CHAPTER X.

```"The autumnal glories all have pass'd away!

````The forest leaves no more in hectic red

```Give glowing tokens of their brief decay,

````But scatter'd lie, or rustle to the tread,

```Like whisper'd warnings from the moldering dead.

````The naked trees stretch out their arms all day.

```And each bald hill-top lifts its reverend head

````As if for some new covering to pray."

`````Mrs. E. C. Kinney.=

[Illustration: 9255]

HE sun was shining in its noontide glory when I crossed the great

Trenton Bridge over the Delaware to Morrisville, and reined my horse to

the right into the Falsington road, for Philadelphia, twenty-eight miles

distant. Unlike a summer rain, the storm developed no new beauties in

the fields and orchards, but "a mantle dun" continued to overspread the

landscape, and a cold north wind was heralding the approach of winter. I

was now in the fertile region of "old Bucks" * in Pennsylvania, and

with a loose rein traversed the gentle undulating country over which

the Continental battalions often marched and countermarched. It was the

anniversary of the evacuation of New York by the British--the departure

of the last hostile foot from [[November 25, 1783]] our free shores.

The mind, laden with the associations of the place and hour, its

soul-stirring thoughts kept me such entertaining company, that the sun

went down, and I entered the suburban district of Kensington, in the

"Northern Liberties" of Philadelphia, before I was fairly conscious that

a dozen miles had been traveled. It was but little more than four hours'

journey with my strong and vigorous horse.

After leaving Falsington, the traveler obtains frequent glimpses of the

Delaware and its white sails, on the left. The several small villages on

the way (Falsington, Hulmeville, and Frankford being the largest) bear

marks, in their dwellings, of considerable antiquity, if that word

may properly be applied to American edifices. Many of them are small,

steep-roofed stone houses, with little windows and wide doors, built

before the war of the Revolution broke out, and presenting a great

contrast with the New England villages, which seem as if just finished,

with the white paint scarcely dry. It was almost sunset when I arrived

at Frankford, quite a large town upon the Tacony Creek, five miles

northeast of

* Tradition currently reports that the renowned Indian chief Tamene, or

St. Tammany, was buried near a spring about three and a half miles

west of Doylestown, in this county. He was an unequaled chief among

the Delawares. Heckewelder says that when Colonel George Morgan, of

Princeton, visited the Western Indians, by order of Congress, in 1776,

he was so beloved for his goodness, that the Delawares conferred upon

him the name of their venerated chief. Morgan brought back to the whites

such glowing accounts of the qualities of that ancient chief, that in

the Revolutionary war he was dubbed a saint, and his name was placed

on some calendars. He was called by politicians, St. Tammany, and

established as the patron saint of republican America. Tammany societies

were organized, and Tammany halls dedicated, and on the 1st of May (the

festival of the saint), meetings of the societies were held. "On that

day," says Heckewelder, "numerous societies of his votaries walked

together in procession through the streets of Philadelphia, their hats

decorated with bucks' tails, and proceeded to a handsome rural place

out of town, which they called the wigwam, where, after a long talk,

or Indian speech, had been delivered, and the calumet of peace and

friendship had been duly smoked, they spent the day in festivity

and mirth." The Tammany Society of New York is yet in existence. Its

meetings are held regularly at Tammany Hall, on the east side of the

City Hall Park.

[[[Revolutionary Events at Frankford.--Kensington.--Arrival in

Philadelphia.--Christ Church and its Sounding-board.]]]

{248}Philadelphia. Here the Americans kept quite a strong picket, during

the occupation of Philadelphia by the British in 1777--8, after the

battles of Brandywine and Germantown. Near here was stationed the fine

corps of light infantry guards under Colonel Twistleton (afterward Lord

Say and Sele); and here, also, the active partisan corps called the

_Queen's Rangers_, under Lieutenant-colonel Simcoe (afterward Governor

of Canada), was recruited, and disciplined by actual service.

In November, 1777, the Rangers, in concert with Major Gwyn, attempted

to surprise the American post at Frankford. They approached the town

cautiously, and rushing in, expected to secure prisoners and booty; but

the patriots had temporarily withdrawn. Some days afterward, another

attempt to take the post was made. An American officer and twenty men

were made prisoners. They were raw and undisciplined militia. Each man

had the countersign, _Richmond_, written with chalk in his hat that

he might not forget it. Soon after capturing these men, a patrol of

cavalry, under Major Gwyn, which had pursued a party toward Bristol,

came retreating in great confusion. They had been attacked, both in

front and rear, by a troop of horsemen under Count Pulaski. Thoroughly

alarmed, the whole British force at Frankford crossed the Tacony, and

returned in haste to Philadelphia.

Parties of the _Queen's Rangers_ were almost every day at Frankford,

where the Americans did not keep a fixed post. Simcoe had trained his

men to quick and energetic movements with the bayonet, and his standing

order was, "Take as many prisoners as possible, but never destroy life

unless absolutely necessary." On one occasion, a patroling party of the

Rangers approached Frankford undiscovered by an American sentinel at the

bridge. They were so near that they might easily have killed the guard,

but a boy was sent to warn him to run for his life. He did so, and

no more sentinels were posted there afterward; "a matter of some

consequence," says Simcoe, "to the poor people of Philadelphia, as they

were not prevented from getting their flour ground at Frankford Mills." *

Passing through a portion of the Kensington suburb of Philadelphia,

its mud and wretchedness, its barking dogs and squalling babies, where

society seems in a transition state from filth to cleanliness, and

consequently from vice to godliness, I wheeled down Second Street, amid

its glowing shops, and reined up at _Congress Hall_, just as the last

hue of daylight faded away. It was Saturday night, a season as welcome

to the traveler as a "cross day" in the calendar to the faithful. I was

in Philadelphia' the city of brotherly love; the quiet Sabbath near; a

glorious harvest of Revolutionary reminiscences spread out around me,

inviting the pen-sickle to reap for my garner; and the broad and sunny

South, its chivalry and its patriotism, beckoning me onward. Busy

thought kept sleep at bay until midnight.

The Sabbath morning dawned brilliant and frosty. As I went up to

worship in the venerable _Christ Church_, around which cluster so many

interesting associations of the past, I felt that it was a two-fold

sanctuary--a sanctuary of religion and of patriotism. The exterior is

the same as it was when the later colonial governors and officers of

state--when Washington and Franklin--when Congress and the officers of

the Continental army went there to worship; but the interior has been

greatly changed by that iconoclast, _improvement_--that breaker of the

images which patriotism delights to worship! One vestige of the olden

time remains untouched--the pulpit _sounding-board_, the indispensable

canopy of the old pastors.=

```"That sounding-board, to me it seem'd

````A cherub poised on high--

```A mystery I almost deem'd 1````Quite hid from vulgar eye

```And that old pastor, rapt in prayer,

```Look'd doubly awful 'neath it there."

`````--E. Oakes Smith.=

* Simcoe's Military Journal, page 28. At that time the Philadelphians

were dependent chiefly upon the Frankford Mills for their flour. It was

with the pretense of going thither for flour, that Lydia Darrah left

Philadelphia and hastened to the American camp at Whitemarsh, apprised

Washington of an intended attack upon him, and, by her patriotic

vigilance, doubtless saved the American army, under the

commander-in-chief, from destruction or captivity. This circumstance is

noted on pages 301--302.

[[[The Grave of Dr. Franklin, and others.--His early-written Epitaph.--

Description of Christ Church]]]

{249}Within its wall-inclosed grave-yard in the rear is the dust of

many of the early and distinguished citizens of Philadelphia, the most

renowned of whom was Dr. Benjamin Franklin.

[Illustration: 9257]

His grave is beside that of his wife, and daughter (Mrs. Bache), in

the northwest corner of the yard. "I wish," he said in his will, "to be

buried by the side of my wife, if it may be, and that a marble stone

be made by Chambers, six feet long, four feet wide, plain, with only a

small molding round the upper edge, and this inscription:=

