We proceeded to the north end of the village, and reined up at the

entrance gate of "Chew's House," the most noted and attractive relic of

the Revolution now in Germantown. It stands back several rods from the

street, on the cast side, and is surrounded by noble trees and shrubbery

in profusion. The house is a spacious stone edifice with ample wings. In

various parts of the grounds were the mutilated remains of several fine

marble statues and vases, some standing, others lying upon the ground.

They are evidences of the refined taste of its distinguished owner,

Chief-justice Chew, * and at the same time melancholy mementoes of the

destructive character of war. These fine specimens of sculpture were all

perfect before the conflict known as the Battle of Germantown occurred;

they were battered, broken, and cast down by the cannon-balls hurled on

that occasion. We passed an hour with the venerable present owner of the

mansion, the widow of a son of Chief-justice Chew. She received us with

much courtesy, and seemed to take pleasure in leading us to various

parts of the grounds. The walls of the large room on the south are

covered with old paintings, chiefly family portraits, many of them by

eminent artists, and possessing much merit. Mrs. Chew showed me several

mementoes of the battle, among which are the scars seen at the head of

the great stair-case, which were made by the passage of a cannon-ball

through the house. In the stable we saw the old doors of the mansion,

completely riddled by musket-balls. Mrs. Chew informed us that the house

was so much injured, that four or five carpenters were employed a whole

winter in repairing it.

The battle of Germantown was fought on the morning of the 4th of

October, 1777. Defeated [[September 11, 1777]] on the banks of the

Brandywine, (a) Washington retreated, with his whole army, back to

Philadelphia, and encamped at Germantown. As soon as his

* Benjamin Chew was born in Maryland, November 20th, 1722. He studied

law first with Andrew Hamilton, and afterward in London. He went to

Philadelphia in 1754, where he held the respective offices of recorder

of the city, register of wills, attorney general, and finally beeame

chief justice of Pennsylvania. His course was doubtful when the

Revolution broke out, and he was claimed by both parties. After the

promulgation of the Declaration of Independence, he took a decided stand

against the Whigs, and retired to private life. In 1777 he refused to

sign a parole, and was sent a prisoner to Fredericksburg, Virginia. In

1790 he was appointed president of the High Court of Errors and Appeals,

and held that office until the abolition of the tribunal in 1806. He

died on the 20th of January, 1810, aged nearly eighty-eight years.

His father was the Honorable Samuel Chew, of Delaware, a member of the

society of Friends, who was a judge and a physician.

[[[Maneuvers of the two Armies on the Schuylkill.--The British Army at

Germantown.--Preparations to Attack it]]]

{315}soldiers were rested and refreshed, * he recrossed the Schuylkill,

and marched to [[September 16]] oppose the army of Howe, then pressing

on toward Philadelphia. The two armies met near the Warren Tavern, on

the Lancaster road, within twenty miles of the city. Washington made

preparations to attack the left wing of the enemy, and an engagement was

about to take place a little north of the Goshen meeting-house, when a

violent storm of rain came on suddenly, wet the powder of both parties,

and prevented a conflict.

[Illustration: 8325]

The storm continued all light, and before dawn the enemy left their

position, and moved down the road leading to Swedes Ford. Perceiving

this, Washington crossed the Schuylkill above them at Parker's Ford,

hoping to be able to confront them while on their passage of the river.

Howe did not cross, but wheeled and made a rapid march up the right bank

of the stream toward Reading. Supposing Howe's design to be either to

turn the right of his army, or to get possession of the American stores

deposited at Reading, Washington moved his forces up the river near to

Pottsgrove (now Pottstown), twenty miles above Norristown. Howe's march

seemed to have been a movement to deceive Washington; for, as soon as

the latter moved to Pottsgrove, the former wheeled his army, marched

rapidly down the river, crossed it at the Fatland Ford and vicinity (a

little above Norristown), and pushed forward to Philadelphia. ** (a)

That whole region of country, awed by the [[ a September 18, 1777]]

presence of the British army, was disaffected toward the American cause,

and Washington could obtain no reliable information of the enemy's

movements. With correct intelligence, he probably would have foiled Howe

by skillful maneuvers, and saved Philadelphia. ***

On first taking possession of Philadelphia, Howe stationed the

main division of his army at Germantown. Washington encamped near

Pennibecker's mill, between Perkiomy and Skippack Creeks, about twenty

miles from Philadelphia, where he remained until about the 1st of

October, undetermined what movement to make next, when his forces were

augmented by the arrival of troops from Peekskill on the Hudson, and a

body of American militia. Advised of the weakened state of Howe's army,

in consequence of his detaching a portion for the purpose of reducing

Billingsport, and Forts Mercer and Mifflin, on the Delaware, the

commander-in-ehief conceived a plan for attacking the main division at

Germantown. The British line of encampment there crossed the village at

right angles, at about the center, the left wing extending westward

from the town to the Schuylkill. It was covered in front by the German

chasseurs, some mounted, and some on foot. The right extended eastward

from the village, and was covered in front by the Queen's Rangers, a

light corps under Lieutenant-colonel Simcoe. The center was posted in

the town, and guarded by the fortieth regiment, and another battalion of

light infantry was stationed about three fourths of a mile in advance.

At a council of officers called by Washington, it was arranged that the

divisions of Sullivan and Wayne, flanked by Conway's brigade, were to

enter the town by the way of Chestnut Hill, while General Armstrong,

**** with the Pennsylvania militia, should fall down

* The condition of the American soldiers was, at that time, deplorable,

on account of a want of shoes. Washington, writing to the president of

Congress on the 23d of September, says, "At least one thousand men are

barefooted, and have performed the marches in that condition."

** It was at this time 'that Washington wrote to Gates and Putnam to

send on re-enforcements from the northern armies amid the Highlands. See

page 297.

*** On the approach of the British toward the Schuylkill, Congress, then

in session in Philadelphia, adjourned to Lancaster, where they assembled

on the 27th of September. They adjourned the same day to York, where

they met on the 30th, and continued their sittings there until the

British evacuated the city the following summer.

**** John Armstrong, a native of Pennsylvania, was a colonel in the

provincial forees of that state during the French and Indian wars. He

headed an expedition against the Indians at Kiltaning in 1756, which

destroyed that settlement, dispersed the savages, and took possession of

the stores which the French had sent there for the use of their native

allies. For this service the corporation of Philadelphia passed a vote

of thanks to Armstrong and his three hundred men, and presented him with

a medal and a piece of plate. He was appointed a brigadier general in

the Continental army in 1776, and did gallant service in defense of Fort

Moultrie, at Charleston, in the summer of that year. He was engaged in

the battles of Brandywine and Germantown in the autumn of 1777. Becoming

dissatisfied concerning some promotions in the army, he resigned

his commission at the close of 1777, and became a member of Congress

afterward. He died at Carlisle, March 9, 1795. He was the father of

Major John Armstrong, the author of the "Newburg Addresses," whose life

and character is noticed on page 106.

[[[Approach of the Americans to Germantown.--Attack on the British

Pickets.--Chew's House a Defense.]]]

{316}the Manatawny road by Van Deering's mill, and get upon the enemy

s left and rear. The divisions of Greene and Stephen, flanked by

M'Dougall's brigade, were to enter by making a circuit by way of the

Lime-kiln road, at the market-house, and to attack the enemy s right

wing; and the Maryland and Jersey militia, under Generals Smallwood and

Forman, were to march by the old York road and fall upon the rear of

their right. Lord Stirling, with the brigades of Nash and Maxwell, were

to form a reserve corps. *

After dark, on the evening of the 3d of October, Washington, with his

army, moved silently from his camp on Metuchen Hill, upon Skippack

Creek, toward Germantown. He accompanied the column of Sullivan and

Wayne in person. Small parties were sent out to secure every man who

might give the enemy notice of his approach, and every precaution was

taken to insure complete surprise.

