the approaching evils, arrived at Florence just at the
moment when the undertaking against Lucca had entirely failed. Upon this
the Twenty, seeing the anger of the people, thought to inspire them with
fresh hopes by the appointment of a new leader, and thus remove, or at
least abate, the causes of calumny against themselves. As there was much
to be feared, and that the duke of Athens might have greater authority
to defend them, they first chose him for their coadjutor, and then
appointed him to the command of the army. The nobility, who were
discontented from the causes above mentioned, having many of them been
acquainted with Walter, when upon a former occasion he had governed
Florence for the duke of Calabria, thought they had now an opportunity,
though with the ruin of the city, of subduing their enemies; for there
was no means of prevailing against those who had oppressed them but of
submitting to the authority of a prince who, being acquainted with the
worth of one party and the insolence of the other, would restrain the
latter and reward the former. To this they added a hope of the benefits
they might derive from him when he had acquired the principality by
their means. They, therefore, took several occasions of being with him
secretly, and entreated he would take the command wholly upon himself,
offering him the utmost assistance in their power. To their influence
and entreaty were also added those of some families of the people; these
were the Peruzzi, Acciajuoli, Antellesi, and Buonaccorsi, who, being
overwhelmed with debts, and without means of their own, wished for those
of others to liquidate them, and, by the slavery of their country,
to deliver themselves from their servitude to their creditors. These
demonstrations excited the ambitious mind of the duke to greater desire
of dominion, and in order to gain himself the reputation of strict
equity and justice, and thus increase his favor with the plebeians, he
prosecuted those who had conducted the war against Lucca, condemned many
to pay fines, others to exile, and put to death Giovanni de' Medici,
Naddo Rucellai, and Guglielmo Altoviti.