`````"Benjamin

`````and Deborah

`````Franklin.

`````178--"=

His wishes were complied with. The date on the stone is 1790. * In the

same inclosure General Mercer, who was killed at Princeton, was first

buried; also Major-general Charles Lee, whose aversion to burial with

Dissenters has been noticed. Standing amid its graves, and overshadowed

by the venerable church, the American feels that he is upon consecrated

ground indeed--consecrated by something holier than the voice of man

setting it apart as a resting-place for the dead.

Here, wide open, is a broad page of our national history; let us sit

down this still Sabbath afternoon and peruse a portion of it preparatory

to a ramble on the morrow.

On the beautiful banks of the Delaware **--the Indian's

_Mack-er-isk-iskan_--dwelt for ages the powerful tribes of the Lenni

Lenapes ***--the Original People. They claimed the broad land from the

Hudson to the Poto-

* As early as 1727, when Franklin was only twenty-two years of age, he

wrote the following epitaph for himself:

The Body of

Benjamin Franklin,

Printer,

Like the cover of an old Book.

Its contents torn out

(And stripped of its lettering and gilding),

Lies here, food for worms.

But the work shall not be lost,

For it will (as he believed) appear once more

In a new and more elegant edition,

Revised and corrected by

The Author.

* This epitaph was first printed in a Boston newspaper (the New England

Courant), established and printed by Dr. Franklin.

** This name was given to the bay and river in honor of Lord De la Ware,

who was Governor of Virginia in 1611.

*** This has been sometimes used as a generic term, and applied to all

the tribes of the Algonquin family.

**** This view is from Second Street, looking northwest. It was built

at various periods. The first (western) end was erected in 1727; the

eastern or front portion was raised in 1731; and a small steeple was

reared in 1753-4. A small church edifice was built upon its site in

1695, and the later edifice was raised around the old one while worship

continued in it. The bell of the old church was hung in the crotch of

a tree near by. The new church was furnished with an organ in 1729. The

design of the church was made by Dr. John Kearsley, an eminent physician

of Philadelphia. In 1752-3 it was proposed to build a fine steeple upon

the church, and, in order to raise funds lor the purpose, a lottery

was established--"a scheme to raise £1012 10s. to finish the steeple

to Christ Church, and to purchase a ring of bells, and a clock." The

"Philadelphian Steeple Lottery" was successful, and the structure, as

it now appears, was finished in 1754. A chime of bells, weighing eight

thousand pounds, was purchased in England, at a cost of $4500. These

bells were taken down from the steeple by the commissary general, on the

approach of the British to Philadelphia in 1777. and conveyed to Trenton

for safety. They were returned, and hung again after the enemy evacuated

the eity. Watson, in his Annals of Philadelphia, says that these bells

were first tolled on the occasion of the funeral of Governor Anthony

Palmer's wife, the mother of twenty-one children, all of whom died of

consumption. On the top of the steeple is a miter, hearing the following

inscription: "The Right Reverend William White, D.D., consecrated Bishop

of the Episcopal Church of Pennsylvania, February 4th, 1787." The miter

is four feet in circumference at the bottom, and has thirteen holes in

it, indicative of the number of the original states. Bishop White was

one of the first chaplains of the Continental Congress, and the first

bishop of Pennsylvania. It is related that when he was a boy, living

next door to a Quaker family in Market Street, he used to play with

their little daughter. She often said, when she grew up, that Billy

White was born for a bishop, for she never could persuade him to play

any thing but church. He would tie her apron around his neck for a gown,

and stand behind a chair for a pulpit, while she, seated before him on a

low bench, was to be the congregation.

[[[The Natives on the Delaware and Schuylkill.--The Delawares--Their

Character portrayed by William Penn.]]]

{250}mac as their grand council-house. While they called themselves the

_original people_, they repeated the tradition that at some remote age

their ancestors came from beyond the Mississippi, conquering, on their

way, the more civilized nations, whose monuments are so profusely

scattered over the rich valleys westward of the Alleghany Mountains.

They were divided into three principal tribes, the _Turtle_, the

_Turkey_, and the _Wolf_. The two former occupied the northern portions

of New Jersey north of the Ptaritan, extending from the Hudson across

the Delaware into Pennsylvania, and are known to the whites as the

_Minsi_ division; the latter, known as the _Delawares_, inhabited the

southern portions of New Jersey and the entire valley of the Schuylkill.

* Their settlement extended up the Susquehanna and Delaware Rivers, and

they had a local council-fire at the Minisink flats, above the Delaware

Water-gap. When these tribes first became known to the English, they

were tributary to the Five Nations of New York, who applied to them the

scornful epithet of "women." They were forbidden to sell lands or

make war without the consent-of their conquerors, and were reduced

to absolute vassalage. In the course of time, however, the [[1650]]

Delawares were enabled to throw off the yoke of the conquerors. At

Tioga, in 1756, the great Teedyuscung extorted from the chiefs of the

Six Nations an acknowledgment of the independence of his people.

When the whites first visited the Delaware with a view to settlement,

the Lenni Lenapés, broken into many small tribes, were scattered along

the shores of the river on either side. ** They received the whites with

open-handed hospitality. "In liberality they excel," wrote William Penn.

"Nothing is too good for their friend. Give them a fine gun, coat, or

other thing, it may pass twenty hands before it sticks. Light of heart,

strong affections, but soon spent. The most merry creatures that live;

feast and dance perpetually. They never have much, nor want much. Wealth

circulates like the blood--all parts partake; and, though none shall

want what another hath, yet exact observers of property." Penn drew a

charming picture of their hospitality, their liberal distribution of

presents when received, and the universal happiness that prevailed among

them; and then, with the hand of

* The two most noted chiefs of the Delawares at the time of our

Revolution, was Captain White Eyes and Captain Pipe. The former became

chief sachem in 1776, and espoused the patriot cause. He was a firm

friend to the missionaries, and earnestly desired the conversion of his

people to Christianity, and the enjoyment of the accompanying blessings

of civilization. He died of the small-pox, at Philadelphia, in 1780.

Captain Pipe secretly favored the British at the opening of the

Revolution, but the vigilant White Eyes frustrated all his plans for a

while. The Delawares at length became divided, and most of them, under

Captain Pipe, joined the British. We have met these chiefs once before

(page 264, vol. i.) and shall meet them again when we consider the Indian

war of the Revolution beyond the Alleghanies.

** The Assanpink Indians were at the Falls of the Delaware (Trenton);

the Rankokas and Andastakas at Christina Creek, near Wilmington; the

Nishaminies near Bristol; the Shackamaxons about Kensington; the Mantas,

or Frogs, near Burlington; the Minseys, or Minisinks, at the Forks

of the Delaware: and three or four other tribes were in New Jersey,

Maryland, and Virginia. A few Mingoes were among these.

[[[First Settlements on the Delaware by the Dutch and Swedes.--Troubles

with the Indians.--Gustavus Adolphus.]]]

{251}truth, holds up this record of the curse which boasted civilization

carries with it as continually as its own shadow: "Since the Europeans

came into these parts, they are grown great lovers of strong liquors,

rum especially, and for it exchange the richest of their skins and furs.

If they are heated with liquors, they are restless till they have enough

to sleep; that is their cry, '_Some more, and I will go to sleep;_' but,

when drunk, one of the most wretched spectacles in the world."

In 1609, Captain Henry Hudson, then in the service of the Dutch East

India Company, touched near Cape May, at the mouth of Delaware Bay, but,

finding shoal water, put to sea, and soon afterward sailed through

the Narrows into New York Bay. The Dutch established a trading-post on

Manhattan Island, now New York. The establishment increased, and in

1621 the Dutch West India Company was formed. In 1623, this company took

formal possession of the country discovered by Hudson, including the

Delaware, or South River, as they called it, in contradistinction to the

North River, now the Hudson. The foundation of New Amsterdam was laid,

and Captain Jacobus May was sent to take possession and colonize in the

most southern part of New Jersey. He gave Cape May the name it still

bears. Near where Gloucester, in New Jersey, now stands, he built

Fort Nassau. This was the first white settlement on the shores of the

Delaware, but it was not permanent. In 1631, Captain David Pieterson

de Vries entered the Delaware River with two ships and about thirty

colonists. He was associated with Godyn, Bloemart, and Van Rensselaer,

wealthy Dutch _patroons,_ establishing a permanent settlement on

the Delaware for the purpose of cultivating tobacco and grain, and

prosecuting the whale and seal fishing. He built Fort Oplandt, near

Lewiston, Delaware. DeVries returned to Holland, and when he came back,

in 1632, his colony was destroyed. The arms of Holland, emblazoned on a

piece of tin, had been raised upon a pole. An Indian stole the metal

to make a tobacco-box of it. Osset, the commander, quarreled with the

Indians, and the latter fell upon the colonists, while at work in the

fields, and butchered every one of them. De Vries made peace with the

tribe, but, finding Fort Nassau deserted, and the whole settlement

a desolation, he left the bay forever; for, before the Dutch could

re-establish their power, the patent granted to Lord Baltimore,

proprietor of Maryland, gave them an English competitor for the lower

portions of the territory on the west side of the Delaware.

The discoveries of the Dutch in the New World soon attracted the

attention of the enlightened Gustavus Adolphus, king of Sweden. He

conceived a scheme for planting a Swedish colony in America, an idea

suggested and heartily seconded by William Usselinx, a wealthy and

enterprising Netherlander. A commercial company was formed; the stock

was open to all Europe, and Gustavus pledged four hundred thousand

dollars to the enterprise. Slavery was repudiated as a disadvantage to

the proposed colony. "Slaves," they said, "cost a great deal, labor

with reluctance, and soon perish from hard usage. The Swedish nation

is laborious and intelligent, and surely we shall gain more by a free

people with wives and children." America seemed to them a paradise, and

Gustavus suggested that the proposed colony might prove an advantage

to all oppressed and persecuted Christians. At that moment Germany, and

indeed Protestant Christendom, was menaced with a total subversion of

the principles of the Reformation; and against the increasing power

of the pope--a power composed of religious influence and imperial

soldiers--Gustavus took the field. All other considerations were, for

the moment, absorbed by this one movement; and yet the idea of planting

a free colony in the New World held a conspicuous place in the mind of

the Swedish monarch. At Nuremberg, only a few days before the battle of

Lützen, where he lost his life, he recommended the great scheme, "the

jewel of his kingdom," to the Germans. His views were warmly seconded by

Oxenstiern, the eminent statesman, who controlled the political affairs

of Sweden during the minority of Queen Christina.

In 1638, a colony of Swedes from Gottenburg, under the command of Peter

Minuits, a former governor of New Amsterdam, arrived in the Delaware,

and landed at Cape Henlo-

* See page 391, vol. i.

[[[Extension of Swedish Settlements.--Opposition of the

Dutch.--Stuyvesant's Conquests.]]]

{252}pen. Charmed with the beauty of the place, they called it Paradise.

They approached the Indians with kindness, and purchased from them their

lands upon the Delaware from Cape Henlopen to the falls at Trenton,

and named the region New Sweden. They built a church and fort on the

Minquaas, or Mingoes (now Christiana) Creek, where Wilmington now

stands, and there laid out a town. The Dutch claimed a title to all this

region by virtue of prior discovery and settlement, and Governor Keift

protested against this intrusion. Other emigrants came; some from

Maryland, who settled near the Schuylkill, and others from New Haven,

who established themselves on the Jersey shore. These Keift promptly

expelled, but did not disturb the Swedes.

John Printz succeeded Minuits as governor in 1643. With him came John

Campanius, from Stockholm, as chaplain for the colony. They came in

the ship _Fame_, accompanied by two war vessels, the _Swan_ and the

_Chantas_. Governor Printz selected Tinicum Island, * at the mouth of

Darby Creek, for a residence. There he built a strong fort of hemlock

logs, and a church, and beautified the neighborhood with orchards and

pleasure-grounds. Quite a village of fine houses, for the times,

sprung up, and New Gottenburg, as it was called, was for some years the

metropolis of New Sweden. Emigrants continued to arrive in considerable

numbers from Old Sweden, and they scattered neat dwellings and

cultivated acres all along the Delaware, from the present Wilmington to

Philadelphia.

In 1651, the Dutch determined to maintain their power on the Delaware,

and erected Fort Kasimer, on the south of Minquaas Creek, now the

site of New Castle, in Delaware. Printz protested, and also built

Fort Elsinberg on the Jersey shore, near the mouth of Salem Creek. The

garrison was soon put to flight by a foe more numerous and annoying

than Indians or Dutch, and the place was significantly named

_Mosquitoesburg_.

John Claudius Rising, or Risingh, succeeded Printz in 1652. Risingh was

more belligerent than his predecessor, and captured Fort Kasimer, either

by storm or stratagem, in 1654, hoisted the Swedish flag over it,

and called it Fort Trinity. Sven Schute, a bold Swedish warrior, was

appointed to the command of its garrison. This act excited the ire of

the Dutch at New Amsterdam, and in 1655 Governor Stuyvesant, with seven

ships, and six or seven hundred men, went up the Delaware, took all

the Swedish forts, and desolated New Gottenburg, on Tinicum Island.

The Swedes obtained honorable terms of capitulation, and the settlers

prospered under the Dutch rule. The Indians remained the firm friends of

the Swedes; and when the Dutch attempted to prevent a Swedish ship with

emigrants from passing up the Delaware in 1656, the natives interfered,

and the _Mercurius_ sailed up unmolested. The Dutch and Swedes continued

to occupy the Delaware in common for nine years, the former possessing

the political authority. In 1664, Charles the Second, of England, having

granted a charter to his brother James, the Duke of York, for the whole

of the New Netherlands, including the Dutch and Swedish settlements on

the Delaware, the English conquered the whole country, and changed the

name of New Amsterdam to New York. Lord Berkeley and Sir George Carteret

obtained a grant of the province of New Jersey from the Duke of York in

1665. The latter was appointed governor, and Bergen and other portions

of East Jersey began to be settled. That province was divided into East

and West Jersey in 1676. 'Lord Berkeley transferred his half of West

Jersey, in 1677, to John Fenwick, in trust for Edward Billinge, both of

them Quakers. Becoming embarrassed, Billinge transferred his interest

to trustees, for the benefit of his creditors. William Penn was one of

those trustees, and thus he became interested in the settlements in the

New World. Between 1676 and 1680, the eastern shore of the Delaware,

from Burlington to Salem, became quite populous with Quakers, who came

chiefly from Yorkshire in England.

Admiral Sir William Penn, the father of the founder of Pennsylvania,

left, at his death, claims to a considerable amount against the crown,

for his services. His son, with the two-

* This is the island upon which the lazaretto now stands, and is not the

low, sandy island in the middle of the Delaware above.

[[[Charter granted to William Penn.--Emigrations. Arrival of Penn.--His

Biography. Annexation of Delaware.]]]

{253}fold motive of settling these claims and providing an asylum for

his persecuted Quaker brethren, applied to King Charles the Second for

a grant of land in the New World. He was successful, and on the 4th of

March, 1681, a charter was granted. The assent of the Duke of York

on the north, and of Lord Baltimore on the south, was obtained to

the provisions of the charter, and a province on the west side of

the Delaware, three degrees of latitude in breadth by five degrees

of longitude in length, was named by the kind's proclamation, as

well as[[April, 1631.]] in the charter, Pennsylvania, in honor of the

illustrious Admiral Penn.

[Illustration: 8261]

The proprietor immediately published "certain conditions or concessions"

to adventurers; and an association, composed principally of Quakers, was

formed at London and Bristol, called "The Free Society of Traders,"

who emigrated to America to purchase lands in the new province. William

Markham, a kinsman of Penn's, had been sent forward as his deputy to

take possession of the country and prepare for the colonists.

On the 30th of August, 1682, Penn, and quite a large number of

emigrants, chiefly Quakers, sailed in the _Welcome_, from England. They

arrived at New Castle on the 7th of October. The settlers of every kind

received the new proprietor with great joy, for the fame of his noble

and excellent character had preceded him. At Upland (now Chester) he

convened an assembly, where he made known his plans and benevolent

designs. His words were heard with delight, and the people flocked

around him with the affectionate feelings of children. The Swedes said,

"It was the best day they ever saw." At this assembly an Act of Union

was adopted, conformable to a deed which he had obtained, by which

the "three lower counties," Essex, Kent, and Sussex (now the State of

Delaware), were annexed to Pennsylvania. A few days afterward, Penn

proceeded to Shackamaxon (now Kensington, in Philadelphia), where he

entered into a treaty with the Indians, and established with them an

everlasting covenant of peace and friendship. This was the memorable

treaty held

* William Penn was born in London, October 14th, 1644, and in his

fifteenth year entered, as a gentleman commoner, a college in Oxford.

Brilliant talents and unaffected goodness characterized his early

youth. While at Oxford, he heard an itinerant Quaker preach, and was so

impressed with the doctrines which he taught, that he joined, with

other students similarly impressed, in withdrawing from the established

worship and holding meetings by themselves. He was fined for

non-conformity and expelled from college when he was sixteen years of

age. Parental discipline attempted to reclaim him, but in vain. He was

sent to France, where he passed two years, and became a very polished

young gentleman. He studied law in Lincoln's Inn until the breaking

out of the plague in London in 1665. He was sent to Ireland in 1666, to

manage an estate for his father, but, associating with Quakers there,

he was recalled. He could not be persuaded to take off his hat in the

presence of his father or the king, and for this inflexibility he

was expelled from his father's house. He became an itinerant Quaker

preacher, and made many proselytes. He suffered much "for conscience'

sake," sometimes by revilings, sometimes by imprisonments. He wrote

much, and preached with daily increasing fervor. In 1668 he wrote his

_No Cross, no Crown_; and in 1670 he was tried at the Old Bailey, but

acquitted by the jury. His father died soon afterward, leaving him a

very large estate, but he continued to travel, preach, and write as

usual. Having obtained a charter for a province in America, and settled

his government on a sure basis, he formed a plan for a capital city, and

named it Philadelphia--brotherly love. Two years after it was founded it

contained two thousand inhabitants. On returning to England in 1684,

he obtained the release of thirteen hundred Quakers then in prison. He

resided mostly in England, but visited his colony occasionally. He was

seized with a paralytic disorder in 1712, which terminated his life on

the 30th of July, 1718, at the age of seventy-three. His posterity held

his possessions till the Revolution. His last surviving son, Thomas

Penn, died in 1775.

[[[Penn's Just Dealings with the Natives.--Effect of his

Justice.--Treaty Monument.]]]

{254}beneath the wide-spread branches of a huge elm. "Under the shelter

of the forest, now leafless by the frosts of autumn," says Bancroft,

"Penn proclaimed to the men of the Algonquin race, from both banks of

the Delaware--from the border of the Schuylkill, and, it may have been,

from the Susquehanna--the same simple message of peace and love which

George Fox had professed before Cromwell, and Mary Fisher had borne to

the Grand Turk.

[Illustration: 8262]

The English and the Indian should respect the same moral law, should be

alike secure in their pursuits and their possessions, and adjust every

difference by a peaceful tribunal, composed of an equal number of men

from each race."

"We meet," said Penn, "on the broad pathway of good faith and good will;

no advantage shall be taken on either side, but all shall be openness

and love. I will not call you children, for parents sometimes chide

their children too severely; nor brothers only; for brothers differ. The

friendship between me and you I will not compare to a chain; for that

the rains might rust, or the falling tree might break. We are the same

as if one man's body were to be divided into two parts; we are all one

flesh and blood."

Treaty Monument. *