[Illustration: 9326]

He tried to reach the British pickets at Chestnut Hill before daylight;

but the roughness of the roads over which his army marehed prevented,

and it was almost sunrise when he emerged from the woods on that

elevation. His approach had been discovered at early dawn by the British

patrols, who gave the alarm. The troops were soon called to arms, and

placed in battle order on Mount Airy, about a mile north of Chew's house

in Germantown. At seven o'clock Sullivan's advanced party, drawn chiefly

from Conway's brigade, and led by that officer, fell upon the

British pickets at Allen's house, at Mount Airy, where they had two

six-pounders, and drove them back to the main body near, which consisted

chiefly of the fortieth regiment and a battalion of light infantry.

Sullivan's main body now left the road, moved to the right through

the fields, formed in a lane leading from Allen's house toward the

Schuylkill, and joined in the attack with so much vigor and such

overwhelming numbers, that the enemy, after a sharp engagement of twenty

minutes, gave way, and fell back to the village, closely pursued by

the victors. Colonel Musgrave, who commanded the British center, thus

furiously attacked, threw himself, with five companies of the fortieth

regiment, into Judge Chew's large stone house, pictured on page

314, from which such a severe discharge of musketry was poured upon

Woodford's brigade, which was

* Sparks, v., 78.

[[[Scenes at Chew's House.--Remissness of the Militia.--Victory lost to

the Americans.]]]

{317}pursuing the flying enemy, that their progress was checked. The

fire of the small arms of the patriots upon this refuge was quite

ineffectual. General Reed, it is said, proposed to continue the pursuit

of the remainder of the enemy, who were then in great confusion, and

turning their faces toward Philadelphia; but General Knox, of the

artillery, opposed the suggestion, as being against all military rule

"to leave an enemy in a fort in the rear. "What!" exclaimed Reed, "call

this a fort, and lose the happy moment!" They sought for Conway to

decide the point, but he was not to be found. Knox's opinion prevailed,

and pursuit was abandoned.

A flag was now sent by a young man * to demand a formal and immediate

surrender. The bearer was slain by a bullet when within musket-shot

of the house. Cannons were now brought to bear upon the house by the

artillery regiment of Maxwell s brigade; but so strong were the walls

and so courageous were the inmates, that it was found impossible to

dislodge them. Attempts were made to set the house on fire, but without

success. ** Many of the Americans were killed in the assault, while

scarcely a man of the garrison was wounded. The attempt to dislodge

the enemy caused many of the American troops to halt, and brought back

Wayne's division, which had advanced far beyond the house. This totally

uncovered Sullivan's left flank, which was advancing toward the enemy's

left, and disconcerted all their plans.

While this attack on Chew's house was in progress, General Greene had

approached the enemy's right wing, and routed the battalion of light

infantry and the Queen's Rangers. Turning a little to the right, he fell

upon the left flank of the enemy's right wing, and endeavored to enter

the village, not doubting that the Pennsylvania militia under Armstrong,

upon the right, and the militia of Maryland and New Jersey on the left,

commanded by Smallwood and Forman, would execute the orders of the

commander-in-chief, by attacking and turning the first left and the

second right flank of the British army. Neither of these detachments

performed their duty. The former arrived in sight of the German

chasseurs, but did not attack them; while the latter appeared too late

for co-operation with Greene s movements. The golden opportunity was

at that moment lost. The whole British army, as it appeared afterward,

astonished at the valor of the assailants and ignorant of their numbers,

were on the point of retreating, and had selected Chester, near the

Brandywine, as the place of rendezvous; but General Grey, finding his

left flank secure, marched with nearly the whole of the left wing, which

was under the general command of Knyphausen, to the assistance of the

center, then hard pressed in the village, where the Americans

were gaining ground every moment. The battle now raged severely In

Germantown, and for a while the issue was doubtful. Colonel Matthews,

with a detachment of Greene's column, composed of a part of Muhlenberg's

and Scott's brigades from the left wing, advanced to the eastward of

Chew's house, assailed a party of English, took one hundred and ten

prisoners, and drove the remainder before him into the town, whither he

followed as far as the market-house. A thick fog, which began to form

at daylight, now completely enveloped every thing, and the contending

parties were unable to discover the movements of each other. Matthews,

with his prisoners, was soon stopped at a breast-work near Lucan's

mills. At the same time, the right wing of the enemy, after discovering

that they had nothing to fear from the Maryland and New Jersey militia,

fell back, and completely surrounded Matthews

* Lieutenant Smith, of Virginia, who was an assistant of Colonel Timothy

Pickering in the office of adjutant general.

** Mrs. Chew informed me that, several years after the war, and soon

after her marriage, while a young man named White was visiting her

father-in-law, the old gentleman, in relating incidents of the battle

in Germantown, mentioned the circumstance that a Major White, an aid of

General Sullivan, and one of the handsomest men in the Continental army,

attempted to fire the house for the purpose of driving out the British.

He ran under a window with a fire-brand, where shots from the building

could not touch him. He was discovered, and a British soldier, running

into the cellar, shot him dead from a basement window. The young man

was much affected by the recital, and said to Judge Chew, "That Captain

While, sir, was my father." Mrs. Chew pointed out to us the window, near

the northwest corner of the house, from which the shot was fired.

[[[Battle of Germantown.--The Americans, deceived, abandon the

Field.--Washington's Chagrin.--The Loss.]]]

{318}and his party. This division of the enemy was composed chiefly of

the fourth brigade, under General Agnew, and three battalions of the

third. The prisoners were rescued; and Matthews, after a desperate

defense, and when most of his officers and men were killed and wounded,

was compelled to surrender, with his little remnant of about one hundred

men. This event enabled two regiments from the enemy's right to march

to the relief of Musgrave in Chew's house. These regiments attacked and

repulsed a party of Americans who had just entered Germantown in flank.

The patriots, unable to discern the numbers of the enemy on account of

the intensity of the fog, retired precipitately, leaving a great many of

their friends dead and wounded, but taking their artillery with them.

General Grey, now having absolute possession of the village, hastened to

the aid of the right wing, which was engaged with the left of Greene's

column. Sullivan's division, with a regiment of North Carolinians,

commanded by Colonel Armstrong, and assisted by a part of Conway's

brigade, having driven the enemy to School-house Lane, in the center

of Germantown, found themselves unsupported by other troops, and their

ammunition exhausted. They could dimly perceive through the fog that the

enemy were collecting in force on the right. At that moment, hearing

the cry of a light horseman that the enemy had surrounded them, and

perceiving the firing at Chew's house, so far in the rear, the Americans

became panic-stricken, and retreated with great precipitation. * The

divisions under Greene and Stephen were the last that retreated, and

these were covered by Count Tulaski and his legion. The prize of victory

was abandoned at the moment when another effort might have secured it.

***

The battle of Germantown, which lasted two hours and forty minutes, was

a very severe one, and the loss on both sides was great, considering the

numbers engaged and the nature of the conflict. The amount of loss

has been variously computed; that of the Americans was estimated by

Washington, a fortnight after the battle, *** at about one thousand men

in killed, wounded, and missing. **** There were fewer killed on the

part of the British, the number probably not exceeding one hundred;

while their whole loss, according to Howe s official account of

the affair, was, in killed, wounded, and missing, five hundred and

thirty-five. (v) Among these were several valuable officers, the

most distinguished of whom were General James Agnew (vi) and

Lieutenant-colonel Bird. Their remains lie inhumed together,

* Sullivan's letter to Mesheek Weare, president of New Hampshire, in

the New York Historical Society; John Eager Howard's letter to Timothy

Pickering; Gordon; Boita; Ramsay; Marshall. The latter author was in

Woodford's brigade, and describes a portion of this battle from his own

observation.