```"' Thou'lt find.' said the Quaker, 'in me and mine,

```But friends and brothers to thee and to thine,

```Who abuse no power and admit no line

````'Twixt the red men and the white.'

```And bright was the spot where the Quaker came

```To leave his hat, his drab, and his name,

```That will sweetly sound from the trump of Fame

````Till its final blast shall die.

```The city he rear'd from the sylvan shade.

```His beautiful monument now is made;

```And long have the rivers their pride display'd

````In the scenes that are rolling by."

`````Hannah F. Gould.=

The children of the forest were touched by the sacred doctrine which the

"Quaker king" avowed. They received the presents of Penn in sincerity,

and in hearty friendship they gave the belt of wampum. "'We will live,'

said they, 'in love with William Penn and his children as long as the

moon and the sun shall endure.'"

Thus was established the commonwealth of Pennsylvania, its foundations

laid deep and broad upon the sacred rules of truth and justice, the

cardinal principles of the Quakers, who formed the prime element of

the new state. That sect stood out in bold relief as exemplars of moral

purity in an age and among a people eminently licentious. The court,

the fountain-head of example, was wholly impure in morals, skeptical in

religion, and unscrupulous in politics. Unlike the other Puritan sects,

which gave royalty so much trouble, the Quakers taught morality more by

example than by precept; yet they were ever bold in the

* This monument stands near the intersection of Hanover and Beach

Streets, Kensington, on the spot where the celebrated Treaty Tree stood.

The tree was blown down in 1810, when it was ascertained to be 283 years

old. When the British were in possession of Philadelphia, during the

winter of 1778, their foraging parties were out in every direction for

fuel. To protect this tree from the ax, Colonel Simcoe, of the Queen's

Rangers, placed a sentinel under it. Of its remains, many chairs,

vases, work-stands, and other articles have been made. The commemorative

monument was erected by the Penn Soeiety. Upon it are the following

inscriptions: North side.--"Treaty ground of William Penn and the Indian

nation, 1682. Unbroken Faith." South side.--"William Penn, born 1644.

Died, 1718." West side.--"Placed by the Penn Soeiety, A.D. 1827, to

mark the site of the great Elm Tree." East side.--"Pennsylvania founded,

1681, by deeds of Peace."

[[[Character and Influence of the Quakers.---Founding of the

Pennsylvania Commonwealth, and of the City of Philadelphia.]]]

{255}avowal of their principles. Their benevolence was as extensive as

the round world; their plans designed no less than the establishment of

universal religion. No station was too exalted for their faithfulness to

reach. George Fox spoke boldly, face to face, to the king, as did Paul

before Agrippa; and he did not fail to catechise, by letter, even Pope

Innocent XI. No station was too low for their paternal care, and no

instrument too humble to be made useful as a preacher of righteousness.

"Plowmen and milk-maids, becoming itinerant preachers, sounded the alarm

throughout the world, and appealed to the consciences of Puritans and

Cavaliers, of the pope and the Grand Turk, of the negro and the savage.

Their apostles made their way to Rome and Jerusalem, to New England and

Egypt; and some were even moved to go toward China and Japan in search

of the unknown realms of Prester John." * Democracy, in its largest

sense, was their political creed. "We lay a foundation," said Penn, "for

after ages to understand their liberty as Christians and as men, that

they may not be brought into bondage but by their own consent; _for

we put the power in the people_." With such views he framed his

government; with the simplicity of honest truth and love he made the

treaty with the Indians. This treaty was not confirmed by oath, nor

ratified by signatures and seals; no written records were made, "and its

terms and conditions had no abiding monuments but on the heart. There

they were written like the laws of God, and were never forgotten." **

Kindness was more powerful in subduing than the sword, and justice had

greater weight with the Indian warrior than gunpowder. "New England

had just terminated a disastrous war of extermination; the Dutch were

scarcely ever at peace with the Algonquins; the laws of Maryland refer

to Indian hostilities and massacres which extended as far as Richmond.

Penn came without arms; he declared his purpose to abstain from

violence; he had no message but peace; and not a drop of Quaker blood

was ever shed by an Indian." *** They themselves were conscious of the

power of rectitude. "We have done better," they said, in the _Planter's

Speech_, in 1684, "than if, with the proud Spaniards, we had gained the

mines of Potosi. We may make the ambitious heroes whom the world admires

blush for their shameful victories. To the poor dark souls round about

us we _teach their rights as men._"

Near the close of 1682 Penn purchased lands lying between the Delaware

and the Schuylkill, at their confluence, for the purpose of founding a

capital city. Already the Swedes had built a church there; **** and the

situation was "not surpassed," in the estimation of Penn, "by one

among all the many places he had seen in the world." With great joy and

brilliant hopes they marked the boundaries of streets on the trunks of

the chestnut, maple, ash, and walnut trees of the original forest, and

gave them names derived from these natural landmarks. They called the

city Philadelphia--_brotherly love_--and with unexampled rapidity the

forest disappeared, and pleasant houses uprose upon the "virgin Elysian

shore." In March, 1683, the second Assembly of the province convened in

the infant city, and, at the suggestion of Penn, the original "form of

government" was so amended, that the "charter of liberties" signed by

him at that time rendered the government of Pennsylvania, [[August,

1684]] all but in name, a representative democracy. Penn soon afterward

returned to England, having first appointed five commissioners, with

Thomas Loyd as president, to administer his government during his

absence. Every thing went on prosperously, and nothing occurred to

disturb the quiet of the new state until 1691, when the "three lower

* Bancroft, ii., 337.

** Ibid., ii., 382.

*** Ibid., ii., 383.

**** Several years before the arrival of Penn, the upper Swedish

settlement on the Delaware erected a blockhouse at Wicaco, now the

district of Southwark. The block-house was converted into a church for

the convenience of the settlement, the port-holes serving for windows.

The first sermon was preached in it in 1677. This edifice stood upon a

pleasant knoll sloping to the river. North of it, where Christian

Street is, was an inlet, and beyond this was another knoll, on whieh

was ereeted the house of three Swedish brothers, Sven, Oele, and Andries

Swenson [Swanson], from whom Penn purchased the site of Philadelphia.

This building was noticed by Kahn in 1748; and Mr. Watson, in his Annals

of Philadelphia, (i., 148), says, "the original log-house was standing

until the British occupied Philadelphia, when it was taken down and

converted into fuel." A brick church was built upon the site of the old

block-house in 1700, and is still standing on Swanson Street, a little

distance from the navy yard.

[[[Secession of Delaware.--Penn's Difficulties.--His liberal

Concessions.--Pennsylvania Charter.--Penn's Heirs.]]]

{256}counties on the Delaware" already mentioned, withdrew from the

Union on account of some dissatisfaction with the proceedings of a

majority of the council. With the reluctant consent of Penn, a deputy

governor was appointed over them. Charles the Second died in 1685,

and his brother James, the Duke of York, ascended the throne. The bad

private character of James, his duplicity, and his known attachment to

the Roman Catholics, made him detested by a majority of the people of

England, and, three years after his accession, he was driven into exile.

His scepter passed into the hands of his daughter Mary and her husband

William, prince of Orange.

[Illustration: 0264]

William Penn was suspected of adherence to the cause of the fallen

monarch, and of secret efforts to effect his restoration. For this he

was imprisoned; and in 1692 his provincial government was taken from

him by Gov. Fletcher, of New York, under a royal commission. These

suspicions were speedily removed, and in 1694 Penn's proprietary rights

were restored to him.

Penn again visited his colony in 1699, but he did not find that

prevailing peace which gladdened his heart when he left it. Discontents

had arisen among the people, and they were clamorous for further popular

concessions. Ever intent upon the happiness of the people, he presented

them with a more liberal charter than the former ones. It conferred

greater powers upon the people, and the Assembly declared, in signing

it, that "they thankfully received the same from the proprietor and

governor, this twenty-eighth day of October, 1701." This charter

remained unaltered until the separation of the province from Great

Britain, and the adoption of a constitution in 1776. The delegates from

the lower counties had withdrawn from the general Assembly, and refused

allegiance to the new charter of the Union with Pennsylvania. Penn

labored to bind them harmoniously together, but without success, and in

1703 a total separation was agreed upon. From that period, Pennsylvania

and the "three lower counties," or Delaware, had separate Legislatures,

although the same governor continued to preside over both. A scheme was

now elaborating in the British cabinet to abolish all of the proprietary

governments in America, and Penn hastened back [[1701.]]to England to

oppose it. **

He never returned to America, but died in England in 1781, leaving his

interest in Pennsylvania and Delaware to his three sons, John, Thomas,

and Richard Penn (then minors), who

* This is a representation of the seal and signature of William Penn

attached to the Pennsylvania charter. The names of the subscribing

witnesses to the instrument are James Claypoole, Francis Plumsted,

Thomas Barker, Philip Ford, Edward Pritchard, Andrew Soule, Christopher

Taylor, Charles Lloyd, William Gibson, U. More, George Rudyard, Harbt.

Springett.

** The parting message of Governor Penn to the Assembly is a pattern

of brevity, and might be studied with profit by some of our chief

magistrates. It was communicated just before his departure for England,

and was as follows: "10th month, 15th, 1708. "Friends,--Your union is

what I desire; but your peace and accommodating one another is what I

must expect from you; the reputation of it is something--the reality

much more. I desire you to remember and observe what I say. Yield in

circumstances to preserve essentials; and being safe in one another, you

will always be so in esteem with me. Make me not sad now I am going

to leave you; since it is for you, as well as for your friend, and

proprietor, and governor, William Penn."

** Just before leaving, Penn granted a city charter to Philadelphia,

and Edward Shippen was appointed the first mayor. He appointed Andrew

Hamilton, of New Jersey, lieutenant governor of his province, and James

Logan secretary.

[[[Penn's Successors hostile to the Indians.--Popular Feeling against

the Proprietaries.--Dr. Franklin.]]]

{257}continued to administer the government--by deputies, most of

the time--until the Revolution. The commonwealth of Pennsylvania then

purchased all their interest in the province for five hundred and eighty

thousand dollars. *

It would be a pleasant and profitable task to trace the history

of Pennsylvania in detail, from the period of Penn's death to the

commencement of the war for independence, but our plan and limits forbid

it. Having taken a general view of the settlement and establishment of

the province, we must be content with a consideration of leading events

bearing directly upon the Revolutionary struggle.

John, a grandson of William Penn, and son of Richard, then one of the

proprietors living in England, was lieutenant governor of Pennsylvania

when the Stamp Act and kindred measures of government stirred up a

rebellious spirit in the colonies. The province was then engaged in

hostilities with the Delawares, Shawanese, and Seneca Indians, who

were committing dreadful atrocities on the western frontier. It seemed

necessary for Governor Penn to assume the attitude of an enemy toward

the people with whom his grandfather lived so affectionately; and it is

painful to contemplate the fact that he offered, by proclamation, in

the city of Philadelphia, a bounty for the capture of Indians or their

scalps! ** The war was successful; and in the autumn of 1764 the Hostile

[[July 1764]] Indians sued for peace.

Internal commotions now became more frequent, and ominous of political

disruption. For years the province had been agitated by quarrels between

the Assembly and the proprietors on the subject of prerogatives. The

popular mind was led by Dr. Franklin and his associates, who contended

that the proprietary estates should be taxed in common with other

property. The proprietors, resting upon the privileges of their charter,

resisted the measure, and in John Penn they had a powerful, because

interested, champion. All hope of a reconciliation through concession

being at an end, Franklin and others had previously proposed to

petition the king to purchase the jurisdiction of the province from

the proprietors, and vest the government directly in the crown. The

proposition was favorably considered by the people at large, and

the petition was accordingly drawn up by Franklin. It set forth the

increasing property, and, as a consequence, the increasing power of the

proprietaries, and the danger to be apprehended from the influence of

such a power in the state intervening between the crown and the people.

This was the first great step toward revolution in Pennsylvania--an

attempt to crush feudal power and remove all barriers between the

supreme governor and the governed. Many leading men, whose relationship

to the proprietaries, and attachment to things made reverend by age,

opposed the petition; but the Quakers, whose principles had been set at

naught by the successors of William Penn, were in favor of the measure.

Several successive Assemblies favored the proposition, and Dr. Franklin

[[November, 1764]] was appointed provincial agent to urge the measure

before the king. This

* The founder of Pennsylvania, by the expenses incident to the

establishment of his government, together with many acts of private

benevolence, so impaired his paternal estate as to make it necessary

to borrow $30,000, the most of which was secured by a mortgage on his

province. This was the commencement of the state debt of Pennsylvania,

now amounting to about $40,000,000.

** The bounties were as follows: "For every male above the age of ten

years captured, $150; scalped, being killed, $134; for every female

Indian enemy, and every male under ten years, captured, $130; for every

female above the age of ten years, scalped, $50!

[[[The Stamp Act.--Spirit of the People.--Party Rancor.--Franklin

Lampooned.--William Bradford.]]]

{258}was the beginning of the system of colonial agencies which so

efficiently aided the progress of the Revolution.

In Philadelphia, as in other commercial towns, opposition to the Stamp

Act was a prevailing sentiment. Intelligence of its enactment, and the

king's assent, produced great excitement; and, as the day on which it

was to go into effect approached, open hostility became more and more

manifest. Party spirit, at that time, was peculiarly rancorous in

Pennsylvania, and the political opposers of Dr. Franklin asserted that

he was in favor of the odious act. The fact that he had procured the

office of stamp-master for Philadelphia for his friend John Hughes (as

he did for Ingersoll of Connecticut), gave a coloring of truth to the

charge, and his family and property were menaced with injury. * He was

lampooned by caricatures ** and placards; but they had little effect

upon the great mass of the people, by whom he was admired and confided

in.

The store-keepers of Philadelphia resolved to cease importing British

goods while the Stamp Act was in force; the people resolved to abstain

from mutton, so that wool for the purpose of domestic manufacture might

be increased; and among other resolves concerning frugality in living,

they determined to restrain the usual expenses of funerals. Benjamin

Price, Esq., was buried in an oaken coffin and iron handles; and

Alderman Plumstead was conveyed to the grave without a pall or

mourning-dresses. When the commission for Hughes and the stamps arrived,

all the bells were muffled and tolled; the colors were hoisted half

mast, and signs of a popular outbreak appeared. The house of Hughes was

guarded by his friends; but the current of popular feeling ran so high

and menacing that he resigned his office. As in New York, the odious act

was printed and hawked about the streets, headed _The Folly of England,

and the Ruin of America_. *** The newspaper of William Bradford, ****

the leading printer in Philadelphia, teemed with denunciations of the

act; and on the

* His wife, in a letter written on the 22d of September! 1765, from

"near Philadelphia," informs him that a mob was talked of; that several

houses were indicated for destruction; and that she was advised to

remove to Burlington for safety. "It is Mr. S. S." she said, "that is

setting the people mad, by telling them that it was you that had planned

the Stamp Act, and that you are endeavoring to get the Test Act brought

over here." The courageous woman declared she would not stir from her

dwelling, and she remained throughout the election (the immediate cause

of excitement at that time) unharmed.

** In one of these, called The Medley, Franklin is represented among the

electors, accompanied by the Devil, who is whispering in his ear,

"Thee shall be agent, Ben, for all my realm." In another part of the

caricature is the following verse:

"All his designs concenter in himself,

For building castles and amassing pelf.

The public! 'tis his wit to sell for gain,

Whom private property did ne'er maintain."

*** Watson's Annals of Philadelphia, ii., 271.

**** William Bradford was a grandson of William Bradford, the first

printer who settled in the colony. * He went to England in 1741, and the

next year returned with printing materials and books. In December, 1742,

he published the first number of the Pennsylvania Journal, which was

continued until about the close of the century, when his son Thomas, who

was his business partner, changed its name to the True American. While

carrying on the printing business, he opened, in 1754, at the corner

of Market and Front Streets, "The London Coffee-house," and in 1762

a marine insurance office, with Mr. Kydd. His republican bias was

manifested during the Stamp Act excitement; and when the war of the

Revolution began, he joined the Pennsylvania militia. As a major and

colonel, he fought in the battles of Trenton and Princeton, and was

at Fort Mifflin, below Philadelphia, when it was attacked. After the

British army left Philadelphia, he returned with a broken constitution

and a shattered fortune. A short time before his death, a paralytic

shock gave him warning of its approach. To his children he said, "Though

I bequeath you no estate, I leave you in the enjoyment of liberty." He

died on the 25th of September, 1791, aged seventy-two years.

* His son, Andrew, was also a printer, and carried on business in

Philadelphia after his father had retired to New York on a pension

from government of sixty pounds a year. In a poetic effusion printed by

Keimer, the first employer of Dr. Franklin, in 1731, is the following

allusion to the Bradfords:

"In Penn's wooden country type feels no disaster,

The printers grow rich; one is made their postmaster.

His father, a printer, is paid for his work,

And wallows in plenty, just now, in New York.

Though quite past his labor, and old as my gran'mum,

The government pays him pounds sixty per annum."

[[[The Pennsylvania Journal.--Repeal of the Stamp

Act.--Rejoicings.--Dickenson's Letters.]]]