** Washington said, in a letter to the president of Congress, written

on the 7th of October, three days after the battle, ''It is with much

chagrin and mortification I add, that every account confirms the opinion

I at first entertained, that our troops retreated at the instant when

victory was declaring herself in our favor. The tumult, disorder, and

even despair, which, it seems, had taken place in the British army, were

scarcely to be paralleled; and, it is said, so strongly did the idea of

a retreat prevail, that Chester was fixed on as a place of rendezvous.

I can discover no other cause for not improving this happy opportunity

than the extreme haziness of the weather." Writing, at the same time, to

Governor Trumbull of Connecticut, Washington said, "But the morning was

so excessively foggy, that we could not see the confusion the enemy were

in, and the advantage we had gained; and fearing to push too far through

a strong village, we retired, after an engagement of two hours, bringing

off all our artillery with us. We did not know until after the affair

was over how near we were to gaining a complete victory."

*** See letter to his brother, dated October 17th, 1777.

**** According to the report of the Board of War, the Americans lost

in killed, 25 Continental officers, commissioned and non-commissioned;

wounded, 102, and an equal number missing. The militia officers were 3

killed, 4 wounded, and 11 missing. Of rank and file Continentals,

109 were killed, and 378 wounded; militia, 7 killed, and 19 wounded;

artillery officers, 2 killed, and 11 wounded; and matrosses, 6 killed,

and 7 wounded. Total of killed, 152; of wounded, 521. Gordon says (ii.,

234), "Upward of 400 were made prisoners, among whom were 54 officers."

It may here be remarked that the missing men from the army were not

necessarily included in the list of the killed, wounded, or prisoners;

for many ol those were soldiers who took such opportunities to go home.

* (v) Gordon says that, when the British left Germantown, some torn

papers with figures on them were found upon a chimney hearth by the

Americans. On putting the pieces together, it was found that they

contained the returns of the number and rank of the British killed in

the battle. The total was about 800.

* (vi)The following account of the death of General Agnew I copied from

a manuscript letter of Alexander Andrew, a servant of that officer,

written to the wife of the general from Philadelphia, on the 8th of

March, 1778. I give it as an illustration of the character and duties

of a body-servant of a British officer at that time. This letter, and

several written by Agnew himself to his wife at various times, are

in the possession of his grandson, Henry A. Martin, M.D., of Roxbury,

Massachusetts. From one of these I copied the annexed signature of

General Agnew.

* "Philadelphia, 8th March, 1778.

* "Dear Madam,--Though an entire stranger to your ladyship, yet, as I

had the honor to wait on your beloved husband for a considerable time,

which induced me to take the liberty of writing unto you, which I look

upon as a duty of mine to you in memory of a good master, to whom I owe

many obligations, is and will be always ready and willing to serve any

of his if ever in my power. Dear madam. I came into the army in place

of a brother of mine, who was cunning enough to persuade me, young and

foolish enough, to go in his place. I joined the 44th in '72, then in

Kilkenny, from which time I fancied Colonel Agnew took notice of me, and

when the regiment embarked at Cork he took me to be his servant, with

whom I had the honor to live very comfortably and happy until the day of

his death. Being his principal servant, and the only one he ever would

have to wait on him both in public and private, at home and abroad, and

in all places wherever his person was exposed, I was there by his side,

and an eye-witness to all his sufferings in Boston, in Halifax, Staten

Island, Long Island, New York Island, on the expedition to Danberry, in

the Jerseys, Maryland, Pennsylvania, and in three pitched battles,

viz., 27th August, '76, the 11th of September, and 4th of October,

'77, besides a number of skirmishes. On the expedition to Danberry,

the general was knocked down by a ball, which left its mark for above a

month. At the battle of Brandywine, the general had the misfortune to be

grazed by a cannon-ball, but continued to head his brigade. It happened

to be the last engaged that night, and, though he was very much

indisposed, yet he commanded his gallant troops until they beat off and

remained masters of the field. During the action the general remained

at the head of the 64th, which regiment suffered more than any of

the brigade. The army then proceeded to that unfortunate place called

Germantown, the 4th of October being the particular and fatal day of

which your ladyship has cause to remember and I have much reason to

regret. But to let you know the particulars of that day. [Being between

the hours of 9 and 12, as the brigade was following the 3d in an oblique

advancing line, the general, with the piquet at their head, entered the

town, hurried down the street to the left, but had not rode above 20 or

30 yards, which was to the top of a little rising ground, when a party

of the enemy, about 100, rushed out from behind a house about 500 yards

in front, the general being then in the street, and even in front of the

piquet, and all alone, only me, he wheeled round, and, putting spurs to

his horse, and calling to me, he received a whole volley from the enemy.

The fatal ball entered the small of his back, near the back seam of his

coat, right side, and came out a little below his left breast. Another

ball went through and through his right hand. I, at the same instant,

received a slight wound in the side, but just got off time enough to

prevent his falling, who, with the assistance of two men, took him down,

carried him into a house, and laid him on a bed, sent for the doctor,

who was near. When he came he could only turn his eyes, and looked

steadfastly on me with seeming affection. The doctor and Major Leslie

just came in time enough to see him depart this life, which he did

without the least struggle or agony, but with great composure, and

calmness, and seeming satisfaction, which was about 10 or 15 minutes

after he received the ball, and I believe between 10 and 11 o'clock. I

then had his body brought to his former quarters, took his gold watch,

his purse, in which was four guineas and half a Johannes, which I

delivered to Major Leslie as soon as he came home. I then had him

genteelly laid out, and decently dressed with some of his clean and best

things; had a coffin made the best the place could produce. His corpse

was decently interred the next day in the church-yard, attended by a

minister and the officers of the 44th regiment.]

* "He during his life, in his good-humors, often told me that he would

do better for me than being in the army; but, having no certificate from

under his hand, I was ordered to join the regiment, which I am sure I

never would have done. With regard to his effects that were present

with him, were equally divided among all the servants, every thing being

delivered over by Major Leslie to Major Hope. Payne was cook, and came

to the general in Boston; but the other man. Seymour, was only part of

one campaign, though he received an equal proportion of every thing the

same as me. Agen, even a pickt up negro received equal with me, who bore

the burden and heat of the day, silver buckles excepted. Colonel Hope

gave me them extraordinary as a reward (said he) for your good and

faithful services to your master; and them I have, and am ready to part

with them, if your ladyship or Captain Robert chuse to send for them.

All the rest of the things which was in store has been all lately sold

by vandue, ye, even two great-coats made for me and Payne almost a year

ago, was sold, with several other things too tedious to mention, such as

remains of cloth, stockings, &c.

* "Dear madam, I beg you will excuse this liberty; and if your ladyship

please to send me a few lines after the receival of this, I will be

under a great obligation to you; and believe me to be, with sincerity

and due respect, madam, your most obedient and humble servant.

[[[Letter of General Agnew's Servant to the Lady of that Officer

concerning his Death.]]]

{319}in the south burying-ground at Germantown.

[Illustration: 9329]

Over their grave I saw a neat marble slab, erected to their memory by J.

F. Watson, Esq., the annalist. In the north burying-ground

[[[American Officers Killed.--Washington and his Officers

Honored.--General Stephen.--Whitemarsh.]]]

{320}the same gentleman has set up a stone over the graves of Captain

Turner, of North Carolina, Major Irvine, and six soldiers of the

American army, who were slain in the battle, and buried there together.

General Nash, of North Carolina, * and Majors Sherburne and White, **

the two aids of General Sullivan, were also among the slain.

Although the Americans were defeated, or rather retreated from almost

certain victory, no blame was attached to the commander-in-chief and the

general officers under his command. On the contrary, when Washington's

letter to Congress, describing the battle, was [[Octobers 8, 1777]]

read, that body passed a vote of thanks to him for his "wise and

well-concerted attack upon the enemy's army near Germantown," and to

"the officers and soldiers of the army for their brave exertions on that

occasion." *** A medal was also ordered to be struck and presented to

General Washington.**** It was never executed.