{259}day preceding the one in which the law was to go in force, it

contained the emblematic head and "doleful" communication seen in the

engraving. *

[Illustration: 0267]

The repeal of the Stamp Act the following year produced great rejoicing

in Philadelphia. The intelligence of the repeal was brought by Captain

Wise. He was invited to drink punch at the Coffee-house, ** where a

gold-laced hat was given him, and presents were distributed among his

crew. The punch was made common; and many of the "first men played

hob-and-nob over their glasses with sailors and common people." The city

was brilliantly illuminated at night; a large quantity of wood was given

for bonfires; many barrels of beer were distributed among the populace;

and the next day the governor and mayoralty gave a feast to three

hundred persons at the State House gallery. At that feast it was

unanimously resolved by those present to dress themselves, at the

approaching birth-day of the king, in new suits of English manufacture,

and to give their homespun garments to the poor. The anniversary of the

king's birth-day, in June, was also celebrated with great displays

of joy and loyalty; and the people, in the plenitude of their good

feelings, did not heed the advice of Franklin and Richard Penn, "not to

exult as at a great victory."

When the British Parliament devised other schemes for taxing the

Americans, Pennsylvania, like Massachusetts and all the other colonies,

was aroused, and the rights of the American people were every where

freely discussed. John Dickenson sent forth his powerful "Letters of a

Pennsylvania Farmer," *** and the circular letter from Massachusetts,

recapitu-

* This is one third the size of the original, and gives a fac simile, in

appearance, of the device.

** The London Coffee-house, established, as we have seen, by William

Bradford ten years before, on the corner of Front and Market Streets,

was the daily resort of the governor and other public functionaries, and

there vendues were generally held. John Pemberton, a Quaker, owned the

house in 1780; and in his lease to Gifford Dally, he stipulated that

swearing should be discouraged there, and that the house should be

closed on "the first day of the week.'" This would be an excellent

clause in like leases at the present day.

*** See page 476, vol. i

[[[Firmness of Pennsylvania.--Tea Ships.--Destruction of Tea at

Greenwich.--Revolutionary Movements.]]]

{260}lating arguments against taxation, was received with loud acclaim.

Alarmed at the progress of opposition in the colonies, Hillsborough, the

colonial secretary, sent forth his countervailing circulars. Governor

Penn was instructed to enjoin the Assembly to regard the Massachusetts

circular as seditious and of a dangerous tendency, and to prorogue the

Assembly if they should countenance it. The Assembly, firm in the right

cause, practically asserted their privilege to correspond with the other

colonies, and they heartily seconded the proposition of Virginia for

a union of the provinces in a respectful petition to the king for a

redress of grievances. Leagues, non-importation agreements, committees

of correspondence, and other revolutionary machinery, such as were

zealously engaged in New England, were equally active in Pennsylvania;

and when the British government poured all its wrath upon Massachusetts,

Pennsylvania, in word and deed, stood up as the bold champion and

sympathizing friend of the New Englanders. Its course was more temperate

than its sister colony, but not less firm. While a convention at

Philadelphia recommended the people of Boston to try all lenient

measures for relief, they assured them that "the people of Pennsylvania

would continue firmly to adhere to the cause of American liberty."

In December, 1773, two of the "detested tea-ships" sailed up the

Delaware as far as Gloucester Point. There they were ordered to anchor,

and to proceed no further, at their peril. The authority acting on the

occasion was a committee from a meeting of full eight thousand persons,

then congregated in the State House yard. They allowed the captain

of one of the ships (the Polly) to go up to the city and witness the

manifested feelings of the people, by which he might determine which was

the wiser course to pursue, to persist in landing the tea, or to

weigh anchor for Europe. He chose the latter, and in the mean time

the consignees of the tea were all forced to resign. In November, the

following year, the brig Greyhound, bound to Philadelphia with a cargo

of tea, landed at Greenwich, on the Jersey shore. There the cargo was

discharged, and placed in the cellar of a house standing in front of the

market grounds. On the evening of the 22d, about fifty men, disguised

as Indians, took the chests from the cellar, piled them in a neighboring

field, and burned them. Suits were brought against some of the leading

young men who were engaged in this transaction, but the war breaking

out, and courts of justice being abolished or suspended, they were

abandoned. *

On the 18th of June, 1774, another meeting of at least eight thousand

persons convened in Philadelphia. The governor had been requested to

call a special session of the Assembly, but refused. ** John Dickenson

and Thomas Willing were appointed chairmen of the meeting: the whole

proceedings were revolutionary. They recommended a Continental Congress;

formed a committee to correspond with the counties and with the other

colonies in relation to the appointment of deputies to a general

Congress, and to solicit subscriptions for the sufferers at Boston. A

convention of deputies from all parts of the province was recommended,

and, as peaceably as it convened, the mass meeting adjourned.

[[1774]] A meeting of deputies from the several counties was held on the

15th of July, in which the kindred sentiments of loyalty and patriotism

glowed with intensity. They resolved "that they owed allegiance to

George the Third; that they ardently desired the restoration of their

ancient harmony with the mother country on the principles of the

Constitution; that the inhabitants of the colonies were entitled to the

same rights and liberties

* The following are the names of the leading young men who composed

this New Jersey Tea-party: Dr. Ebenezer Elmer, Richard Howell (afterward

major in the army and governor of the state), David Pierson, Stephen

Pierson, Silas Whitecar, Timothy Elmer, Rev. Andrew Hunter, Rev. Philip

Fithian, Alexander Moore, Jr., Clarence Parvin, John Hunt, James Hunt,

Lewis Howell, Henry Starks, James Ewing, father of the late chief

justice of New Jersey, Dr. Thomas Ewing, Josiah Seeley, and Joel

Fithian.

** In 1771 Governor John Penn returned to England, leaving executive

affairs in the hands of Andrew Hamilton, the president of the council.

In the autumn of that year, Richard Penn, a younger brother of John,

arrived with credentials as lieutenant governor. He held the office

until September, 1773, when John Penn returned, and resumed the reins of

government. It was during the latter part of the first administration of

John Penn, and those of Hamilton and Richard Penn, that the hostilities

in the Valley of Wyoming occurred, of which we have written in the first

volume.

[[[Members of Assembly instructed.--Quakers Opposed to the

Revolution.--"Testimony" of their Yearly Meeting in 1775.]]]

{261}within the colonies as subjects born in England were entitled to

within that realm, and that the right of representation in the British

Parliament was implied by the asserted power of the government to tax

them." The convention also adopted a series of instructions for the

Assembly about to convene, in which, in the strongest terms, colonial

rights were asserted. These were from the pen of John Dickenson, and,

though loyal in spirit, they were firm in resistance to the arm of

oppression. * When the Assembly met, these instructions were regarded as

binding, and were faithfully carried out. Joseph Galloway (who afterward

became a Tory), the speaker of the Assembly, Samuel Rhoades, Thomas

Mifflin, Charles Humphries, John Morton, George R-oss, Edward Biddle,

and subsequently John Dickenson, were appointed delegates to represent

Pennsylvania in the Continental [[July 22, 1774]] Congress, to assemble

in Philadelphia in September following.

We have seen that, from the founding of Pennsylvania, the Quakers held a

commanding social and political influence in the commonwealth.

Although this influence was much diminished at the commencement of the

Revolution, a large influx of Germans and adventurers from New England

having populated extensive districts of the province, their principles,

precepts, and practices had great weight with the public mind. They had

generally taken affirmative ground in the popular peaceable measures

adopted to procure redress of political grievances, and warmly approved

of the conduct of the first Continental Congress; but when an appeal to

arms became an apparent necessity, and the tendency of action in

popular conventions and legislative assemblies pointed to that dreadful

alternative, their love of order, and their principles of non-resistance

by force of arms, positively enjoined in their "Discipline," made them

pause. They held extra and protracted meetings, even till after

night, to determine what to do. There was a spirit abroad favorable

to enforcing a compliance with the letter of the American Association

recommended by the first Congress--an association designed to draw,

in strong lines of demarcation, the separation between the friends of

Congress and the friends of the king. To this spirit the Quakers were

opposed, because it usurped the dearest prerogatives of conscience,

and pronounced the exercise of honest opinions to be a political

misdemeanor. They not only paused, but cast the weight of their

influence into the scale of royalty, believing it to be the guardian of

law and order.

While a Provincial Convention was in session in Philadelphia, in which

the elo[[May, 1775]]quence of Thomas Mifflin, a young Quaker, was

urging his countrymen to a resort to arms, his sect, not sharing his

enthusiasm, were holding their yearly meeting in the same city. That

meeting, swayed in its opinions and action by James Pemberton, one of

the most prominent and sound men of his day, put forth its "Testimony,"

in which the members of the society were exhorted to withhold all

countenance from every measure "tending to break off' the happy

connection of the colonies with the mother country, or to interrupt

their just subordination to the king." ** From that time until the close

of the war, the

* "Honor, justice, and humanity," they said, "call upon us to hold,

and to transmit to posterity, that liberty which we received from our

ancestors. It is not our duty to leave our wealth to our children, but

it is our duty to leave liberty to them. No infamy, iniquity, or cruelty

can exceed our own, if we, born and educated in a country of freedom,

entitled to its blessings, and knowing their value, pusillanimonsly

deserting the post assigned us by Divine Providence, surrender

succeeding generations to a condition of wretchedness from which no

human efforts, in all probability, will be sufficient to extricate them,

the experience of all states mercifully demonstrating to us that, when

arbitrary power has been established over them, even the wisest and

bravest nations that ever flourished have, in a few years, degenerated

into abject and wretched vassals. To us, therefore, it appears, at this

alarming period, our duty to God, to our country, to ourselves, and to

our posterity, to exert our utmost ability in promoting and establishing

harmony between Great Britain and these colonies on a constitutional

foundation."

** The following is a copy of that document, taken from the Pennsylvania

Evening Post, No. 402: The TESTIMONY of the people called, Quakers,

given forth by a meeting of the Representatives of said people in

Pennsylvania and New Jersey, held at Philadelphia the twenty-fourth

day of the first month, 1775: Having considered, with real sorrow, the

unhappy contest between the Legislature of Great Britain and the people

of these colonies, and the animosities consequent thereon, we have, by

repeated public advices and private admonitions, used our endeavors

to dissuade the members of our religious soeiety from joining with the

public resolutions promoted and entered into by some of the people,

which, as we apprehended, so we now find, have increased contention, and

produced great discord and confusion. The Divine Principle of grace and

truth which we profess leads all who attend to its dictates to demean

themselves as peaceable subjects, and to discountenance and avoid

every measure tending to excite disaffection to the king as supreme

magistrate, or to the legal authority of his government, to which

purpose many of the late political writings and addresses to the people

appearing to be calculated, we are led by a sense of duty to declare our

entire disapprobation of them, their spirit and temper being not only

contrary to the nature and precepts of the Gospel, but destructive of

the peace and harmony of civil society, disqualifies men, in these times

of difficulty, for the wise and judicious consideration and promoting of

such measures as would be most effectual for reconciling differences

or obtaining the redress of grievances. From our past experience of the

clemency of the king and his royal ancestors, we have ground to hope and

believe that decent and respectful addresses from those who are vested

with legal authority, representing the prevailing dissatisfactions and

the cause of them, would avail toward obtaining relief, ascertaining

and establishing the just rights of the people, and restoring the public

tranquillity; and we deeply lament that contrary modes of proceeding

have been pursued, which have involved the colonies in confusion, appear

likely to produce violence and bloodshed, and threaten the subversion of

the Constitutional government, and of that liberty of conscience for the

enjoyment of which our ancestors were induced to encounter the manifold

dangers and difficulties of crossing the seas and of settling in the

wilderness. We are therefore incited, by a sincere concern for the peace

and welfare of our country, publicly to declare against every usurpation

of power and authority in opposition to the laws and government, and

against all combinations, insurrections, conspiracies, and illegal

assemblies; and as we are restrained from them by the conscientious

discharge of our duty to Almighty God, "by whom kings reign and princes

decree justice," we hope, through his assistance and favor, to be

enabled to maintain our testimony against any requisitions which may be

made of us, inconsistent with our religious principles and the fidelity

we owe to the king and his government, as by law established; earnestly

desiring the restoration of that harmony and concord which have

heretofore united the people of these provinces, and been attended by

the Divine blessing on their labors. Signed in and on behalf of the said

meeting, James Pemberton, Clerk at this time.