Lord Cornwallis sped to the succor of the British camp at Germantown as

soon as intelligence of the attack upon it reached General Howe. He took

with him a corps of cavalry and grenadiers; but when he arrived, the

Americans had left, and retired to their camp [[October, 1777]] Skippack

Creek. There Washington remained until the 29th, when a council of war

was held, (v) and the next day he removed, with the whole army under his

command, to the range of hills about three fourths of a mile northeast

from the village of Whitemarsh, where he intended to go into winter

quarters. Thither we also went on leaving Germantown at noon.

Whitemarsh is situated in a beautiful little valley north of Chestnut

Hill, about fourteen miles from Philadelphia, and six from Mount Airy,

the upper part of Germantown. The sun glowed warm and bright at midday,

and as we passed over Chestnut Hill it revealed many little hamlets in

every direction, half hidden behind variegated groves. Descending the

northern slope of Chestnut Hill, we passed through Whitemarsh village,

and, turning eastward, passed over a lower ridge, crossed a narrow

valley watered by the romantic Wissahicon, and skirting the base of

a range of gentle, cultivated hills, and arrived at the spacious stone

mansion, tottering with age and neglect, where Washington made his

headquarters. The house stands upon the edge of a wet meadow, at the

head of a fine valley, and was a sort of baronial hall in size and

character when Elmar, its wealthy owner at the time of the Revolution,

dispensed hospitality to all who came under its roof. It is sixty

* Francis Nash was a captain in North Carolina in 1771, where he

distinguished himself in the movements in the western part of the state

known as the Regulator War. At the commencement of the Revolution,

the convention of North Carolina commissioned him a colonel, and in

February, 1777, he was commissioned by Congress a brigadier in the

Continental arm. When the intelligence of his death at Germantown

reached that body, it was resolved to request Governor Caswell, of

North Carolina, "to erect a monument of the value of 500 dollars, at the

expense of the United States," in honor of his memory. That monument,

like many others, is yet to be erected.

** See note respecting his death at Chew's house upon page 317.

*** General Adam Stephen was an exception. He was accused of

"unofficer-like conduct" during the action and the retreat. He was found

guilty of being intoxicated, and was dismissed from the army. General

Stephen had been a meritorious Virginia officer in the colonial wars.

He was a captain in the Ohio expedition in 1754. Afterward raised to the

rank of lieutenant colonel, he was intrusted with the command of

Fort Cumberland. He was left in command of the Virginia forces while

Washington went to Boston on an official errand to Governor Shirley in

1755. He was afterward dispatched to South Carolina to oppose the Creek

Indians. On his return, he was placed at the head of troops for the

defense of the Virginia frontier, and was commissioned a brigadier.

Congress appointed him a major general early in 1777, and he behaved

well in the battle of Brandywine. Yielding to a bad habit, he fell into

disgrace at Germantown. On the 3d of December, 1777, the Marquis De La

Fayette was appointed to the command of General Stephen's division.

**** Journals of Congress, iii., 335.

* (v) General Washington reported to that council that the troops under

Sir William Howe at that time, who were stationed in Philadelphia and

its immediate vicinity, fit for duty, numbered ten thousand rank and

file; and that the force under his own command, and fit for duty, was

eight thousand three hundred and thirteen Continental troops, and two

thousand seven hundred militia. There were, in addition, seven hundred

and fifty Continental troops at Red Bank and Fort Mifflin, and a

detachment of three hundred militia on their way to re-enforce these

posts. A body of five hundred militia were likewise on the other side

of the Schuylkill. This was his whole force, and it was likely soon to

suffer a diminution of nearly two thousand by the expiration of the term

of service of Maryland and Virginia levies.

[[[Washington's Head quarters at Whitemarsh.--American

Encampment.--Skirmish at Whitemarsh.]]]

{321}feet long, twenty-five feet wide, and two stories high. Through the

center is a broad passage some fifteen feet wide. The old steps are of

fine soap-stone, neatly wrought, and in many particulars the building

exhibits marks of former elegance.

[Illustration: 9331]

In front, seen by the rough trees on the right, is the ruin of Elmar's

ancient spring-house; and just below it is a modern one, in which

bubbles up a large fountain of pure water. An old thatched barn near by

is said to be a cotemporary of the mansion in its earliest days. At the

western gable of the house is a high bean or catalpa tree, the trunk of

which measures fifteen feet in circumference. The present owner is Mr.

John Fitzwater. With a little care and trifling expense, that venerated

house might be preserved a century longer. Its roof was falling in when

I visited it, and in a few years its stones will doubtless occupy

mean places in the foundation of a more elegant modern mansion, or the

partition walls of cultivated fields.

The American encampment was upon the hills north of Elmar's mansion, its

right wing resting upon Wissahicon Creek, and its left upon Sandy Run.

Near Mather s mill the remains of one of the redoubts are still quite

prominent, and in various places in the vicinity may be seen vestiges of

the chimneys of numerous huts of log and stone erected by the Americans.

Here commenced those sufferings of the soldiers which became so intense

during the winter at Valley Forge. Their chief privation was a want of

shoes and other clothing. On the 22d of November, Washington, in general

orders, offered a reward often dollars to any person who should, by nine

o'clock on the morning following, produce the best substitute for shoes

made of raw hides. The commissary of hides was to furnish the materials,

and the major general of the day was to "judge of the essays, and assign

the reward to the best artist." I have seen no record of the result.

Raw-hide shoes were worn by a few soldiers on their march to Valley

Forge.

Several expeditions were suggested and planned, but a want of shoes

rendered a large portion of the army unfit for marching. A council of

war was called on the 25th of November, to consider the propriety of

making an attack upon Philadelphia while Cornwallis was absent in New

Jersey, whither he had gone to take possession of Red Bank and the

neighboring region. The decision of the council was a negative, and the

scheme was abandoned. Early in December, the enemy attempted to surprise

Washington in his camp, but success was denied them by the patriotic

service of Lydia Darrah of Philadelphia, noticed on page 301. The

British appeared upon Chestnut Hill, about three miles from Washington's

camp, at dawn on the morning of the 5th of December. As soon as their

position was discovered, the Pennsylvania militia were ordered out to

skirmish with their light advanced parties. Brigadier-general Irvine,

who led the detachment, was wounded and made prisoner. On the next day

(Friday) the enemy changed ground, and approached within a mile of

the American lines, where they remained until Sunday, when they moved

further to the left, and seemed to be preparing for a general attack.

Their advanced and flanking parties were warmly attacked by Colonel

Morgan and his rifle corps, and Colonel Gist with the Maryland militia.

The battle was quite severe. Twenty-seven men in Morgan's corps were

killed and wounded, besides Major Morris, a brave and gallant officer,

who was badly maimed. Sixteen or seventeen of the Maryland militia were

[[December, 1777]] wounded. * The loss of the enemy was considerable. On

Monday, the 8th, when

* The Reverend Zachariah Greene, now (1851) living at Hempstead, Long

Island, was wounded in this engagement, and carried to Washington's

quarters. Mr. Greene was the father-in-law of the late Mr. Thompson, the

historian of Long Island.

[[[Retreat of the British to Philadelphia.--Departure of the Americans

from Whitemarsh.--Barren Hill.]]]

{322}the movements of the British gave Washington every reason to

believe that an immediate attack was to be made, he was surprised to

perceive them, instead of advancing, commence a precipitate march, by

two routes, for Philadelphia.

[Illustration: 9332]

As their adjutant remarked to Mrs. Darrah, they had been on a fool's

errand and accomplished nothing. "I sincerely wish," wrote Washington to

the president of Congress, "that they had made an attack, as the issue,

in all probability, from the disposition of our troops and the strong

situation of our camp, would have been fortunate and happy. At the same

time, I must add, that reason, prudence, and every principle of policy,

forbade us from quitting our post to attack them." General Howe, in

his dispatches, said, "They were so strongly intrenched that it was

impossible to attack them." They had no other intrenchments than two

small redoubts, one on each hill near the head-quarters. Three days

afterward Washington broke up his encampment at Whitemarsh, and, in the

midst of a deep snow, marched to the Schuylkill, crossed it at Swedes'

Ford, and established his winter quarters at Valley Forge. Hundreds of

the soldiers made that dreary march of nineteen miles with bare feet,

and the pathway of the patriot army might have been traced all the

way by hundreds of foot-marks in the snow stained with blood. * Let us

follow them thither, and in the head-quarters of the chief, which stands

near the banks of the Schuylkill, sit down and ponder upon the wondrous

love of country which kept that suffering army together during the

winter and spring of 1778.