** This Testimony gave offense to many Friends in Philadelphia who were

favorable to the patriots. Some left, and formed a separate meeting.

They built themselves a brick meeting-house at the southwest corner of

Fifth and Arch Streets; and others so far seceded as to form a military

company, under Captain Humphreys, which they called The Quaker Company.

[[[James Pemberton and others sent to Virginia.--Arrest and Removal of

Governor Penn and Chief-justice Chew.]]]

{262}Quakers, as a body, were friends of the king, though generally

passive, so far as public observation could determine. But in secret,

and through their "testimonies," they gave "aid and comfort to the

enemy."

[Illustration: 9270]

To such an extent did they exert their influence against the patriots,

that Congress thought it proper to recommend the executives of the

several states to keep a watch upon their movements. That body also

earnestly recommended the supreme executive council of Pennsylvania to

apprehend and secure the persons of eleven of the leading Quakers

of Philadelphia. * Among these was August 23, James Pemberton, whose

likeness is here given. He[[August 28, 1777]] remained two years in

Virginia, where he wrote a journal, a portion of which is published in

the "_Friends' Miscellany_," vol. vii.

Unlike other Tories, the Quakers were so passive that little positive

evidence of their acting against the patriots could be

* The reason given for this measure by Congress was, "that when the

enemy, in the month of December, 1776. were bending their progress

toward the city of Philadelphia, a certain seditious publication,

addressed "To our friends and brethren in religious profession in these

and the adjacent provinces," signed John Pemberton, in and on behalf of

the meeting of sufferings, held at Philadelphia, for Pennsylvania and

New Jersey, the 26th of the 12th month, 1776," was published, and, as

your committee is credibly informed, circulated among many members of

the society called Quakers, throughout the different states." The

paper originated in Philadelphia, and Joshua Fisher. Abel James, James

Pemberton, Henry Drinker, Israel Pemberton. John Pemberton, John James,

Samuel Pleasants, Thomas Wharton, senior, Thomas Fisher, and Samuel

Fisher, of that city, leading members of the society, were banished to

Fredericksburg, in Virginia. The Board of War was also instructed to

remove the Honorable John Penn, the governor, and Benjamin Chew, the

chief justice of Pennsylvania, thither, for safe custody.--See Journals

of Congress, iii., 290. The papers and records of the yearly meeting

of the Quakers of New Jersey and Pennsylvania, which were captured by

Sullivan, in an expedition against the Loyalist regiments living on

Staten Island, opposite Perth Amboy, gave Congress the first positive

proof of the general disaffection of the sect.

[[[Execution of Roberta and Carlisle.--Justice of their

Punishment.--Carpenters' Hall.]]]

{263}obtained; and very few of them, suffering from confiscation of

property or other penalties, became refugees at the close of the war.

John Egberts and Abraham Carlisle, of Philadelphia, members of this

sect, suffered death at the hands of the Whigs, in November, 1778.

[Illustration: 9271]

This act has been cited a hundred times as evidence against the claims

to the exercise of uniform humanity on the part of the patriots, and

magnified into a foul murder, justified by no plea of public expediency.

The facts prove otherwise; for if it was ever expedient to take the life

of a dangerous citizen, then Roberts and Carlisle suffered justly. While

they abstained from open hostility to the Revolutionary government, and

refused to bear arms for the king, they gave secret aid, far more potent

to the enemies of liberty. They were employed by Joseph Galloway and

his loyal friends as secret agents in detecting foes to the government.

While Howe had possession of Philadelphia, Carlisle granted permissions

to pass the lines, watched at the entrance of the city to point out

obnoxious persons coming from the country, and many were arrested

and cast into prison on his bare suggestion.. Under the meek garb and

demeanor of the Quaker was a Torquemada, exercising the functions of

an inquisitor general. When Howe ordered a detachment, under

Lieutenant-colonel Abercrombie, to go out upon the Frankford road, and

fall upon a party of American militia, who, he was informed, were lying

in the woods, Egberts and Carlisle, who would not _bear arms_ for the

wealth of the Indies, acted as guides in conducting Abercrombie to the

massacre of their countrymen. According to the rules of war and of state

policy, their execution was expedient and salutary in effect. It was

a subject for bitter vituperation on the part of the Tories, and even

those who would fain have saved them from death were charged with

dishonorable motives. "Governor Livingston went to Philadelphia," wrote

John Potts to Joseph Galloway, "and urged his endeavors to prevail on

the banditti in power there to save Roberts and Carlisle, not from

any principle of honor or conscience--you know him too well--but from

motives, as he thought, of policy." I think it may be safely asserted

that where one Tory lost his life at the hands of the Whigs during the

Revolution, fifty Whigs were slain in cold blood by the Tories. The

reason is obvious--a heart warmed with love of country is benevolent and

humane; its active opposers may fairly be presumed to be mercenary, and

consequently cruel.

The supper-bell has rung; let us close the chronicle for to-night, and

in the morning go out in search of localities made memorable by events

connected with our war for independence.

On Monday morning I visited [[November 27, 1848]]Carpenters' Hall, the

building in which the first Continental Congress held its brief session.

Having had no intimation concerning its appearance, condition, and

present use, and informed that it was situated in "Carpenters' Court,"

imagination had invested its exterior with dignity, its interior with

solemn grandeur, and its location a spacious area, where nothing "common

or unclean" was permitted to dwell. How often the hoof of Pegasus

touches the leafless tree-tops of sober prose when his rider supposes

him to be at his highest altitude! How often the rainbow of imagination

fades, and leaves to the eye nothing but the forbidding aspect of a

cloud of plain reality! So at this time. The spacious court was but a

short and narrow

* This building is constructed of small imported bricks, each alternate

one glazed, and darker than the other, giving it a checkered appearance.

Many of the old houses of Philadelphia were built of like materials.

It was originally erected for the hall of meeting for the society of

house-carpenters of Philadelphia. It stands at the end of an alley

leading south from Chestnut Street, between Third and Fourth Streets.

[[[Desecration of Carpenters' Hall.--Congress Hall.--Prevalence of a

Desire for Union.]]]

{264}alley; and the _Hall_, consecrated by the holiest associations

which cluster around the birthtime of our republic, was a small

two-story building, of somber aspect, with a short steeple, and all of a

dingy hue. I tried hard to conceive the apparition upon its front to

be a classic frieze, with rich historic triglyphs; but it would not do.

Vision was too "lynx-eyed," and I could make nothing more poetic of it

than an array of impudent letters spelling the words=

````C. J. WOLBERT & CO., AUCTIONEERS

````FOR THE SALE OF

````Real Estate and Stocks,

````Fancy Goods,

````Horses, Vehicles, and Harness.

[Illustration: 8272]

What a desecration! Covering the façade of the very Temple of Freedom

with the placards of groveling mammon! If sensibility is shocked with

this outward pollution, it is overwhelmed with indignant shame on

entering the hall where that august assembly of men--the godfathers of

our republic--convened to stand as sponsors at the baptism of infant

American Liberty, to find it filled with every species of merchandise,

and the walls which once echoed the eloquent words of Henry, Lee, and

the Adamses, reverberating with the clatter of the auctioneer's voice

and hammer. Is there not patriotism strong enough and bold enough in

Philadelphia to enter this temple and cast out all them that buy and

sell, and overthrow the table of the money-changers?"

The hall in which Congress met is upon the lower floor, and comprehends

the whole area of the building. It is about forty-five feet square, with

a recess in the rear twenty-five feet wide and about twelve feet deep,

at the entrance of which are two pillars, eighteen feet high. The second

story contains smaller apartments which were used by Congress, and

occupied by the society as committee rooms. In one of these, emptied of

all merchandise except a wash-tub and a rush-bottomed chair, let us sit

down and consider the events connected with that first great Continental

Council.

We have already, in former chapters, considered the causes which

awakened a desire in the colonies for a political union, and which

impelled them to resistance. For many years a strong sympathy had

existed between the several colonies, and injuries done to one, either

by the aggressions of the French and Indians, or the unkind hand of

their common mother, touched the feelings of all the others, and drew

out responsive words and acts which denoted an already strong bond

of unity. Widely separated as some of them were from each other by

geographical distance, and diversity of interest and pursuits, there

were, nevertheless, political, social, and commercial considerations

which made the Anglo-Americans really one people, having common

interests and common hopes. Called upon as free subjects of Great

Britain to relinquish, theoretically and practically, some of the

dearest prerogatives guaranteed to them by Magna Charta and hoary

custom--prerogatives, in which were enveloped the most precious kernels

of civil liberty--they arose as one family to resist the insidious

[[[First Movements toward a General Congress.--Election of

Delegates.--Names of the Representatives of each Colony.]]]

{265}progress of on-coming despotism, and yearned for union to give

themselves strength commensurate to the task. Leading minds in every

colony perceived the necessity for a general council, and in the spring

of 1774, the great heart of Anglo-America seemed to beat as with one

pulsation with this sublime idea. That idea found voice and expression

almost simultaneously throughout the land. Rhode Island has the

distinguished honor of first speaking out publicly on the subject. A

general Congress was proposed at a town meeting in Providence on the

17th of May, 1774. A committee of a town meeting held in Philadelphia on

the 21st, four days afterward, also recommended such a measure; and on

the 23d, a town meeting in New York city uttered the same sentiment. The

House of Burgesses of Virginia, dissolved by Lord Dunmore, assembled at

the Raleigh Tavern, * in Williams-burgh, on the 27th, and on that day

warmly recommended the assembling of a national council; and Baltimore,

in county meeting, also took action in favor of it on the 31st. On the

6th of June, a town meeting at Norwich. Connecticut, proposed a general

Congress; on the 11th, a county meeting at Newark, New Jersey, did the

same; on the 17th, the Massachusetts Assembly, and, at the same time,

a town meeting in Faneuil Hall, in Boston, strenuously recommended the

measure; and a county meeting at New Castle, Delaware, approved of it

on the 29th. On the 6th of July, the committee of correspondence at

Portsmouth, New Hampshire, expressed its approbation of the measure.

A general province meeting, held at Charleston, South Carolina, on the

6th, 7th, and 8th of that month, urged the necessity of such a Congress;

and a district meeting at Wilmington, North Carolina, held on the 21st,

heartily responded affirmatively. Thus we perceive that, within the

space of sixty-four days, twelve of the thirteen colonies spoke out

decidedly in favor of a Continental Congress, Georgia alone remaining

silent. ** The Massachusetts Assembly designated the 1st of September,

1774, as the time, and Philadelphia as the place for the meeting of

the Congress. *** Other colonies acquiesced, and at Philadelphia the

delegates convened.=

```"Now meet the fathers of this western clime,

````Nor names more noble graced the roll of Fame.

```When Spartan firmness braved the wrecks of time.

````Or Rome's bold virtues fann'd the heroic flame.=

```"Not deeper thought th' immortal sage inspired

````On Solon's lips, when Grecian senates hung;

```Nor manlier eloquence the bosom fired,

````When genius thunder'd from the Athenian tongue."

`````Trumbull.**** =

On Monday, the 5th of September, fifty-four delegates, from twelve

colonies, assembled in Carpenters' Hall. (v) It was a congregation of

men, viewed in every important aspect,

* A drawing of the Raleigh Tavern, and also of the Apollo Room, in whieh

the Assembly met, will be found in another part of this work.

** Connecticut elected its delegates on the 3d of June; Massachusetts

on the 17th; Maryland on the 22d; New Hampshire on the 21st of July;

Pennsylvania on the 22d; New Jersey on the 23d; New York on the 25th;

Delaware on the 1st of August; Virginia on the same day; South Carolina

on the 2d; Rhode Island on the 10th; and North Carolina on the 25th.

*** See pages 510, 511, vol. i.

**** The author of M'Fingal. These lines are from his Elegy on the

Times, published while this first Congress was in session.

* (v) The following are the names of the members who composed the first

Continental Congress:

New Hampshire.--John Sullivan, Nathaniel Folsom.

Massachusetts.--Thomas Cushing, Samuel Adams, John Adams,

Robert Treat Paine.

Rhode Island and Providence Plantations.--Stephen Hopkins,

Samuel Ward.

Connecticut.--Eliphalet Dyer, Roger Sherman, Silas Deane..

New York.--James Duane, John Jay, Isaac Low, John Alsop,

William Floyd, Philip Livingston, Henry Wisner.

New Jersey.--James Kinsey, Stephen Crane, William

Livingston, Richard Smith, John De Hart.

Pennsylvania.--Joseph Galloway, John Morton, Charles

Humphreys, Thomas Mifflin, Samuel Rhodes, Edward Biddle,

George Ross, John Dickenson.

Delaware.--Cæsar Rodney, Thomas M'Ivean, George Read.

Maryland.--Robert Goldsborough, Samuel Chase, Thomas

Johnson, Matthew Tilghman, William Pann.

Virginia.--Peyton Randolph, Richard Henry Lee, George

Washington, Patrick Henry, Richard Bland, Benjamin Harrison,

Edmund Pendleton.

North Carolina.--William Hooper, Joseph Hughes, Richard

Caswell.

South Carolina.--Henry Middleton, John Rutledge, Thomas

Lynch, Christopher Gadsden, Edward Rutledge.

[[[Character of the first Continental Congress.--Its

Organization.--Peyton Randolph.--Charles Thomson.]]]

{266}such as the world had never seen. "For a long time," says the

eloquent Charles Botta, "no spectacle had been offered to the attention

of mankind of so powerful an interest as this of the present American

Congress. It was, indeed, a novel thing, and, as it were, miraculous,

that a nation hitherto almost unknown to the people of Europe, or only

known by the commerce it occasionally exercised in their ports, should,

all at once, step forth from this state of oblivion, and, rousing as

from a long slumber, should seize the reins to govern itself; that

the various parts of this nation, hitherto disjointed, and almost in

opposition to each other, should now be united in one body, and moved by

a single will; that their long and habitual obedience should be suddenly

changed for the intrepid counsels of resistance, and of open defiance to

the formidable nation whence they derived their origin and laws. *

The men who composed that first Congress were possessed of the purest

minds, the loftiest and most disinterested patriotism, and moral

characters without spot or blemish. Instinctively the people had turned

to their _best men_ for counsel and action when the crisis arrived; and

the representatives there assembled composed the flower of the American

colonies. "There is in the Congress," wrote John Adams, "a collection of

the greatest men upon this continent in point of abilities, virtues,

and fortunes." The sectional factions and personal ambitions, which

afterward disturbed the harmony and injured the character of the

Continental Congress, ** had no tangible shape in this first Assembly.

They felt, with all the solemnity of wise and virtuous men, the weight

of the momentous responsibility resting upon them. They knew that toward

them all eyes were turned, all hearts were drawn; that not only America,

but the whole civilized world, was an interested spectator of their

acts; and that for posterity, more than for cotemporaries, they held a

trust of value infinitely beyond human estimation. Impressed with the

consciousness of such responsibility, the delegates commenced their

labors.

[[September, 1774]] Congress was organized by the choice of Peyton

Randolph, *** of Virginia, as president, and Charles Thomson, **** of

Pennsylvania, as secretary. The credentials of

* Otis's Botta, i 128.

** In the opinion of Charles Thomson, who was Secretary of Congress for

fifteen consecutive years, no subsequent national Assembly during the

war could compare with the first in point of talent and purity. He

represents the Congress that sat at York, in Pennsylvania, while

Washington and his army were suffering at Valley Forge, as a body of

weak men compared to former delegations. It was in that Congress that

a faction favored the scheme for making Gates commander-in-ehief of the

army in place of Washington.

*** Peyton Randolph was a native of Virginia, descended from one of

its oldest and most respected families. Like other young men of the

aristocracy, he was educated in England. He chose the profession of the

law, and sueh were his talents that he was appointed attorney-general of

the province in 1756, at the age of twenty-seven years. In that year he

engaged, with one hundred gentlemen, to band as volunteers, and march

against the Indians on their Western frontiers. He was for some years

a member of the House of Burgesses of Virginia, and was at one time

its speaker. He was one of the delegates from Virginia in the first

Continental Congress, presided over that body with dignity, and was

elected to the presidential chair by the second Congress, the following

year. On account of ill health, he was obliged to resign his station on

the 24th of May, 1775, and return to Virginia. He afterward resumed his

seat in Congress. He died at Philadelphia, of apoplexy, on the 22d of

October, 1775, aged fifty-two years. The accompanying likeness of Mr.

Randolph I copied from a miniature by Charles Wilson Peale, in the

possession of his son, Titian R. Peale, Esq., of Washington City.

The original portrait from life, painted by Peale, is in the Congress

library; the miniature is a copy by the same artist. Mr. Randolph was a

Free-mason; the scarf seen across his breast is a part of the regalia of

a grand master. The portrait was painted for a lodge of the fraternity.

**** Charles Thomson was born in Ireland, in 1730, and came to Ameriea,

with his three elder brothers, in 1741. They landed at New Castle,

Delaware, with no other dependence than their industry. He was educated

by Dr. Allison, the tutor of several of the signers of the Declaration

of Independence. He was afterward a teacher at the Friends' Academy, at

New Castle. From thence he went to Philadelphia, where he obtained the

advice and lasting friendship of Dr. Franklin. He was called to the

responsible duty of keeping the minutes of the proceedings of the first

Continental Congress in 1774, and from that time until he resigned his

offiee, in 1789, he was the sole secretary of that body. He married

Hannah Harrison, the aunt of General Harrison, late President of the

United States. Mr. Thomson died at Lower Merion, Montgomery county,

Pennsylvania, August 16, 1824, aged ninety-four years. The likeness of

Secretary Thomson here given I copied from a portrait painted from life

by Charles Wilson Peale, and in the present possession of P. T. Barnum,

Esq., of New York. It agrees with the description of him given by the

Abbé Robin, who was attached to Rochambeau's staff. Alluding to those

who paid their respects to Roehambeau when he was in Philadelphia, he

says: "Among others, Charles Thomson, secretary of Congress, the soul of

that political body, came also to receive and present his compliments.

His meager figure, furrowed countenance, his hollow, sparkling eyes, his

white, straight hair, that did not hang quite so low as his ears, fixed

our thorough attention and filled us with surprise and admiration."

[[[Opening of the first Continental Congress.--Patrick Henry.--The First

Prayer in Congress.]]]

{267}the various delegates were then presented, and now came a pause;

who should take the lead? what measure should be first proposed?

They had come together from distant provinces, some instructed by the

power that appointed them, others left free to act as circumstances

should require.

[Illustration: 8275]

There was a profound silence, and deep anxiety was depicted upon every

countenance. No one seemed willing to break that silence, until a

grave-looking member, in a plain, is it?" A few, who knew the stranger,

answered, There was no more hesitation; he who startled the people of

colonial America, nine years before, by his bold resolutions against the

Stamp Act, and, a few months afterward, by the cry of "Give me liberty

or give me death!" now gave the impulse to the representatives of that

people in grand council assembled, and set in motion that machinery of

civil power which worked so nobly while Washington and his compatriots

were waging war with the enemy in the field.

[Illustration: 9275]

Two days afterward, another im-[[September 7.]] impressive scene

occurred. It was the _first prayer in Congress_, offered up by the

Reverend Mr. Duché. ** The first day had been occupied in the reception

of credentials and the arrangement of business; the second, in the

adoption of rules for the regulation of the session; and now, when about

to enter upon the general business for which they were convened, the

delegates publicly sought Divine aid. It was a spectacle of great

interest, for men of every creed dark suit of "minister's gray" and

unpowdered wig, arose. "Then," said Bishop White, who was present,

and related the circumstance, "I felt a regret that a seeming _country

parson_ should so far have mistaken his talents and the theater for

their display."

[Illustration: 6275]

But his voice was so musical, his words so eloquent, and his sentiments

so profoundly logical, that the whole House was electrified, and the

question went from lip to lip, Who is it? who It is Patrick Henry, of

Virginia!" *** John Adams thus wrote:

"When the Congress met, Mr. Cushing made a motion that it should be

opened with prayer. It was opposed by Mr. Jay", of New York, and Mr.

Rutledge, of South Carolina, because we were so divided in religious

sentiments--some Episcopalians, some Quakers, some Anabaptists, some

Presbyterians, and some Congregationalists--that we could not join in

the same act of worship. Mr. Samuel Adams arose, and said 'that he was

no bigot, and could hear a prayer from any gentleman of piety and virtue

who was at the same time a friend to his country. He was a stranger in

Philadelphia, but had heard that Mr. Duché (Dushay they pronounce it)

deserved that character, and therefore he moved that Mr. Duché, an

Episcopal clergyman, might be desired to read prayers before the

Congress to-morrow morning.' The motion was seconded, and passed in

the affirmative. Mr. Randolph, our president, waited on Mr. Duché,

and received for answer that, if his health would permit, he certainly

would. Accordingly, next morning, he appeared with his clerk, and in

pontificals, and read several prayers in the Established form, and then

read the Psalter for the seventh day of September, a part of which was

the 35th Psalm. You must remember this was the next morning after we

had heard the rumor of the horrible cannonade of Boston. It seemed as if

Heaven had ordained that Psalm to be read on that morning.

"After this, Mr. Duché, unexpectedly to every body, struck out into an

extemporary prayer, which filled the bosom of every man present. I

must confess, I never heard a better prayer, or one so well pronounced.

Episcopalian as he is, Dr. Cooper himself never prayed with such fervor,

such ardor, such correctness, such pathos, and in language so elegant

and sublime, for Congress, for the province of Massachusetts Bay,

especially the town of Boston. It had an excellent effect upon every

body here. I must beg you to read that Psalm. If there is any faith in

the Sortes Virgillianae, or Sortes Homericæ, or especially the Sortes

Biblieæ, it would be thought providential." Bishop White, who was

present, says that Washington was the only member who knelt on that

occasion.