We left Whitemarsh at about two o'clock for the Schuylkill, passing, on

our way, over Barren Hill, the scene of a skillful military movement

by La Fayette, with a body of Americans, in May, 1778. Barren Hill is

a small village lying upon the western slope of a rough eminence,

about four miles west of Whitemarsh. From its summit a fine view of the

surrounding country may be obtained. There, on the right of the road

leading toward the Schuylkill from Chestnut Hill to Conshohocken

(Matson's Ford), is the old Lutheran church which La Fayette occupied as

quarters during his brief tarry on the hill. According to an inscription

upon a tablet in the western gable, its title is "St. Peter's," and

the time of erection 1761. By the road-side near the church is a

quaint-looking school-house, covered with stucco. The church, the

school-house, and two strong stone houses composed this settlement, then

in the wilderness, when La Fayette made it his point of observation, and

out-maneuvered General Grant. Within the old church-yard, sitting upon

a recumbent sand-stone slab, with half-effaced inscription, I made this

sketch; and here let us open the record and receive instruction from the

chronicler.

As this is the first time in the course of our journey that wc have met

La Fayette as commander-in-chief of an expedition, it is a proper

* Gordon says that, while at Washington's table, in 1784, the chief

informed him that bloody foot-prints were every where visible in the

course of their march. Such was the distress of the soldiers from want

of clothing, that Washington, as a last resort, authorized the proper

officers to take by force, for the use of the army, such articles of

clothing as the people refused to sell. It must be remembered that the

people generally, throughout that section of Pennsylvania, were opposed

to the patriots, and did every thing in their power to distress them.

[[[La Fayette.--His first Impulses favorable to the Americans.--His

Liberality.--Visit to England.]]]

{323}place to consider the circumstances attending his espousal of the

cause of freedom, and his connection with the American Continental army.

He was a young man, not yet nineteen years old, when our Declaration

of Independence went over the seas, and commanded the admiration of

thinkers in the Old World. La Fayette was of noble ancestry. He had

just married the Countess Anastasia de Noailles, daughter of the Duke

De Noailles, a lady of great personal beauty, immense fortune, and

brilliant accomplishments. * When the story of America's wrongs, and

of her holy struggle for the right, just begun, reached his ears, it

inflamed his young heart with the most passionate sympathy, and an

ardent desire to aid them with his purse and sword. ** He openly

espoused the cause of the patriots, and resolved to hasten to their

support. Not all the blandishments of rank and fortune, the endearments

of conjugal love, made doubly so by promise of offspring, nor the sad

tales of reverses to the American arms at the close of 1776, which every

vessel from our shores carried to Europe, could repress his zeal or

deter him from the execution of his noble purpose. He had just offered

his services to Silas Deane, one of the American commissioners at Paris,

*** when the news arrived that the remnant of the American army,

reduced to two thousand insurgents, as they were called, had fled toward

Philadelphia through the Jerseys, before an army of thirty thousand

British regulars. This news frustrated all the plans of Deane for the

moment, for it utterly destroyed the little credit which America then

had in Europe. Franklin arrived at this juncture, and was greatly

pleased with the young marquis and the disinterested zeal which he

exhibited, but honestly advised him to abandon his design until better

hope for success should appear. But this candid advice was of no avail.

The commissioners had not sufficient credit to command the means to fit

out a vessel for the purpose of conveying the marquis and his friends,

with arms, ammunition, and stores. La Fayette offered to purchase a ship

with his own funds. "Hitherto," he said, in the spirit of true heroism,

"I have only _cherished_ your cause; now I am going to _serve_ it.

The lower it is in the opinion of the people, the greater effect

my departure will have; and since you can not get a vessel, I shall

purchase and fit out one, to carry your dispatches to Congress and me

to America." **** He went over to London, and mingled freely with

the leading politicians there. He danced at the house of Lord George

Germaine, the minister for the affairs of America, and at the house

of Lord Rawdon, who had just returned from New York, paid his personal

respects to the king, and met, at the opera, General Clinton, whom he

was afterward to meet on the field of battle at Monmouth. (v) While

he concealed his intentions of going to America, he openly avowed his

sentiments; often defended the Americans; rejoiced at their success at

Trenton; and his opposition spirit obtained for him an invitation to

breakfast with Lord Shelburne. He refused invitations to visit sea-ports

where

* La Fayette himself had an independent revenue of 200,000 livres--about

$37,000.

** In the summer of 1776, La Fayette was stationed on military duty at

Mentz, being then, though only a little past eighteen years of age, an

officer in the French army. The Duke of Gloucester, brother to the King

of England, visited Mentz, and a dinner party was given to him by the

commandant of that place. La Fayette was at the table. The duke had

just received dispatches from England relating to the Declaration of

Independence, the resistance of the colonies, and the strong measures

adopted by the British ministry to crush the rebellion, and he made

their contents the topic for conversation. The details were new to La

Fayette, and he had a long conversation with the duke. The idea of a

people fighting for liberty had a strong influence upon his imagination.

He regarded their cause as just, their struggle noble, and from that

hour his chivalrous enterprise was the chief burden of his thoughts.

He returned to Paris, and there perfected his plans.--Sparks's Life and

Writings of Washington, v., 445.

*** "When," says La Fayette, "I presented my boyish faee to Mr. Deane, I

spoke more of my ardor in the cause than my experience; but I dwelt much

upon the effect my departure would excite in France, and he signed

our agreements."--See Memoirs, written by himself. La Fayette was

accompanied by the Baron De Kalb as interpreter. De Kalb had been

commissioned by the Duke De Choiseul to proeced to America for the

purpose of ascertaining the condition of the revolted colonies. He came

over with La Fayette, and did good service in our army. We shall meet

him again on the field of battle near Camden, in South Carolina. La

Fayette persuaded Count Segur and Viscount De Noailles to accompany him,

but their friends kept them at home. Count Segur accompanied Bonaparte

to Moscow in 1812, and has left a thrilling account of that memorable

campaign.

**** Gordon, ii., 219

* (v) Pictorial History of the Reign of George the Third, i., 302

[[[La Fayette's Attempts to leave France.--Sketch of his Career.--Sword

presented to him by Congress.]]]

{324}vessels were fitting out against the Americans, for he was

unwilling to do aught that might, afterward be construed into an abuse

of confidence. *

After remaining three weeks in England, La Fayette returned to France,

but not to Paris. Information had gone abroad that he was fitting out

a vessel for America, at Bordeaux. It was not good policy for the

government to allow it.

[Illustration: 9334]

He proceeded to Passy, then the residence of Dr. Franklin, where he

found the Baron De Kalb. He remained concealed in the baron's house a

few days, and then proceeded to Bordeaux. His vessel was not ready, but

he felt it neeessary to sail immediately. He left Bordeaux toward the

close of February, and proceeded to Passage, a Spanish port, where he

awaited the receipt of the ship's papers. There two officers reached

him, with an order from the king (_lettre, de cachet_) prohibiting his

departure, and commanding him to repair to Marseilles. He was charged by

ministers with violating his oath of allegiance, and by his family with

conduct calculated to bring ruin on himself and them. His young wife,

however, did not join in their reproaches; she approved of his project,

and urged him to persevere.

La Fayette obeyed orders, and returned to Marseilles. He pleaded the

justice of the

* Memoirs, written by himself.

* The Marquis (Gilbert Motier *) De La Fayette was born on the 6th of

September, 1757, and in 1774, when a little more than seventeen years

old, married the Countesse Anastasie de Noailles, daughter of the Duke

de Noailles, a young lady possessing an immense fortune. He joined our

Revolutionary army in 1777, and with his purse, sword, and counsel, and

his influence with the French court, he greatly aided us in our struggle

for political independence. In Oetober, 1778, he asked and obtained

leave of absence, and returned to France. Congress, in connection with

the resolution for granting him a furlough, also resolved, "That the

minister plenipotentiary of the United States of America at the court of

Versailles be directed to cause an elegant sword, with proper devices,

to be made, and presented, in the name of the United States, to La

Fayette. Franklin, then minister at the French court, procured the

sword, and sent it to the marquis in August, 1779, accompanied by a

very complimentary letter from his hand, to which La Fayette feelingly

replied. La Fayette returned to America in the spring of 1780, bringing

joyful news [see page 87], and was received with great affection. After

the capture of Cornwallis, in which he performed a conspicuous part,

he again went to France, and, by his own exertions, was raising a large

army of allies for America, when intelligence of peace reached him. He

returned to America in 1784, and was received with unbounded enthusiasm

by his old companions in arms. Again he returned to his native land,

bearing the honors and blessings of a free people. From that time until

his death he was often a conspicuous actor in the great scenes of his

country's history. He was an active member of the Legislative Assembly

of France during the stormy period of the incipience and development of

its first Revolution, from 1789 to 1793. He was always the advocate of

civil liberty, but conservative in his country, where representatives

and constituents were alike inordinately radical. When the Revolution

was at its height, he was obliged to flee from France, because of his

moderation, and, being caught, he was for three years confined in a

dungeon at Olmutz, in Germany. He suffered much in person and fortune

during the convulsions in France, and for several years previous to

1814 he lived in comparative retirement. The first downfall of Bonaparte

brought him again into public life, and in 1815 he was a member of the

Chamber of Deputies. In that assembly he offered the resolution for the

appointment of a committee to demand the abdication of the emperor.

He was again a member of the Chamber of Deputies in 1818. In 1824 he

accepted an invitation to visit the United States as the guest of the

nation. The

*In the Biographie des Hommes his name is written Marie-Paul

Joseph-Rock-Yves-Gilbert-Mottiers de La Fayette.

** The following is a copy of the correspondence:

** "Passy, 21th August, 1779.

** "Sir,-The Congress, sensible of your merit toward the United States,

but unable adequately to reward it, determined to present you with a

sword as a small mark of their grateful acknowledgment. They directed it

to be ornamented with suitable devices. Some of the principal actions

of the war, in which you distinguished yourself by your bravery and

conduct, are therefore represented upon it. These, with a few emblematic

figures, all admirably well executed, make its principal value. By the

help of the exquisite artists France affords, I find it easy to express

every thing but the sense we have of your worth, and our obligations

to you. For this, figures, and even words, are found insufficient. I

therefore only add, that, with the most perfect esteem, I have the honor

to be, &c., B. Franklin

** "P.S. My grandson goes to Havre with the sword, and will have the

honor of presenting it to you."

** The marquis, in reply, after acknowledging the presentation of

the sword, said: "In some of the devices I can not help finding too

honorable a reward for those slight services which, in concert with my

fellow-soldiers, and under the god like American hero's orders, I had

the good luck to render. The sight of these actions, where I was a

witness of American bravery and patriotic spirit. I shall ever enjoy

with that pleasure which becomes a heart glowing with love for the

nation, and the most ardent zeal for their glory and happiness.

Assurances of gratitude, which I beg leave to present to your

excellency, are much too inadequate to my feelings, and nothing but

those sentiments may properly acknowledge your kindness toward me.

The polite manner in which Mr. Franklin was pleased to deliver that

estimable sword, lays me under great obligations to him, and demands my

particular thanks. With the most perfect respect, 1 have the honor to

be, &c., "Lafayette."

[[[Memoir of La Fayette.--Pictorial Devices on his Sword.]]]

{325}cause in which the Americans were engaged; their declared

independence as a people, and various precedents which might justify his

course, and petitioned for leave to proceed. His pleadings were in vain,

and he resolved to risk the displeasure of his king.

[Illustration: 8335]

Stealthily mak-

* I here give a fac simile of the pen-and ink sketches, made by a French

artist, of devices for the guard of the sword presented to La Fayette.

1 copied from the originals in the archives of the State Department at

Washington. Accompanying the sketches is the following description:

* "On one side of the Pommel are the Marquis's army in low relief, and

on the other the device of a New Moon reflecting Rays of Light on a

Country partly covered with wood and partly cultivated--Symbol of the

Republic of the United States--with this motto: Crescam ut prosim. By

this it was intended modestly to express,

"1. The present Mediocrity of Strength; as the Light of the

Moon, though considerable, is weaker than that of the Sun.

"2. Her expectation of becoming more Powerful as she

increases, and thereby rendering herself more useful to

Mankind.

"3. The gratitude with which she remembers that the Light

she spreads is principally owing to the kind aid of a great

Luminary [the King of France, whose symbol is the Sun] in

another Hemisphere.

"On the Bow is the Legend, 'From the American Congress to

the Marquis De La Fayette, 1779.

"The Handle is ornamented with two medallions. In one,

America, represented by a Woman, presents a Bunch of Laurel

to a Frenchman. On the other, a Frenchman is treading on a

Lion.

"On the Guard are separately represented, in fine Relievo,

"The affair at Gloucester [Yorktown];

"The Retreat on Rhode Island;

"The Battle of Monmouth;

"And the Retreat at Barren Hill.

"The Hilt is of massive gold, and the Blade two-edged. Cost

two hundred Louis. Made by Liger, Sword-cutler, Rue

Coquilliere. at Paris.

[[[Arrival of La Fayette in America.--His Biography continued.--His

Burial-place.]]]

{326}ing his way back to Passage, he set sail with a favorable wind,

accompanied by De Kalb, and eleven other French, German, and Polish

officers, who were about seeking service in America. He arrived

safely at Georgetown, in South Carolina, on the 19th of April, after

a boisterous passage of seven weeks, where he and his company were

entertained by Major Huger, who provided horses to convey them to

Charleston. His vessel likewise was taken to Charleston harbor. *

[Illustration: 8336]

Although the French government secretly favored the plans of La Fayette,

as it had not yet publicly expressed even a friendly intention toward

America, policy required that it should act in seeming good faith toward

Great Britain, with which it was then on terms of amity. Vessels were

accordingly dispatched to the West Indies to intercept La Fayette.

The marquis apprehended this movement, and avoided the islands in his

voyage. His proceedings, in opposition to positive orders, were rash;

for the loss of all his property in France, and an indefinite term of

imprisonment, might have been the consequence had he been arrested on

the high seas.

[Illustration: 9336]

In the face of all this immediate and prospective danger, he resolutely

persevered, and the French government winked at his disobedience.

La Fayette and his companions traveled by land from Charleston to

Philadelphia. When arrived at the latter plaee, he put his letters into

the hands of Mr. Lovell, the chair-

* The United Slates vessel of war Brandywine bore him to our shores,

and his journey among us was a continued ovation. He was every where

received with the most affectionate demonstrations of regard, as next

to Washington in the great American heart. Even his grandson, who is now

(1850) traveling in this country, has been received with marked public

attention on account of his relationship to the great and good man. La

Fayette was conspicuous in the Republican Revolution in France in 1830,

and generously refused the proffered crown of constitutional monarch,

and designated the Duke of Orleans (Louis Philippe) as a proper

recipient of the trust. It was unworthily bestowed; for the ungrateful

monarch not only treated La Fayette with coldness and disdain, but, by a

despotic course, betrayed the confidence of the people. La Fayette died

in 1834, at the age of seventy-seven years. His remains rest in the

cemetery of Pippers, a private burial-ground of several families of the

nobility of Paris, back of the gardens of what was once a nunnery, but

now a boarding-school for young ladies. The sketch here given is from a

French picture by Champin, which the artist dedicated "To the Americans,

the friends of La Fayette." The monument is inclosed by an iron railing.