* See Watson's Annals, vol. i., 422. his wife on the 8th of September,

concerning that first prayer in Congress.

[[[Sessions with closed Doors.--Sympathy with

Massachusetts.--Declaration of Rights.--"American Association."--Mr.

Duché.]]]

{268}were there. In this service their creeds were forgotten, and the

hearts of all united in the prayer which flowed from the pastor's

lips; a prayer which came from a then patriot's heart, though timidity

afterward lost him the esteem of his friends and countrymen. *

The Congress resolved to sit with closed doors, for enemies were around

them with open eyes and busy tongues, and nothing was to be made

public without special orders. Having no means at hand to ascertain the

relative importance of the colonies, it was agreed "that each colony or

province should have one vote in determining questions." One of their

first acts was to express an opinion that the whole continent ought

to support Massachusetts in [[ a September 10.]] resistance to the

unconstitutional change in her government; (a) and they afterward

resolved that any person accepting office under the new system ought to

be held in detestation as a public enemy. (b) Merchants were advised to

enter into non-importation agreements;(c) and a letter was addressed to

General Gage, remonstrating against the fortifications on Boston Neck,

and his arbitrary exercise of power. (d) On the 11th of October, a

_Declaration of Colonial Rights_, prepared by a committee of two from

each province, was adopted, in which was set forth the grievances

complained of, and the inalienable rights of British subjects" in every

part of the realm. As a means of enforcing the claim of natural and

delegated rights, fourteen articles were agreed to as the basis of an

_American Association_, pledging the associate's to an entire commercial

non-intercourse with Great Britain, Ireland, and the West Indies, and

the non-consumption of tea and British goods. In one clause the slave

trade was specially denounced, and entire abstinence from it, and from

any trade with those concerned in it, formed a part of the association.

Committees were to be appointed in every county, city, and town, to

detect and punish all violations of it; and all dealings [[October 20.]]

* Mr. Duché was at that time an ardent Whig, but subsequently became an

enemy to his country. He was the son of a Huguenot, who eame to America

with William Penn. In youth he was a good orator, and, after taking

holy orders in England, he became a very popular Episcopal clergyman in

Philadelphia, his native eity. He was appointed chaplain to Congress on

the 9th of July, 1776, but resigned in October. When the British took

possession of Philadelphia, Mr. Duché, alarmed at the gloomy aspect

of affairs, forsook the patriot cause, and, in a letter to Washington,

endeavored to persuade the general to do likewise, and to "represent

to Congress the indispensable necessity of rescinding the hasty and

ill-advised Declaration of Independence." Washington transmitted this

letter to Congress, and Mr. Duché was obliged to leave the country. He

became a preacher in the Lambeth Asylum, where he was greatly respected.

He returned to America in 1790, and died in Philadelphia in 1794, aged

about sixty years. Mr. Duché was a man of much benevolence of character.

He gave the amount of his salary ($150), while chaplain of Congress, to

be distributed among families whose members had been slain in battle.

He married a sister of Francis Hopkinson, one of the signers of the

Declaration of Independence.

** This Declaration of Rights may be found in the Appendix.

[[[State Papers issued by Congress.--Debates. Diversity of

Opinion.--Dartmouth's Circular.--Joseph Galloway.]]]

{269}with such enemies of American liberty were to be immediately broken

off. One hundred and fifty copies of the Articles of Association were

ordered to be printed.

A memorial to the inhabitants of the several British-American colonies,

written by Richard Henry Lee, and an eloquent address to the people of

Great Britain, from the pen of John Jay, were adopted by Congress on the

21st. A petition to the king, drawn [[October, 1774]] by John Dickenson,

was approved of on the 22d. Short letters to the colonies of St.

John's Island (now Prince Edward's, Nova Scotia), Georgia, and the two

Floridas, inclosing the doings of Congress, and inviting them to join

the Association, were also adopted on that day; and on the 26th, the

last day of the session, they approved of an elaborate address to the

inhabitants of Canada. This was drawn up by Mr. Dickenson with his usual

ability. Having made provision for another Congress to meet on the 10th

of May following, * the first general council closed its session by

adopting a second humble petition to the king, and a vote of thanks to

the advocates of colonial rights in both houses of Parliament.

Congress was in actual session only thirty-one days out of the

eight weeks of the term, the remainder of the time being occupied in

preparatory business. It was a session of extraordinary activity, and

a great amount of business of vast importance was transacted,

notwithstanding many unnecessary speeches were evidently made. ** They

were certainly more to the purpose than are most of the harangues in

Congress at the present day, or, considering the diversity of opinion

that must have existed upon the sentiments of the various state papers

that were adopted, the session would have continued for several months.

We have no means of knowing what harmony or what discord characterized

those debates. The doors were closed to the public ear, and no reporters

for the press have preserved the substance of the speeches. That every

resolution adopted was far from receiving a unanimous vote, is very

evident; for we find, by the subsequent declarations and acts of

delegates, that some of the measures were violently opposed. Many

deplored the probability of an open rupture with the mother country, and

refused acquiescence in any measure that should tend to such a result.

Indeed, the sentiments of a large majority of the delegates were

favorable to an honorable reconciliation, and the Congress was

determined not to present the least foundation for a charge of rushing

madly into an unnatural contest without presenting the olive branch

of peace. Such was the tenor of its petitions and addresses; and every

charge of a desire on the part of Congress for a war that might lead

to independence rested solely upon inference. Galloway, *** Duane, and

others, even opposed the American Association;

* The following circular letter was sent to all the royal governors in

America, soon after the proceedings of the Continental Congress were

received in England. It was a "Bull" without horns, and did not alarm

the patriots. "Whitehall, Jan. 4th, 1775. "Certain persons stiling"

(sic) "themselves delegates of his majesty's colonies in America,

having presumed, without his majesty's authority or consent, to assemble

together, at Philadelphia, in the month of September and October last;

and having thought fit, among other unwarrantable proceedings, to

resolve that it will be necessary that another Congress should be

held in this place on the 10th of May next, unless redress for certain

pretended grievances be obtained before that time, and to recommend that

all the colonies in North America should choose deputies to attend such

Congress, I am commanded by the king to signify to you his majesty's

pleasure, that you do use your utmost endeavors to prevent such

appointment of deputies within the colony under your government;

and that you do exhort all persons to desist from such unwarrantable

proceedings, which can not but be highly displeasing to the king. "I am,

sir, your most obedient servant, Dartmouth.

** "Every man in this assembly," wrote John Adams to his wife, "is a

great man, an orator, a critic, a statesman; and therefore every man,

upon every question, must show his oratory, his criticism, his

political abilities. The consequence is, that business is spun out to an

immeasurable length."

*** Joseph Galloway was one of the most popular of the leaders in

Pennsylvania when the war of the Revolution broke out. He was once the

confidential friend of Franklin, and had worked shoulder to shoulder

with him against the proprietaries. He was elected a delegate to the

first Continental Congress. In that body he submitted a plan, as a

measure of accommodation, which seemed quite feasible. It proposed

a union of the colonies, with a grand council authorized to regulate

colonial affairs jointly with the British Parliament, each to have a

mutual negation on each other. * This plan was favorably received, and

on the question of its adoption it was rejected by a majority of only

one. The debates were very warm, and it was on this occasion that Samuel

Adams, regarding the proposition as a concession to tyranny, exclaimed,

"I should advise persisting in our struggle for liberty, though it were

revealed from heaven that nine hundred and ninety-nine were to perish,

and only one of a thousand were to survive and retain his liberty! One

such freeman must possess more virtue and enjoy more happiness than a

thousand slaves; and let him propagate his like, and transmit to them

what he has so nobly preserved." * Before the meeting of the next

Congress, Galloway manifested lukewarmness; and in 1776 he abandoned

the Whigs, and became the most virulent and proscriptive Loyalist of

the time. He joined the royal army in New York, where he continued until

1778, when, accompanied by his only daughter, he went to England.

There he remained until his death in September, 1803, at the age of

seventy-three years. His pen, for many years, was continually employed

in correspondence with Loyalists in America, and upon subjects connected

with the war. The prominent position which he at first held among the

Whigs, and his virulence against them after his defection, made him the

target for many an arrow of indignant wit. Trumbull, in his M'Fingall,

gave him some hard hits; and a writer in the Pennsylvania Journal of

February 5, 1777, thus castigates him with some lines, after saying to

the printer,

"If you think them severe enough, print 'em, egad I''

"Gall'way has fled, and join'd the venal Howe,

To prove his baseness, see him cringe and bow;

A traitor to his country and its laws,

A friend to tyrants and their cursed cause.

Unhappy wretch! thy interest must be sold

For Continental, not for polish'd gold.

To sink the money thou thyself cried down,

And stabb'd thy country to support the crown.

Go to and fro, like Lucifer on earth,

And curse the Being that first gave thee birth.

Away to Scotland and thyself prepare,

Coal dust and brimstone is their only fare;

Fit materials for such Tory blood,

Who wrong their country and deny their God.

There herd with Bute, Mansfield, and his brother;

Bite, twist, sting, and poison one another."

*** Galloway's estate, valued at $200,000, was confiscated by

Pennsylvania. A large part of it was derived from his wife. A

considerable portion was restored to his daughter.

* This plan is printed in Sabine's Lives of the Loyalists, p. 309.

[[[Opinions concerning the Adamses.--Sketch of Galloway's public

Life.--Disposition of his Estate.]]]

{270}and they regarded the Adamses as men not only too much committed

to violent measures by the part they had taken in Boston, but that they

were desperate men, with nothing to lose, and hence unsafe guides to

gentlemen who had estates to forfeit.

[Illustration: 9278]

And yet Galloway, when he became a proscriptive Loyalist, and one of the

most active enemies of the Republicans, was forced to acknowledge the

stern virtues of many of the patriots of that assembly, and among them

Samuel Adams. "He eats little, drinks little, sleeps little, and thinks

much," he said, "and is most indefatigable in the pursuit of his object.

It was this man who, by his superior application, managed at once the

factions in Congress at Philadelphia, and the factions in New England." *

The proceedings of this first Congress went forth to the world with all

the weight of apparent unanimity, and throughout the colonies they were

hailed with general satisfaction. The American Association adopted and

signed by the delegates was regarded by the people with great favor,

and thousands in every province affixed their signatures to the pledge.

These formed the fibers of the stronger bond of the _Articles of

Confederation_ afterward adopted, and may be considered the commencement

of the American Union.

* Galloway's Historical and Political Reflections on the Rise and

Progress of the American Rebellion: London, 1780. In this pamphlet

the writer handles Sir William Howe and other British commanders with

severity.

* Mr. Adams reiterated this sentiment when debating the resolution for

independence twenty months afterward.

** Just before he left Philadelphia he discovered that his daughter

was about to elope with Judge Griffin, who was afterward president of

Congress. This doubtless hastened his departure.

*** Murray, confidential secretary to the Pretender, Prince Charles

Edward.

[[[The State House.--Independence Hall.--Hancock's Chair.--Portraits of

Penn and La Fayette.]]]

{271}

The Pictorial Field-Book of the Revolution, Vol. 2 (of 2) or, Illustrations, by Pen And Pencil, of the History, Biography, Scenery, Relics, and Traditions of the War for Independence · 第 3 / 35 章