It is about eight feet square, and composed of dark sandstone. The

tablets slope from a ridge upon whieh is a cross. The inscriptions are

in French. On one side of the tablet is an inscription referring to La

Fayette; on the other, to his wife. The cross seen in the picture stands

over the grave of another.

* This vessel was afterward laden with rice for the French market, but

was foundered on going out of the harbor, and vessel and cargo were

lost.

[[[La Fayette's Application to Congress.--His Appointment.--Interview

with Washington.--Attached to the Army.]]]

{337}man of the committee of Congress on foreign affairs. The next day

his papers were handed back to him by Mr. Lovell, with the remark that

so many foreigners had offered themselves for employment that Congress

was embarrassed with their applications, and he was sorry to inform

him that there was very little hope of his success. The marquis was

convinced that his papers had not been read. He immediately sent a note

to the president of Congress, in which he asked permission to serve in

the Continental army upon two conditions; first, that he should receive

no pay; secondly, that he should act as a volunteer. These conditions

were so different from those demanded by other foreigners, that they

were at once accepted by Congress. Although he was not yet twenty years

of age, the peculiar position in which his wealth, fervent zeal, and

social eminence at home, placed him before the American people, gave him

great importance, and on the 31st of July Congress appointed him a major

general in the Continental army. This appointment was considered by

Congress as merely honorary, but such was not the intention of the

recipient, as subsequent events will show. *

Washington arrived in Philadelphia soon after La Fayette's appointment,

and they were first introduced to each other at a dinner party, where

several members of Congress were present. When they were about to

separate, Washington took the marquis aside, complimented him upon the

noble spirit he had manifested toward the cause of the Americans,

and invited him to become a member of his military family. His kind

invitation was joyfully accepted, and while he remained in America the

closest intimacy existed between La Fayette and the commander-in-chief.

The marquis joined the army, and continued in it as a volunteer, without

any command, until the battle on the Brandywine, two months afterward,

where we shall meet him presently fighting with all the zeal of a

[[September 11, 1777]] champion of liberty.

La Fayette was anxious to have a command suitable to the rank which

his commission conferred; but Congress, fearing his appointment to the

command of a division might excite the jealousy of American officers,

had withheld the coveted honor from the marquis. Washington repeatedly

suggested the expediency of a different course; but it was not until the

1st of December that the wishes of La Fayette were gratified. On that

day Congress resolved, "That General Washington be informed it is highly

agreeable to Congress that the Marquis De La Fayette be appointed to the

command of a division in the Continental army." ** Three days afterward

it was proclaimed, in public [[December 4.]] orders, that he was to take

command of the division recently under General Adam

Stephen, who, as we have seen, was dismissed from the army. ***

La Fayette was engaged in various important services during the winter

and spring of 1778, while the American army was at Valley Forge; and

about the middle of May we find him on Barren Hill, our present point of

view. Intelligence had reached Washington in his camp that the British

were making preparations to evacuate Philadelphia. They were frequently

sending out foraging parties between the Schuylkill and Delaware Rivers;

and on the 7th of May an expedition went up the Delaware to destroy

all the American shipping between Philadelphia and Trenton. Forty-four

American vessels were burned; a considerable quantity of provisions

and stores were destroyed, and a number of the inhabitants killed and

wounded. To restrain these depredations; to cut off all communication in

that direction between the country and Philadelphia; to obtain correct

information concerning the movements of the enemy; and to be ready to

follow with a considerable force immediately in the rear of the British

army, when it should leave Philadelphia, Washington

* The following preamble and resolution were adopted: "Whereas the

Marquis De La Fayette, out of his great zeal to the cause of liberty,

in which the United States are engaged, has left his family and

connections, and, at his own expense, come over to offer his services

to the United States, without pension or particular allowance, and is

anxious to risk his life in our cause:

* Resolved, That his service he accepted, and that, in consideration

of his zeal, illustrious family and connections, he have the rank and

commission of major general in the army of the United States.--Journals

of Congress, iii., 247.

** Journals, iii., 429

*** See page 320.

[[[La Fayette on Barren Hill.--Maneuvers of the two Armies.--The British

deceived]]]

{328} detached La Fayette, with about twenty-one hundred troops and five

pieces of cannon, across the Schuylkill on the 18th of May. He took post

at Barren Hill (nearly twelve miles from Valley Forge), a little west of

the church. It was a position skillfully chosen. On his right were rocky

ledges of considerable extent, and the Schuylkill; on his left were

thick woods, several strong stone houses, and the substantial stone

church seen in the engraving. His cannon were placed in front; and

at about three hundred yards in advance of the left wing were Captain

M'Lane's company and fifty Indians. Picket-guards and videttes were

stationed upon the woods leading to Philadelphia, and six hundred

Pennsylvania militia were posted near Whitemarsh. The church was at the

forks of the road, one branch of which led to Valley Forge, by the way

of the Swedes' Ford, and the other to Matson's Ford. * *

La Fayette at first quartered at the house of a Tory Quaker, who sent a

messenger with the information to Sir Henry Clinton, then in the chief

command of the British army in Philadelphia, Howe having returned to

England. Clinton immediately formed a plan for surprising La Fayette.

On the night of the 19th, he sent out a detachment of[[May, 1778.]] five

thousand of his choicest troops, under General Grant, assisted by Sir

William Erskine. They marched toward Frankford, and at dawn the next

morning turned toward the left, passed Whitemarsh, and proceeded on

the road leading to Swedes' Ford, to a position in the rear of the

Americans. Another strong force, under General Grey, crossed to the

western bank of the Schuylkill, and took post about three miles below

Barren Hill; while Sir Henry Clinton led, in person, a third division

through Germantown, and before daylight halted on Chestnut Hill.

The situation of La Fayette was now critical. Owing to the disobedience

of orders on the part of the militia, on leaving Whitemarsh, General

Grant's approach was undiscovered, and the little band of Americans were

nearly surrounded by a greatly superior force before they were aware of

their danger. Early in the looming, scarlet coats were seen through

the trees in the distant forest; and an officer, sent by La Fayette

to reconnoiter, came back in haste with the information that a large

British force was on the road leading from Whitemarsh to Swedes' Ford,

a little more than a mile from his encampment. The marquis at once

comprehended the full extent of the danger, and a skillful maneuver was

instantly conceived. He changed his front without disorder, stationed a

large party in the church-yard, around which was a strong wall, ** and

drew up the remainder in such a manner as to be protected by the stone

houses and thick woods. Ascertaining that the only road leading to

Swedes' Ford was in possession of the enemy, he resolved to retreat to

Matson's Ford, although the distance from his position was greater than

from that of Grant. The road lay along the southern slope of hills,

and was concealed by woods from the view of the enemy. The marquis

dispatched several small parties through the woods, with orders to show

themselves, at different points, as heads of columns, that the enemy

might be deceived into the belief that he was marching to an attack.

The maneuver was successful; and, while General Grant was halting, and

preparing troops to meet these supposed attacks upon his flank, the

Americans made a quick march to Matson's Ford--General Poor *** leading

the advanced guard, and the marquis bringing up the rear. The heads of

* Matson's Ford was at the present village of Conshohocken, and Swedes'

Ford was at or near Norristown, four miles above. They were about

equally distant from Valley Forge.

** This wall yet surrounds the old church-yard, and is sufficiently

perfect to form a strong breast-work. British writers, following the

narrative of Stedman (ii., 337), assert that Washington, from his camp

upon the high hills of Valley Forge, discovered the peril of La Fayette,

and discharged heavy alarm-guns to apprise him of his danger. None

of the earlier historians of the war, except Stedman, mention this

circumstance; it must have been inferential on the part of that

generally correct and fair writer. Barren Hill may be distinctly seen

from the highest point of Washington's encampment at Valley Forge.

Though twelve miles distant, I saw the church on Barren Hill from the

observatory, hereafter to be noticed, which stands upon the site of

Washington's marquee at Valley Forge.

*** Brigadier-general Enoch Poor was a native of New Hampshire. He was

a colonel in the Continental army in the expedition against Canada in

1776, where he served with distinction. He was afterward at Crown

Point, and was one of the twenty-one inferior officers who signed

a remonstrance against the decision of a council of officers there,

consisting of Generals Gates, Schuyler, Sullivan, Arnold, and Woedtke,*

when it was resolved that, the post was untenable, and that the army

should retire to Mount Independence. He was appointed brigadier in

1777, and served in that capacity in the battles in which Burgoyne

was defeated and captured. He soon afterward joined the army under

Washington in Pennsylvania. He was in the camp at Valley Forge, and with

his brigade was among the first troops that commenced a pursuit of the

British across New Jersey in the summer of 1778. He fought gallantly in

the battle of Monmouth which succeeded. He commanded a brigade of light

infantry in 1780, in which service he died, near Hackensack, in New

Jersey. His funeral was attended by Washington and La Fayette, and

a long line of subordinate officers and soldiers. On account of the

vicinity of the enemy, the usual discharges of cannon were omitted.

Reverend Israel Evans, chaplain to the New Hampshire brigade, delivered

a funeral discourse. General Poor was buried in the church-yard at

Hackensack, where an humble stone, with the following inscription, marks

his grave: "In memory of the Hon. Brigadier-general Enoch Poor, of

the State of New Hampshire, who departed this life on the 8th day of

September, 1780, aged 44 years." General Poor was greatly esteemed by La

Fayette, who, it is said, was much affected on visiting his grave when

in this country in 1825.

[[[Retreat of La Fayette across the Schuylkill to Valley

Forge.--Generals Poor and Woedtke.]]]

{329}columns, who had deceived General Grant, gradually fell back and

joined in the retreat, and the whole army arrived at the ford in safety.

[Illustration: 9339]

===(Note: this image may need rename)===

They crossed the Schuylkill with their artillery, took possession of the

high grounds on the west side of the river, and formed in the order of

battle. General Grant had marched to the church on Barren Hill, where he

joined the division under Clinton, and discovered, with mortified pride,

that he had been outmaneuvered by the "stripling Frenchman." It was too

late to overtake the retreating patriots; the British pursued them as

far as the ford, but, finding it impossible to cross over, they wheeled,

and returned, disappointed and chagrined, to Philadelphia. In a skirmish

with the enemy's advanced parties at the ford, while the artillery was

crossing, the Americans lost nine men killed and taken. The British

lost two light horsemen killed, and several wounded. La Fayette and his

troops marched back to the camp at Valley Forge, where they were greeted

with the most enthusiastic congratulations.

It was almost sunset when we left the old church-yard on Barren Hill and

departed for Conshohocken * (Matson's Ford), on the Schuylkill, where we

intended to pass the night.

[Illustration: 7339]

[Illustration: 8339]

Although four miles distant, we could see the smoke of its furnaces

ascending above the intervening hill-tops, and marring the placid beauty

of the western sky, where a thin purple haze fringed the horizon,

and half hid the crescent moon and its more sprightly neighbor on the

occasion, the belted

* Conshohocken is a thriving manufacturing village on the east bank

of the Schuylkill, in Montgomery county, about twelve miles from

Philadelphia. It has recently grown up in connection with the waterpower

of the Schuylkill Navigation Company. There is also a great deal of lime

burned there for the Philadelphia market.

* The Baron De Woedtke had been for many years an officer in the army of

the King of Prussia, and risen to the rank of major. He brought strong

letters of recommendation from Dr. Franklin, and on the 16th of March,

1776, he was appointed by Congress a brigadier general, and ordered

to Canada. He died at Lake George at the close of July, 1776, and was

buried with the honors due to his rank.

[[[Iron Ore near the Schuylkill.--Conshohocken and its

Industry.--Norristown.--Swedes' Ford.]]]

{330}Jupiter. That whole region abounds in iron; and all the way from

Barren Hill to the Schuylkill, large heaps of ore, dug from near the

surface, were piled. In many places the road was literally paved with

iron ore lying in small fragments upon the surface. It was quite dark

when we arrived at the village, and it was with some difficulty that we

made our way along a steep road to the "hotel," a tavern near the river

bank, kept by a good-natured Dutchman. He was so well patronized by the

coal-heavers and workmen in the furnaces, that not a single bed was in

reserve for strangers; so we were obliged to ride on to Norristown, four

miles further up the stream, for supper and lodgings. As we thridded our

way among the "fiery furnaces," belching huge volumes of ruddy flame,

and observed the rushing rail-way train sweeping along the river brink,

while the din of hammers, and bellows, and voices of busy men was rife

on every side, I contrasted the past and present, and, in a degree,

realized the wonderful strides of progress in our country. Here, where

a numerous population are plying the tireless fingers of industry in the

creation of substantial wealth, and spreading pleasant dwellings along

the banks of the rapid Schuylkill, there was only the solitary hut of

a hunter, deserted more than half the year, when La Fayette made his

admirable retreat across the river toward Valley Forge. And far

more suggestive of true greatness and glory were the noises of these

work-shops than the trumpet-notes and clangor of battle.=

```"The camp has had its day of song;

````The sword, the bayonet, the plume

```Have crowded out of rhyme too long

````The plow, the anvil, and the loom.

```Oh, not upon our tented fields

````Are Freedom's heroes bred alone;

```The training of the work-shop yields

````More heroes true than war has known.=

```"Who drives the bolt, who shapes the steel,

````May, with a heart as valiant, smite,

```As he who sees a foeman reel

````In blood before his blow of might!

```The skill that conquers space and time,

````That graces life, that lightens toil,

```May spring from courage more sublime

````Than that which makes a realm its spoil."

`````Epes Sargent.=

After losing our way in the gloom, and making quite a circuitous

journey, we found the "pike," a fine Macadamized road leading from

Philadelphia to Norristown, and reached the latter place at about eight

o'clock. * I was informed that traces of the breast-works thrown up

here by Duportail, by order of Washington, to prevent the passage of the

British across the Swedes' Ford, were yet quite prominent about half

a mile below the village; and also that the Swedes' Ford tavern, **

directly opposite these intrenchments, was still in existence, though

changed in appearance by additions. Being anxious to visit Valley Forge

and Paoli the next day, we departed from Norristown too early in the

morning to allow a view of these vestiges of the Revolution.

* Norristown is a thriving manufacturing village, and the capital of

Montgomery county. It has entirely grown up since the Revolution. Its

name is derived from Isaac Norris, who, with William Trent, the founder

of Trenton, purchased the land from William Penn. Swedes' Ford was here.

The site of Norristown was owned by a farmer named John Bull. He was a

stanch Whig, and for this crime the John Bulls under General Howe, when

the British marched toward Philadelphia in 1777, burned his barn.

The first house erected at Norristown was framed at Valley Forge, and

floated down the Schuylkill.

** The name of Swedes' Ford was given to this passage of the Schuylkill

from the fact that the first settlers there were Swedes. The principal

characters were Matts Holstein and Mauritz Rambo. The latter was a

famous hunter, and his exploits are yet the theme of many an old man's

story. It is related that at one time Rambo seized a wounded deer, when

the animal made off with the hunter on his back. Rambo finally checked

the buck by cutting his throat.

[[[Approach to Valley Forge.--"King of Prussia Tavern."--Village of

Valley Forge.]]]

{331}

The Pictorial Field-Book of the Revolution, Vol. 2 (of 2) or, Illustrations, by Pen And Pencil, of the History, Biography, Scenery, Relics, and Traditions of the War for Independence · 第 6 / 35 章